[diggers350] Re:BGG
inti ananda
intiananda at yahoo.co.uk
Sun Nov 18 23:35:23 GMT 2007
Obviously its a problem of how it is possible to make meaningful action to try and stem the tide of rampant Capitalism in a country as ULTRA CAPITALIST as the UK where THATCHER and co organised the laws and the economy so as to make revolutionary activity very difficult and so we have been penned into a corner where to stay within the law its necessary to pay for something that should be ours by right... but my point is that rather than accepting that shouldn't we be fighting against that or is that that those prepared to go to the level of rebellion necessary are so few as to be rendered ineffective???
For me it is no kind of rebellion to bow the head and pay up.. people need to be more radical.... For me I don't want to see Sieze the Day play a benefit gig to save the BGG.. the BGG is already LOST because the revolution has already been compromised and people don't understand really how grave the situation on this planet is. THE UK is a REALITY BUBBLE where people prefer to pay up because its easier than go to the extreme of risking their life and their liberty in order to stand up against this souless machine that we call civilization... Those compromises mean that the people are losing battles, they are being defeated just as they were defeated when despite the excellent rebellion against the Poll Tax and later accepted the Council Tax which also enables the uneuqal distribution of resource to continue unabated.
Its OK for those that want to keep going their green corner of the UK or Wales or wherever going and I wouldn't want to disturb the enclaves of alternative thought but we need to face REALITY.. our little corner of our once green and pleasant land with teepees and yurts/round houses or whatever is not going to save us from having to face the overall reality of our country and its actions.... do not kid yourselves, England went down the pan through the many many defeats against the people by the rich and powerful... too numerous to mention and list here suffice it to say that FREEBORN JOHN would turn in his grave to know that the "revolutionaries" of today are reduced to coughing up the facist taxes to stage their watered down Green Gathering at a time when more than ever what we need is something stronger.
If the people don't wake up they will be woken up by the crude reality of what is everyday coming more and more.... BIG CHANGES ON PLANET EARTH so don't put your finger in the hole in the dam when the thing is shattered in two and the tidalwave is about to pour through because you'll be washed away in the flood.
Are you not all falling into the trap of obscuring the revolutionary impulse of the diggers and the TLIO in diplomacies, compromises, laws and other labyrinth like considerations... don't you see that that is precisely what "they" want.. ?
OK, if the people want to cough up and do all the initiatives being offered in Capitalist style to "save the BGG" then do it if you want but once you compromise with the Capitalist Beast its got you in a corner so when later on the tidalwave of reality washes away everything you know don't bleat or cry about it because it will only be a result of what we didn't do now while we still could.
Perhaps it will take some harsh lessons for people to understand.
Meanwhile I will not be contributing because BGG, Sieze the Day etc have SOLD OUT.
Inti.
marksimonbrown <mark at tlio.org.uk> wrote: inti ananda said: Through various means I have received and come to
know of the Big Green Gathering being in trouble financially and was
a little disappointed to learn that the "best response" has been to
get everyone to put hands in pockets and fork out cash to keep the
thing going.
Come on.. wheres the "anti Capitalist" approach in that.
>>> Response: Perhaps the best anti-capitalist response would have
been to not have paid the policing bill last year and gone on with
the festival (scaled down) somewhere else, of course entirely
impractical in the sense of it being a conventional BGG, instead an
entirely different kind of event. But then, maybe a large part of the
problem is that it is a convention the Big Green Gathering has become
accustomed to being. The policing bill was something £120,000 pound
and private security - £250,000 - meaning that the the very nature of
the festival is forced to be capitalist to break even, as pitch costs
are passed on into inflated prices. The ethos of it being a more
participatory event is as it is in the "subsidised" craft/alt tech/
sus homes areas, by all accounts being what it was more like when it
first started (when it was much smaller). It's like one of the main
problems which John Papworth usually goes on about, that the problems
society faces are due mainly to a preoccupation with scale - that big
is beautiful (but that's a huge discussion, so not getting into
that!)
However, I appreciate that what I've just said ain't as simple as all
that as well. As was pointed out to me by someone from BGG management
crew on Indymedia 2 months ago, smaller events require pretty much
the same infrastructure as larger events, in reply to me saying that
there should be smaller regional gatherings around the country, akin
to the widely praised Earth Wise festival of 2005 & 2006. Ref: http://
www.realfestivalmusic.co.uk/earthwise.html
(though it has to be said that, as far as I understand, Earthwise
also struggled with money).
see original comments, at:
http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/09/381245.html?c=on#c181023
M
--- In diggers350 at yahoogroups.com, inti ananda <intiananda at ...> wrote:
>
>
> HELLO ALL,
>
> Through various means I have received and come to know of the Big
Green Gathering being in trouble financially and was a little
disappointed to learn that the "best response" has been to get
everyone to put hands in pockets and fork out cash to keep the thing
going.
>
> Come on.. wheres the "anti Capitalist" approach in that.
>
> Being green or Ecology brings with by very nature the nessesity
of being Anti Capitalist... If the BGG is going bankrupt because the
licence fee that is demanded by the local authorities for the
privelige of getting together in a field and exchanging ideas,
culture etc then THE PEOPLE should be fighting to make the BGG anyway
in protest to the way the vaild concerns of thousands if not millions
are marginalised and turned into one more product that needs to be
regulated by in the end who? Government, big business, banks,
policeforce etc. and if its necessary to squat a field and do it
illegal then why not.
>
> ENGLAND our home is dieing in a mire of apathy and lack of real
fight ---- perhaps we`re all just too middle class.. or maybe as some
supposed famous "revolutionaries" have been to heard to comment..
that we should merely content ourselves with writing to our local MP
and forking out for the licence fee.
>
> Meanwhile around the world in countries like the one I live in
(Colombia) people die daily defending their rights.
>
> Do we not have a duty to stick our necks out just a little bit
and spit in the face of the criminal justice bill... or what
happened?????
>
> LONG LIVE THE ZAPATISTAS!!!!
>
> LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION BOLIVARIANO!!!!
>
> LONG LIVE THE DIGGERS!!!!
>
> best wishes. Inti
>
>
> PS : When you realise the effort and organisation with movements
like the Zapatistas, the Bolivarianos in Venezuela, The Indigenas in
Bolivia where they have and are making significant changes makes you
realise that in our country too many people are too comfortable to
fight....
>
> Hi all,
>
> Everyone should try to read this (below). It is long, but it gives
a really clear understanding of the international organising process
(Zesta International/ Intergalactica) initiated recently by the
Zapatistas (SE Mexico rebel communities) , why it is, and how it is.
It also goes into land struggles globally a bit and explains the
Zapatistas insistence that 'seizing the means of production' (in
their case, land, but also they say hopefully factories etc) is the
most direct means of anti-capitalist struggle. It lastly gives some
idea of what the author thinks 'we' could (or should?) be doing
towards this all.....
>
> Cheers, S.
>
>
> Towards the Intergalactica
> Beyond Networking - Building New Autonomous Global Relations of
Production, Reproduction and Exchange
> by Kolya Abramsky
>
> The Zapatistas have called for a Third Intergalactica to take
place, "from below and to the left". This call follows two previous
Zapatista Intergalacticas, self-organized international gatherings of
several thousand people aimed at weaving a global network of
grassroots struggles. The invitations to participate in these
meetings were humourously extended to participants throughout the
galaxy, hence the name. The first took place in 1996 in Chiapas and
the second in the folowing year in the Spanish State. The first two
Intergalacticas had a profound effect on inspiring, galvanizing and
even giving some organizational form to a major new circulation of
global struggles, which we have witnessed in the last decade. There
are many good reasons to believe that the new process of global
convergence and resistance called for by the Zapatista's 6th
Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, issued through collective
discussion in the Zapatista communities in the summer of 2005, could
have
> a similarly important inspirational and catalytic effect in
creating a space in which the next stages of global resistance can
take shape and collectively organize themselves.
>
> The current call comes at a moment in which two major and opposing
trends are taking shape.
>
> On the one hand, the last 10 years of global struggle and the War
on Terror have provoked a profound loss of legitimacy for established
institutions of power, such as international financial institutions,
multilateral treaties, the nation state in general and its electoral
systems and parties. In particular, the US state and its military
apparatus are suffering a crisis of legitimacy, both beyond and
within the US itself. As the US military fails to secure its war
objectives in the face of Iraqi resistance, the US domestic political
landscape has seen a massive surge in migrant (labor) struggles, and
the first US Social Forum has taken place (as well as deep fissures
evolving within the US military and political elites themselves). In
parallel to this loss of legitimacy of established power, and also in
response, there has been a great flourishing of self organized
efforts to question and resist such power structures, frequently
based on a confrontational approach to power
> rather than lobbying, and also based in principles of autonomy,
diversity and non-hierarchical organizing. And, above all, such
resistance is frequently globally networked, or at least
internationalist in outlook, and often resonates beyond the immediate
locality in which it occurs.
>
> Yet, on the other hand, following on from massive success and
visibility, the global networks are nonetheless seemingly incapable
of slowing and reversing the rapid lurch towards an authoritarian
global politics based on fear, coercion, militarism, racism and
religious fundamentalism, a politics that is not just based on the
whims of maniacal leaders the world over, but is also undeniably
fostering a mass appeal at the expense of and in direct competition
with the mass appeal of more emancipatory visions of social change
based on autonomy, diversity and self-organization. Worryingly,
existing international organizational processes which have played an
important role in the last ten years, such as Peoples' Global Action
and the World Social Forum, seem to be in a form of at least
temporary paralysis, both in terms of immediate activities at the
global level, and also in terms of wider strategic, and long-term,
approaches. Some people, both within and outside of movements,
> have even (boldly, to say the least) declared that the global
movements are dead. Yet, in the midst of the supposed death of the
global anti-capitalist movements, so too the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization also
find themselves in the midst of deep crises, perhaps nearer to their
own deaths than emancipatory movements are themselves ready to
acknowledge, suggesting that rather than being dead, the movements
are actually at a very strong point.
>
> Rather than seeing globally networked anti-capitalist struggles as
dead, perhaps it is more useful to recognize that they have reached
some kind of limit in their ability to move forward, and are finding
it increasingly difficult to go beyond their unexpectedly successful
assaults on major summits of many of global capitalism's key
institutions (as well as large, but less successful, anti-war
protests) in a way that deepens and expands the existing networks in
order to make them functional enough to be able to create alternative
social relations rather than just denouncing existing relations of
power. Perhaps some specific, named organizational processes are
dead. Or, perhaps, they can be revived in a useful way. However,
ultimately, the names which organizational processes take is not
important. What is important is that there is a meaningful process of
global resistance. The organizational names will follow the
struggles, not the other way around.
>
> Given the enormous potential for new global processes that the
current moment offers, it is important that this potential is not
lost and that the process through which the Intergalactica is built
is as solid and meaningful as possible. Importantly, this means that,
despite the fact that time is of the essence, the process should not
be rushed. Rather, it is important that it takes shape at the pace
necessary to enable a broad participation from many different
struggles from around the world.
>
> How can such an invitation be taken up? What obstacles might exist
to realizing such a process?
>
> Anticipating Capital and State power's response to autonomous
global resistance
>
> Historically, capital and state power have responded to popular
resistance through the combined use of 3 major strategies.
>
> Populations have been divided from one another, both within
countries and between countries, in order to prevent unity of
struggle. Especially important has been capital's ability to prevent
global circulation of struggles by maintaining a world-system divided
into nation states. The world-wide division of labor has been
hierarchically structured, based on imposed (and continually
reimposed) divisions based around (especially, but not exclusively)
race, ethnicity and gender hierarchies, as well as those between
waged and unwaged labor. When considering the global division of
labor, certain (minority) sections of the world's population have
been implicated in the exploitation and discrimination of certain
other (majority) sections of the world's population, due to gaining
direct or indirect material rewards from their position in the
hierarchy. Another crucial divide throughout history has been the
citizen/non- citizen divide. Perhaps the most glaring example of this
is the
> so-called post-World War II "welfare state" model which has
provided large sections of the populations in the capitalist center
(especially, but not exclusively, white male unionized workers) with
greatly improved material standards of living at the expense of the
great majority in peripheral countries, as well as people of color
and unwaged (especially women) workers within the core countries
themselves.
>
> The second major strategy employed in response to social struggle
has been cooptation that has integrated struggles, by partially
giving in to certain demands for social, economic and political
reforms while not substantially challenging private ownership and
profit relations, political decision making, and labor control
mechanisms that have defined capitalist (and imperialist,
patriarchal, racist
) social relations. In its most ingenious forms,
especially post-World War II Keynesiansism and Developmentalism, not
only was social struggle bought off, but it was also actually
harnessed so that, safely channeled, protest could actually
contribute to economic growth.
>
> Last, but not least, has been repression. Those resistances which
could not easily be integrated or bought off with reform have simply
been crushed and intimidated out of existence, involving mass
imprisonments, torture, and political murder, as well as war.
>
> These three strategies are not employed in isolation from one
another, but in careful combination. They are implemented with
varying degrees of success (from the point of view of capital and
state power), and never permanently.
>
> In the current context of global resistance we are already in the
whirlwind of these three responses, and this whirlwind is only likely
to intensify in the not so distant future. The degree to which
emancipatory struggles are able to anticipate, prepare for and
confront these strategies will greatly determine how successful the
movements are in building viable long term emancipatory social
relations.
>
> Perhaps one of the most important goals of the Intergalactica could
be to collectively create a global space for struggles from around
the world to seriously address these concerns. However, before the
Intergalactica process is in a position to do this, it is important
that relevant movements and struggles are aware of and participating
in this process.
>
> A key question that needs to be addressed before addressing any
other question is who will take part in the process of building the
Intergalactica and on what basis, and the questions as to how to
build the Intergalactica and what its political contents and themes
will follow on from there.
>
> Unity against division: who should the Intergalactica strive to
include?
>
> For a global process such as the Intergalactica, it is especially
important that people from as many countries as possible are
involved. In particular, there is the need to pay special attention
to overcome divisions that are being fostered within the world-
economy itself. Unless intentionally addressed by emancipatory
struggles these divisions are likely to be reproduced within global
networks themselves. In particular 5 types of divisions currently
stand out, divisions which are likely to become much deeper and more
damaging in the near the future:
>
>
> The so-called "Clash of Civilizations" is a process which could
turn out to have similar divisive effects on global struggle as the
Cold War did, in which (on a greatly uneven and hierarchical basis)
people from "the west" and "the Arab world" are trained to fear,
distrust and hate one another, divided by ignorance and encouraged to
align themselves to one or the other side of absolute religious and
cultural divides based around "good" and "evil". Crucially, until
now, "the Arab world" has hardly been involved in (contemporary)
secular global networks of anti-capitalist struggles, and within
these regions, religious based struggle seems to have had much more
of a mass appeal than anti-authoritarian global anti-capitalist
networks. Furthermore, these global networks still remain largely
ignorant of and isolated from struggles in the Arab world, though the
situation in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan is changing this slowly
and some interesting links have been made.
> Africa has been exploited and marginalized at the lowest levels
of the hierarchical world-economy. Unfortunately, sometimes in global
anti-capitalist networking processes, these processes of
marginalization have also been reproduced. A discussion of
reparations for slavery for Africans and their Diaspora is still very
low on the agenda of most global networks, and most discussion around
debt is still based in the language of pleading for "debt
forgiveness" rather than demanding non-payment of illegitimate debts.
The multiple wars in Africa also have very little prominence within
global networks. The fact that the last two World Social Forums have
taken place in Africa (Nairobi and Bamako, the latter as part of the
2006 Polycentric Forum) and that the Forum for Food Sovereignty also
took place in Mali last year has perhaps slightly improved this
situation. However, African struggles are still highly marginalized
within many global anti-capitalist networking processes.
> The Citizen/non- citizen divide, despite sparking a vast amount
of self-organized struggles throughout the world, especially in North
America and Western Europe, makes it difficult if not impossible for
undocumented migrants to travel to international meetings,
gatherings, and protests and to make any form of direct exchanges
with movements in other countries. Any form of contact with struggles
in other countries must, by necessity, always be indirect, either
through web, texts, videos, radio etc, or through intermediary
(documented) supporters, who may or may not be mandated by the
undocumented people concerned. This reliance on indirect and mediated
communication presents profound challenges to self-organization and
unmediated self-representation . Movements will have to think of
creative ways to overcome this division itself. And, perhaps
additionally, to fundamentally challenge the concept of expanded
citizenship as an emancipatory route. Can citizens even exist
> without the parallel existence of non-citizenship?
> Rival power/imperialist blocs. Rivalries between regional power
blocs have increased in recent years, and are likely to continue
doing so in the future, especially along the lines of tensions
between USA, China and EU countries, but also other countries
including India, Brazil, Russia, Japan and the Koreas and the
alignments that these latter countries' governments and their
capitals choose in relation to the former countries. Currently it is
still fairly easy for information and people to circulate between
these regions, however, regional and national protectionisms (as well
as military tensions) could emerge which make such contact more
difficult in the future. Importantly, until now, Chinese struggles,
which are accelerating rapidly in parallel to China's growth as an
economic power, have been more or less entirely absent from global
anti-capitalist networking process. However, in recent years there
have been some intentional contact making processes outreaching
> towards Chinese struggles driven by people active in a range of
different global networks, and the fact that the last WTO summit took
place in Hong Kong also provided an important moment for connections
to be made between different struggles, but there is still a great
deal of work to be done in this area.
> The final type of division to be dealt with here are the
divisions that exist between activists from countries that have
hostile governmental relations to one another. For instance: Israel/
Palestine, Israel/Lebanon, Israel/Iran, North Korea/South Korea,
India/Pakistan, Iran/USA, Iraq/USA. International spaces have great
potential to overcome such divisions, as, in practice, the "neutral
territory" which they offer may be some of the only spaces where
activists in such situations are actually able to come together,
since very often it is incredibly difficult (either in practical
terms or because it is simply illegal) for them to come together in
their own countries. However, while there may have been "bilateral"
efforts between two specific conflicting countries, this theme has
until now only been rarely addressed within a more global framework
of struggles.
>
> As a new global process, it is important that the Intergalactica
seeks to overcome some of these divisions as much as possible, or at
least acknowledges that they are important global divisions to
overcome, in order to strengthen global unity of emancipatory
struggles in the face of attempts from capital and state power to
divide the global circulations of these struggles and the people
involved in them. However, high levels of participation in the
Intergalactica from these regions, countries and sectors are very
unlikely to happen spontaneously, and may in fact require an
intentional and targeted preparation process that seeks out contacts
and collaboration with struggles in these parts of the world, not
just relying on existing contacts but rather trying to build new
relationships where none currently exist. There are many obstacles
that will have to be overcome in this process, not least of all
language ones.
>
> Beyond networking - building new autonomous global relations of
production, reproduction and exchange
>
> Let us move from the question of who will participate in the
Intergalactica to the how will the Intergalactica be organized and on
what themes.
>
> At the start of this article, it was asserted that current global
networks and struggles are not dead, but rather are in the difficult
and slow process of reconfiguring themselves in order to build on
their big successes and overcome their limits in order to effectively
move into a higher phase of struggle. Global networks do work,
sometimes extraordinarily well. In a remarkably short time period
(the first global day of action against the WTO took place just under
ten years ago in May 1998) global networks have been constructed
which have become excellent at organizing large global meetings,
conferences, global days of action on common themes, calling for
emergency solidarity actions in support of particular local
struggles, as well as translating and circulating up-to-date and
accurate information and news throughout the world in a short space
of time. These processes were almost completely unheard of ten years
ago. Now they are regular, daily occurrences. Indeed they
> have sometimes become so regular that they are often taken for
granted, and hardly noticed, to such an extent that people can even
boldly proclaim that global networks are dead.
>
> However, while not being dead, these networks are still very
limited, and there is very little discussion of the concrete
limitations that do exist or of how to overcome them. It is one thing
to bring activists from many different countries and struggles
together for a face-to-face meeting or protest that takes place over
a very short and specific time period, normally of a few days only.
However, it is quite another thing to actually build long term deep
social relations between struggles at the global level, relations
that create fundamentally different relations of production,
reproduction of livelihoods and exchange and that go beyond the
nation state and market as forms of organizing social relations.
Until now, most global relations between struggles in different parts
of the world have been quite ephemeral and highly superficial, often
relying on small numbers of specific individuals rather than being
appropriated by larger numbers in the respective movements. At
> this stage in the young networks, this state of affairs is not
especially surprising, due to many different barriers including
access to resources for travel and regular computer based
communication, foreign language skills, detailed knowledge of the
world-economy, the ability to take time away from local struggles and
immediate day-to-day concerns, etc.
>
> However, while not surprising, this situation is nonetheless highly
problematic. It has created a major bottleneck for movements'
abilities to go beyond networking and protest (denunciation) in order
to construct long term alternative relations. This bottleneck means
that global networking processes are not nearly decentralized enough,
especially in relation to their own rhetoric of extreme
decentralization; nor are they deep enough in terms of their ability
to sustain meaningful exchange and mutual support processes.
Furthermore, their reliance on small numbers of individuals makes
them extremely vulnerable, both to the inactivity of specific
individuals and to cooptation and repression (individuals are easier
to kill, imprison and buy off than broader collective processes).
Above all, global movements are still a very long way from
constructing social relations that go beyond both the nation state
and world- market, and in many cases (especially in the imperialist
> countries with a strong social-welfare state), there is still
great dependency on state structures.
>
> While the construction of alternative relations of production,
reproduction of livelihoods and exchange are frequently at the centre
of specific local struggles (especially land related struggles in
Southern countries), these relations almost never extend to the
regional or global level, and where they do (such as direct exchange
coffee) they still have a very small reach and are limited to
specific products (often artesanal). Global networks are still far
better at spreading news and coordinating protests in different parts
of the world than they are at spreading products, people, skills,
financial and technical support. (These latter set of activities are
often occurring, but still remain, for the most part, within the
context of fairly paternalistic NGO activity that is based around the
premise of reform and integration into existing power relations
rather than in a horizontal politics based on autonomy, solidarity,
diversity and a confrontational approach to power).
> Overcoming these bottlenecks in global networking processes would
take horizontal autonomous self-organization to new levels in terms
of building global alternatives that go beyond both the nation state
and the market. There is an urgent need for movements to tackle these
difficult tasks.
>
> It is in this context that the Zapatista call for another
Intergalactica must be understood. The Zapatistas themselves have
fought a long social struggle that has spent many years in the
laborious and painstaking process of constructing long term
autonomous social relations based on collectively taking over land,
one of the fundamental means of production and reproduction of
people's livelihoods. The invitation to participate in constructing a
global Intergalactica "from below and to the left" comes from a clear
understanding of the urgent need to intensify and strengthen anti-
capitalist struggles and the need to deepen the human relations of
solidarity on which the networks of struggles that have already been
built in recent years are based, going beyond the limitations
described above.
>
> Building the Intergalactica slowly but solidly
>
> Until now, the process outlined in the 6th Declaration has got off
to a seemingly solid start. The Intergalactica itself is slow in
taking shape, arguably a very wise move given that the process is
intended as a deep, long-term process rather than a superficial,
immediate, "one off" show-event. So far, the process has been
predominantly driven forward by the Zapatistas, with a strong
response coming from different groups around the world. To date,
there have been five main "steps" since the publication of the 6th
Declaration in the summer of 2005. These are: the first and second
stages of the Other Campaign within Mexico itself, an initiative
aimed at building a strong country-wide non-electoral political
process from below and to the left, with the first part taking place
in parallel to the Mexican Presidential electoral campaign; the first
and second Encuentros of the Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of
the World (December 2006/January 2007 and July 2007); and a period
> of consultation in which struggles around the world were able to
make proposals for the Intergalactica. A number of further steps have
been planned for the near future. In October 2007 there will be an
Encuentro of the Indigenous Peoples of the Americas convened by eight
indigenous organizations, including the Zapatistas, in Sonora,
Mexico. In December 2007/January 2008, an all women's Encuentro will
take place in one of the five Zapatista Caracoles (autonomous self
governing bodies), dedicated to Comandanta Ramona who died last year.
These events are all events that are important in their own right.
However, none of them are the Intergalactica proposed in the 6th
Declaration. Rather, they can all be understood as steps along the
way to it.
>
> Let us briefly evaluate the international aspects of this process.
Narco News, the main English language website following the Other
Campaign and developments since the Sixth Declaration was issued, has
links to Other Campaign related materials in 8 languages,
interestingly, including Farsi. Already, before the first Encuentro
of the Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of the World took place in
Chiapas last December/January, a decentralized process of preparatory
meetings and other activities had taken shape throughout much of
Europe, South, Central and North America in response to the Zapatista
call. Between July 2005 and July 2006 (the period of consultation) ,
19 different activities were reported in 16 cities from 9 countries.
Importantly, this included several within the USA, involving close
overlap with those involved in the powerful migrant struggles that
are erupting there. Many of them are Chican at s and Mexicans involved
in the Other Campaign from within the USA,
> what has been dubbed "the Other Campaign on the Other Side".
Whilst most of these meeting and initiatives have been fairly
conventional processes of one-way solidarity to what is occurring in
Mexico, some of them have gone further, employing the language and
perspectives of the Other Campaign to engage in activities relating
to local issues. Three important examples of this have been a local
consulta organized by an immigrant organization Movement for Justice
in El Barrio, in Spanish Harlem, New York and two different border
camps against the US and Mexican border, as well as the
complementary, although not explicitly linked, "Another Politics is
Possible" presence at the US Social Forum in Atlanta this summer.
From these meetings and activities, a number of proposals have
emerged for how the future Intergalactic Encuentro should be
organized and what its contents should be, which will be addressed
later in this article. Although not without its limitations, which
will be
> addressed later in this article, it is clear that there is a
strong international process emerging around the Intergalactica.
>
> The two Encuentros Between the Zapatista Peoples and the Peoples of
the World which have occurred to date both drew several thousand
people to the autonomous Zapatista Caracoles in Chiapas, about half
from Mexico and the other half from close to fifty countries from
around the world. The first meeting was held in one of the Caracoles,
Oventic, over four days, and the second held in 3 Caracoles (Oventic,
La Morelia and La Realidad) over nine days. The two meetings were
opportunities for the Zapatistas to present their grassroots
achievements of autonomy and self-government to people in struggle
from different parts of the world, as well as for the Zapatistas to
learn about struggles in other countries.
>
> In the first Encuentro, members of the Juntas de Buen Gobierno
(Good Government Councils) presented Zapatista experiences in the
following areas: autonomy and other forms of government; the other
education; the other health; women; communication, art, culture and
the other commerce; and land and territory. The final session of the
first Encuentro was devoted to hearing proposals from around the
world as to how, when and where to build the Intergalactic Encuentro,
proposals which had emerged from the period of international
consultation opened by the Zapatistas. Interestingly, the strongest
participation from outside Mexico probably came from the USA and
Canada, including a large number of Indigenous and First Nations
organizations from these countries, as well as organizations active
in the Other Campaign on the Other Side.
>
> The second Encuentro built on the first Encuentro, going into
greater depth about the nuts and bolts of autonomous organizing, with
presentations by promoters and other community activists from each
municipality around the themes of autonomy, collective work, health,
education, and women. A very impressive delegation of Via Campesina
representatives from major peasant organizations worldwide
participated in this Encuentro, from: Brazil, Bolivia, Honduras,
Dominican Republic, USA, Canada, Quebec, Basque Country, India,
Thailand, Korea, and Indonesia. Unfortunately the one African
representative, from Madagascar, was denied a visa. One day was
devoted to speeches from most of the Via Campesina delegates. The
second Encuentro did not have a session devoted to the
Intergalactica, and in fact there was almost no mention of the
Intergalactica, clearly a deliberate decision on the part of the
Zapatistas. On the other hand, there was an important unofficial, and
self-organized,
> side meeting which involved around 50 people living in the US, and
one of the major themes of the discussion in this meeting was the
need to have a similar process to the Other Campaign within the USA
itself, which rather than focusing on supporting and participating in
the process within Mexico (itself a very important task), would aim
to start a long term process to building a form of grassroots
political process that goes beyond electoral politics within the USA
itself. Mexicans and non-Mexicans alike were proposing this.
>
> In a number of ways the second Encuentro built on the first, slowly
deepening the global process that these Encuentros aim to be
constructing. In addition to a more in depth presentation of how the
Zapatistas have organized over the last years, the second Encuentro
was a space for greater participation from different Zapatista
communities, with people from each municipality presenting, and in
three different Caracoles instead of only one. This was an important
space to give large numbers of Zapatistas direct experience with
international meetings, with the many different forms of
participation that this involved, from speaking on a panel before
thousands of people, to preparing cultural events, to organizing the
logistical side of large international gatherings, to international
"baile popular" (popular dance). Perhaps the most important deepening
of the process could be seen in the Via Campesina participation,
giving the Encuentro the international scope and presence of
> mass-based grass roots organizations that the first Encuentro had
lacked to a degree (in the first Encuentro there were few, if any,
participants from Asia and none from Africa). This process of
building specific sectoral alliances along the road to the
Intergalactica had been building over time, with Via Campesina having
distributed Zapatista corn at the World Forum on Food Sovereignty
which took place in Mali earlier this year. The decision to have an
indigenous peoples Encuentro and a women's Encuentro later in the
year is a further step to building important sectoral links, taking
the time necessary to ensure that the process is firmly anchored in
real struggles before moving on to the Intergalactica itself.
>
> Another important progression was the deepening of the
revolutionary discourse. First of all it is important to point out
that neither the Sixth Declaration nor the Encuentros themselves have
any trace of lobbying about them, nor of defining people in relation
to the state. The word "citizen" is refreshingly completely absent.
The first Encuentro repeatedly stressed the need for resistance to
find ways of self organizing in order to come together in common
struggle. An emphasis was on the need to organize resistance which is
already occurring throughout the world. The second Encuentro started
with a pre-Encuentro event the night before the Encuentro itself at
the indigenous training center, University of the Land in Chiapas,
which in no uncertain terms laid out the terms of struggle, setting
the scene for the main Encuentro. The Zapatistas recognize that there
are three main ways of embarking on anti-capitalist struggle:
establishing alternative consumption patterns,
> establishing alternative trade patterns or establishing
alternative production relations. They have decided to go for
establishing alternative production relations, namely collectively
taking over the means of production. Having taken over the land, they
stressed the importance of rural and urban unity in struggle, so that
in addition to taking over land, it will become possible to take over
factories in the future. Whilst respectful of the other methods of
trying to create non-capitalist relations, taking over the means of
production is, in their opinion, the most direct way of struggling
against capitalism and creating alternative social relations. For an
Intergalactica coming "from below and to the left", such a shift in
rhetoric is a very important challenge to global movements who seem
very timid around discussing (and above all acting on) the question
of means of production. It is an especially challenging discourse for
struggles in the capitalist core countries,
> where that idea was abandoned years ago in favor of some form of
social-democratic welfarism.
>
> On a more critical note, there was virtually no one present from
Africa, or the Middle East and Arab world. Furthermore, with the
exception of the large Via Campesina organizations, large numbers of
the participants came representing small collectives and individuals
(who are completely welcome in the process). Another weak point was
the proposals made for the Intergalactica during the first Encuentro,
the majority of which were quite chaotic, confused and still very
superficial, as well as predominantly coming from individuals or
small collectives with no real organizational backing. Frustratingly,
the Zapatistas remained mysteriously quiet about their own proposals
for the Intergalactica, proposals that judging by how the Other
Campaign has developed to date in Mexico and how the two
international Encuentros have gone, are almost certain to be very
highly thought out and inspiring. However, the process, which is a
very ambitious one, is only just beginning, so none of
> these criticisms are either very surprising, or very worrying.
>
> Next steps towards the Intergalactica
>
> For the Intergalactica to turn into a long term process that
significantly contributes to building new social relations at the
global level, it will be important that it is a participatory
process, driven forward by struggles across the world, constructed
through a process of dialogue and exchange. The Zapatistas have set
the ball rolling, with a directed invitation. However, the
Intergalactica is not just the responsibility of the Zapatistas but
of all those who identify with it throughout the world. Active rather
than passive participation from these different struggles will be
what gives the process real depth and meaning. This includes the need
for a collective global discussion and preparation process, based in
decentralization and autonomous self-organization that aims to define
who will participate in the Intergalactic, the process by which it is
organized, what its purpose and contents will be, where it will take
place and when.
>
> As mentioned above, it will be particularly important to make
efforts to include people from struggles in Arab countries, Africa,
China and countries whose governments have mutually hostile relations
with one another. This is likely to require going beyond existing
contacts, making special efforts at both linguistic and political/
cultural translation. It will also be important to include
undocumented migrants, especially from areas of the world where there
are strong movements, such as in the USA, Canada, European Union
countries and Australia. Wherever the Intergalactica takes place, it
will be very difficult, if not impossible, for undocumented migrants
to attend. Solutions to this problem could include making efforts to
have participation from as many delegated representatives of
undocumented migrants who are able to travel at the Encuentro as
possible, as well as organizing parallel and linked Encuentros in
countries with large numbers of undocumented migrants for those
> unable to travel due to their undocumented status. Discussions and
proposals from these more localized Encuentros could feed into the
main Intergalactica process, and vice versa. In fact, such a proposal
was one of the more interesting proposals which came out of the first
Enceuntro of the Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of the World in
the session on the Intergalactica.
>
> Based on the above analysis, I would like to propose that it would
seem to make sense for a number of broad thematic strands which could
form the basis of the Intergalactica discussions, based on long term
strategic and organizational concerns.
>
> How to both expand and deepen global networks, on the one hand
to include geographical (as well as sectoral) areas that are scarcely
part of global networks, and on the other hand increasing the
functional strength of existing networks, so that they can move
beyond exchange of information and coordination of protest towards
building long term autonomous and decentralized livelihoods based on
collective relations of production, exchange and consumption. This
could include initiatives aimed to develop concrete tools for
deepening connections between movements, such as: long term activist
exchanges (especially South-South) , language training, and exchanges
about international networking processes etc.
> Exchange of experience on how to avoid, prepare for and respond
to repression in a way that simultaneously is based on a maximum
respect for life and dignity, but also in a clear and unequivocal
affirmation of oppressed peoples' right to choose what they
themselves consider as appropriate means of self-defense against
aggression, both from internal repression and from external military
aggression.
> Exchange of experiences on how to avoid cooptation especially
new forms of protectionism and racist deals, dangers of regional
integration, reforms that grant reforms but do not challenge global
market, etc.
> Exchange of experience about differing approaches to the state.
Rather than having absolutes about taking state power, or not taking
state power, a discussion process about what actually works, how
organizations make decisions in terms of how to approach the state,
factors to take into account, compromises to make, etc.
>
> However, beyond general frameworks, the contents and methodology of
the Intergalactica will need to be decided on through a slow but
solid collective and participatory discussion process involving
movements from many different social sectors and many different
countries, rather than being dreamed up by a few individuals in an
office somewhere. This means that it will be important to take the
time to build such a grassroots global process long before the
Intergalactica occurs. It is unlikely to be effective if it is a last
minute process, with organizations, groups and individuals deciding
to go to the Intergalactica only one week in advance. Rather, the
preparation process itself needs to be built up from really existing
relationships, relationships that in many cases perhaps still do not
exist, relationships based on real human contact, familiarity and
trust, especially between organizations from Southern Countries. This
could include, for instance, a series of prior
> visits and face to face exchanges between different struggles, as
well as possible language training to facilitate the process and cut
out the need for intermediaries (who normally come from Western
Europe and North America). Such a process, in addition to being time
consuming and difficult, is also likely to be very expensive, which
is another reason for starting early on the global process of slowly
constructing the Intergalactica from below and to the left. Above
all, this preparation process should not be seen as just the
responsibility of the Zapatistas themselves, nor just of Zapatista
solidarity organizations, but of all those organizations and
individuals who see themselves as adherents of, or inspired by, the
Sixth Declaration.
>
> Similarly, the date and location of the Intergalactica cannot just
be dreamed up out of thin air. For it to be an effective and
meaningful process, movements themselves will need to offer to host
it, and propose the time and location according to a realistic
assessment of whether, where and when they themselves are able to
organize it. The proposal should not come from outside a country, or
a movement. For instance, some of the earlier proposals that were
read at the first Encuentro, were Europeans proposing that the
Intergalactica should take place in Bolivia and other similar ill-
thought out proposals.
>
> Concrete immediate steps could include:
>
> Continuing with already existing efforts at translating and,
above all, disseminating of the 6th Declaration and Encuentro
materials in different languages. It is already circulating well in
the Spanish and English speaking world. Arabic and Chinese could be
important next steps.
> Deepening already existing collective discussion processes about
what people see as the purpose of the Intergalactica.
> Initiating contact-making visits and exchanges.
> Organizations discussing whether they would like to offer to
host the Encuentro, and if so, when.
> Starting on fundraising for travel costs, etc.
>
> The above does not need to be implemented in a centralized way, but
rather can take place in a decentralized and autonomous way. However,
coordination will be important. The more that different organizations
take it on themselves to do inspiring efforts towards the
Intergalactica, the faster the ball is likely to roll.
>
>
>
> ---------------------------------
> For ideas on reducing your carbon footprint visit Yahoo! For Good
this month.
>
---------------------------------
Yahoo! Answers - Get better answers from someone who knows. Tryit now.
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <https://mailman.gn.apc.org/mailman/private/diggers350/attachments/20071118/0a3c5931/attachment.html>
More information about the Diggers350
mailing list