Imagining a New Politics of the Commons
mail at vegburner.co.uk
Fri Dec 3 11:39:11 GMT 2010
David Bollier on a fresh way of thinking about life beyond the market
/A commons arises whenever a given community decides that it wishes to
manage a resource in a collective manner, with special regard for
equitable access, use and sustainability. It is a social form that has
long lived in the shadows of our market culture, and now is on the rise./
The commons is still an embryonic vision with no single, unified
political program. The definition above is my best attempt to explain
the idea based on what I have seen and heard over the last few years at
commons gatherings around the world. This vision, along with definition
itself, will evolve with time. But it is a vision with great potential,
because it is not being advanced by an intellectual elite or a political
party but by a hardy band of resourceful irregulars on the periphery of
conventional politics. (That's always where the most interesting new
things originate.) These commoners are now starting to find each other,
a convergence that promises great things.
*The Enclosure of the Commons*
"The commons" is a useful term because it helps describe a nearly
ubiquitous pathology of modern life, the enclosure of the commons.
Governments throughout the world are conspiring with, or acquiescing in,
the plunder of our common wealth. This is the net effect of the
privatization of public resources and services being carried out as part
of economic globalization.
Companies are taking valuable resources from the commons -- the
airwaves, the electromagnetic spectrum, deep-sea minerals, the human
genetic code, public lands, and more -- and exploiting them for profits.
Once the cash value has been harvested from the commons, corporations
tend to dump the wastes and accompanying social disruptions back into
the commons, declaring to government and citizens, "It's your problem."
The dynamics of enclosure today are not much different from the 18th
Century in England, when the landed gentry decided they could profit
quite handsomely by seizing huge tracts of meadows, orchards, forests
and other land that by long tradition were freely accessible to the
commoners. With this enclosure, resources that had historically been
managed by communities, through both formal and informal rules, were
privatized into commodities to be sold in the marketplace. There were
gains in efficiency and innovation from this process, to be sure -- as
well as the amassing of great private fortunes -- but there was also
massive economic disenfranchisement, ecological destruction, poverty and
Enclosure means that people must pay for resources they previously got
for free, or cheaply. It means that people need to ask for permission to
use something that was previously theirs by right. Imagine a world of
franchise bookstores, but no local libraries; of mega-shopping malls but
no town squares; of private toll roads but no open highways, and you see
how enclosure might come to pass in our own time.
Enclosure shifts ownership and control of a resource from a given
community or the public at large, to private interests. This spawns a
different set of social relationships in our dealings with each other
and with necessary resources. Enclosure turns us into a mass of
pay-per-use consumers in search of bargains. It makes it harder for us
to stand up for something larger than our individual satisfactions. It
makes it very difficult for us to work together cooperatively on
important projects, such as reinvigorating our hometown or reversing
*The Commons as a Source of Creating Value*
Mainstream economists and politicians have long assumed that there are
really only two major avenues for governing things and "adding value" in
an economic sense --- the state and the market. Markets are seen as the
vehicle for economic progress while government is supposed to take care
of everything else. It is becoming increasingly clear, however, that
there is another sector of society -- the commons -- that is just as
important to our lives, prosperity and security.
A great many commons contribute value to our lives that surpasses that
of the market. The gifts of nature -- "ecosystem services," in the eyes
of some economists -- are fantastically productive. Life itself would be
impossible with air, water, soil and diverse biological systems Civic
institutions like libraries, roadways, police and fire protection, bring
value to our communities in ways that the market cannot.
The commons is not, however, simply another term for socialism or
communism. Both of those systems of governance rely upon state ownership
and centralized bureaucracies to manage the people's resources, a system
that may or may not work out so well. The commons has no quarrel with
government per se. Indeed, the commons would be in much better shape if
it enjoyed half the government support that the "free market" enjoys, in
the form of subsidies, protective regulations, government services and
the legal system.
But the commons is not the same as government because, in its ideal
form, it is about the commoners owning and managing resources as
directly and locally as possible. This usually involves a significant
measure of participation, transparency, decentralized control and
accountability -- factors not always present when a large-scale state is
managing a resource.
It is also important to note that while the commons shares many values
with traditional liberalism, particularly on matters of democratic
process and social concerns, the commons has a different moral footing.
Liberalism is often accused of intervening in the marketplace to
re-distribute wealth, a role that conservatives regard as a
"confiscatory" taking of their private property.
The very idea of the commons challenges this perspective about
"redistribution-as-theft" by pointing out that markets routinely take
from, and frequently despoil, the commons. The investor class enjoys
many direct and indirect subsidies -- cheap use of public lands,
airwaves and civic infrastructure; copyright and patent monopolies;
research and services to support commerce; public education; etc. In
addition, companies are accustomed to making the government and
commoners pay to fix their messes-- pollution, safety and health risks,
illegal behaviors, community disruptions.
Rather than seizing the rightful property of the successful, as
right-wingers see it, commoners are actually seeking to control and own
something that belongs to them in the first place. They are seeking a
predistribution of benefits from assets belonging to them, rather than a
redistribution of wealth generated by markets.
This is the starting point upon which we can build a political framework
of access, sharing, equality and social well-being. The Internet offers
many rich examples of collaborating and sharing, from open source
software to Wikipedia. Through the frame of the commons we can begin to
assert -- with greater impact than liberalism can manage -- the need for
proper limits on market activity.
Let's consider a timely example -- Who owns the sky? Peter Barnes, in a
book whose title asks that question, points out that industrial
polluters presume that they own the sky, and that their rights to
pollute ought to be "grandfathered" into any future schemes to limit
carbon emissions, a key source of global warming.
From the perspective of the commons, this is absurd. We all "own" the
sky and ought to receive roughly equal benefits from it. Why should any
corporation or industry have the right to use the limited capacity of
the atmosphere as their own waste dump? Barnes has conceived a practical
approach to curbing global warming (discussed elsewhere in this book)
based upon these ideas.
Commoners as a whole, not powerful private interests, should reap the
value from all the many forms of the commons, which are rightfully
theirs. Investors demand a return from their assets. Surely this
principle ought to hold for the commoners and their assets, too.
*Reinventing the Commons*
The commons is something very new and quite ancient at the same time.
Its newness can be seen in the huge variety of commons proliferating on
the Internet: free software, remix music, mashup videos, peer-to-peer
file sharing, open science initiatives, the open access movement in
scholarly publishing, social networking software, and on and on. The
Internet itself is a commons, developed with public money and constantly
expanded through open, shared technical innovations.
Yet as up-to-date these developments are, the commons is as old as the
human species. Our lives have always been based upon mutual efforts and
social collaboration rooted in custom, history and the local.
Evolutionary biologists, neurologists and geneticists are now confirming
just how deep the commons is inscribed in our nature. The impulse to
cooperate and share is arguably hard-wired into the human species as the
basis for our evolutionary success.
The real aberration in human history is the vision of humanity set forth
in today's prevalent view of politics and economics. Homo economicus,
the everyman postulated by economic theorists, is an atomized individual
who is relentlessly driven to maximize his material advantages through
the market not matter what the social costs. The current economic
market-based paradigm asserts, astonishingly, that all of society should
be organized around this vision.
Competitive market-based economics has many virtues, and can be a potent
spur for innovation and enterprise. But only out-of-touch ideologues
dare to presume that market individualism has no limits or that "there
is no such thing as society," as former British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher brazenly asserted. To ignore the existence of the commons,
without which the market would not exist along other essential social
systems, is both short-sighted and dangerous. There is another, more
positive way of stating this truth: the commons is hugely generative in
its own right. It is a value-creating sector that rivals the
marketplace, and therefore deserves the same protection from government
and respect from citizens.
"Cooperative individualism" of the sort seen on the Internet can be far
more innovative, productive and socially gratifying than the market.
Harvard Law School professor Yochai Benkler has hailed what he calls
commons-based peer production, by which he means a system of production
that is "radically decentralized, collaborative and nonproprietary;
based on sharing resources and outputs among widely distributed, loosely
connected individuals who cooperate with each other without relying on
either market signals or managerial commands."
Even business is coming to realize the "power of us," according to a
Business Week cover story on corporate uses of mass collaboration for
research, technology development and marketing. Forbes has profiled the
"sharing economy" now arising on the Internet. Tech companies routinely
talk about the efficiencies of "decentralized co-creation of value" --
i.e., the commons. The U.S. Government's many intelligence agencies have
even created their own wiki -- "Intellipedia" -- to help its dispersed
employees efficiently share and sort their many fragments of knowledge.
*The Commons as a New Narrative and Worldview*
These challenging times require an expansion of our very sense of
"politics." We need to cultivate a profoundly different worldview that
can integrate the personal, the social and the political in new ways.
For starters, we must learn how to talk about the excesses and failures
of the market more systematically without lapsing into rhetorical
anti-corporatism. We must offer some positive alternatives, including
ones that harness the market in constructive ways, while safeguarding
the valuable capacities of the commons.
Reinventing the commons is still a fledgling vision, but the fact that
it is being embraced by so many different constituencies suggests a deep
contemporary yearning to explore new modes of social connection and
collaboration. It suggests a desire to assert a sense of solidarity and
authenticity in the face of a sometimes destructive, often intrusive
commercial culture. It suggests a desire to reaffirm the local and
defend natural ecosystems in the face of a rampaging market ideology
intent on monetizing everything in its path.
It's quite easy to understand why mainstream politicians don't recognize
the commons, even when it's all around them. It has been culturally
invisible for a long time. Its wealth cannot be easily quantified. It
has not been named, classified or extensively studied. So it's not
surprising the commons has not been taken seriously in public
Yet the crises of the commons are becoming more evident day by day as
global warming, economic upheaval, disparities of wealth, depleted
stocks of fish in the oceans, criminally unequal access to medicine and
vaccines around the world and numerous other symptoms of market excess
It will not be simple to build a new politics based on the commons, no
matter how many people get excited by the prospect. We are all deeply
enmeshed in a market-based consciousness, which still holds a tight grip
on people's imaginations and their sense of what's logical or efficient.
And that's especially true of those with the most wealth or power.
Advocates of commons, on the other hand, seem a disorganized ragtag
bunch coming out of a dizzying array of social backgrounds and causes
with no firm philosophical discipline. But what looks like a grave
shortcoming might well be its chief strength. Any quest for ideological
purity in this movement will fail, which is why I believe that any
prospective commons upswell must exhibit a tolerant, ecumenical
humanism. We are all irregular, self-contradictory creatures. Any
political success will require patience, improvisation and learning.
Fortunately, the very idea of the commons itself points to a new kind of
decentralized politics, rather than a rigid ideology or fundamentalism.
In the end, any commons movement will depend upon how badly people
really want to reclaim our common wealth, re-connect with each other as
human beings, and devise new political and legal structures for
achieving this vision. My guess? The energy and desire are there, but
diffuse. The vision is gaining currency. An inventory of commons-based
solutions to problems ranging from global warming to social alienation
is growing. Diverse types of commoners are starting to discover each
other. What's needed is a surge of new leadership and resources to take
the commons to its next, more interesting stage of development.
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