Recovered Economic History
Darren
mail at vegburner.co.uk
Tue Apr 24 20:09:37 BST 2012
Recovered Economic History: “Everyone but an idiot knows that the lower
classes must be kept poor, or they will never be industrious”
By Yasha Levine
Full article with extensive comments - http://s.coop/jks4
“…everyone but an idiot knows that the lower classes must be kept poor,
or they will never be industrious.”
—Arthur Young; 1771
Our popular economic wisdom says that capitalism equals freedom and free
societies, right? Well, if you ever suspected that the logic is full of
shit, then I’d recommend checking a book called The Invention of
Capitalism, written by an economic historian named Michael Perelmen,
who’s been exiled to Chico State, a redneck college in rural California,
for his lack of freemarket friendliness. And Perelman has been putting
his time in exile to damn good use, digging deep into the works and
correspondence of Adam Smith and his contemporaries to write a history
of the creation of capitalism that goes beyond superficial The Wealth of
Nations fairy tale and straight to the source, allowing you to read the
early capitalists, economists, philosophers, clergymen and statesmen in
their own words. And it ain’t pretty.
INVENTION OF CAPITALISM - COVER
One thing that the historical record makes obviously clear is that Adam
Smith and his laissez-faire buddies were a bunch of closet-case
statists, who needed brutal government policies to whip the English
peasantry into a good capitalistic workforce willing to accept wage slavery.
Francis Hutcheson, from whom Adam Smith learned all about the virtue of
natural liberty, wrote: ”it is the one great design of civil laws to
strengthen by political sanctions the several laws of nature. … The
populace needs to be taught, and engaged by laws, into the best methods
of managing their own affairs and exercising mechanic art.”
Yep, despite what you might have learned, the transition to a
capitalistic society did not happen naturally or smoothly. See, English
peasants didn’t want to give up their rural communal lifestyle, leave
their land and go work for below-subsistence wages in shitty, dangerous
factories being set up by a new, rich class of landowning capitalists.
And for good reason, too. Using Adam Smith’s own estimates of factory
wages being paid at the time in Scotland, a factory-peasant would have
to toil for more than three days to buy a pair of commercially produced
shoes. Or they could make their own traditional brogues using their own
leather in a matter of hours, and spend the rest of the time getting
wasted on ale. It’s really not much of a choice, is it?
But in order for capitalism to work, capitalists needed a pool of cheap,
surplus labor. So what to do? Call in the National Guard!
Faced with a peasantry that didn’t feel like playing the role of slave,
philosophers, economists, politicians, moralists and leading business
figures began advocating for government action. Over time, they enacted
a series of laws and measures designed to push peasants out of the old
and into the new by destroying their traditional means of self-support.
“The brutal acts associated with the process of stripping the majority
of the people of the means of producing for themselves might seem far
removed from the laissez-faire reputation of classical political
economy,” writes Perelman. “In reality, the dispossession of the
majority of small-scale producers and the construction of laissez-faire
are closely connected, so much so that Marx, or at least his
translators, labeled this expropriation of the masses as ‘‘primitive
accumulation.’’
Perelman outlines the many different policies through which peasants
were forced off the land—from the enactment of so-called Game Laws that
prohibited peasants from hunting, to the destruction of the peasant
productivity by fencing the commons into smaller lots—but by far the
most interesting parts of the book are where you get to read Adam
Smith’s proto-capitalist colleagues complaining and whining about how
peasants are too independent and comfortable to be properly exploited,
and trying to figure out how to force them to accept a life of wage slavery.
This pamphlet from the time captures the general attitude towards
successful, self-sufficient peasant farmers:
The possession of a cow or two, with a hog, and a few geese, naturally
exalts the peasant. . . . In sauntering after his cattle, he acquires a
habit of indolence. Quarter, half, and occasionally whole days, are
imperceptibly lost. Day labour becomes disgusting; the aversion in-
creases by indulgence. And at length the sale of a half-fed calf, or
hog, furnishes the means of adding intemperance to idleness.
While another pamphleteer wrote:
Nor can I conceive a greater curse upon a body of people, than to be
thrown upon a spot of land, where the productions for subsistence and
food were, in great measure, spontaneous, and the climate required or
admitted little care for raiment or covering.
John Bellers, a Quaker “philanthropist” and economic thinker saw
independent peasants as a hindrance to his plan of forcing poor people
into prison-factories, where they would live, work and produce a profit
of 45% for aristocratic owners:
“Our Forests and great Commons (make the Poor that are upon them too
much like the Indians) being a hindrance to Industry, and are Nurseries
of Idleness and Insolence.”
Daniel Defoe, the novelist and trader, noted that in the Scottish
Highlands “people were extremely well furnished with provisions. …
venison exceedingly plentiful, and at all seasons, young or old, which
they kill with their guns whenever they find it.’’
To Thomas Pennant, a botanist, this self-sufficiency was ruining a
perfectly good peasant population:
“The manners of the native Highlanders may be expressed in these words:
indolent to a high degree, unless roused to war, or any animating
amusement.”
If having a full belly and productive land was the problem, then the
solution to whipping these lazy bums into shape was obvious: kick ‘em
off the land and let em starve.
Arthur Young, a popular writer and economic thinker respected by John
Stuart Mill, wrote in 1771: “everyone but an idiot knows that the lower
classes must be kept poor, or they will never be industrious.” Sir
William Temple, a politician and Jonathan Swift’s boss, agreed, and
suggested that food be taxed as much as possible to prevent the working
class from a life of “sloth and debauchery.”
Temple also advocated putting four-year-old kids to work in the
factories, writing ‘‘for by these means, we hope that the rising
generation will be so habituated to constant employment that it would at
length prove agreeable and entertaining to them.’’ Some thought that
four was already too old. According to Perelmen, “John Locke, often seen
as a philosopher of liberty, called for the commencement of work at the
ripe age of three.” Child labor also excited Defoe, who was joyed at the
prospect that “children after four or five years of age…could every one
earn their own bread.’’ But that’s getting off topic…
Happy Faces of Productivity…
Even David Hume, that great humanist, hailed poverty and hunger as
positive experiences for the lower classes, and even blamed the
“poverty” of France on its good weather and fertile soil:
“‘Tis always observed, in years of scarcity, if it be not extreme, that
the poor labour more, and really live better.”
Reverend Joseph Townsend believed that restricting food was the way to go:
“[Direct] legal constraint [to labor] . . . is attended with too much
trouble, violence, and noise, . . . whereas hunger is not only a
peaceable, silent, unremitted pressure, but as the most natural motive
to industry, it calls forth the most powerful exertions. . . . Hunger
will tame the fiercest animals, it will teach decency and civility,
obedience and subjugation to the most brutish, the most obstinate, and
the most perverse.”
Patrick Colquhoun, a merchant who set up England’s first private
“preventative police“ force to prevent dock workers from supplementing
their meager wages with stolen goods, provided what may be the most
lucid explanation of how hunger and poverty correlate to productivity
and wealth creation:
Poverty is that state and condition in society where the individual has
no surplus labour in store, or, in other words, no property or means of
subsistence but what is derived from the constant exercise of industry
in the various occupations of life. Poverty is therefore a most
necessary and indispensable ingredient in society, without which nations
and communities could not exist in a state of civilization. It is the
lot of man. It is the source of wealth, since without poverty, there
could be no labour; there could be no riches, no refinement, no comfort,
and no benefit to those who may be possessed of wealth.
Colquhoun’s summary is so on the money, it has to be repeated. Because
what was true for English peasants is still just as true for us:
“Poverty is therefore a most necessary and indispensable ingredient in
society…It is the source of wealth, since without poverty, there could
be no labour; there could be no riches, no refinement, no comfort, and
no benefit to those who may be possessed of wealth.”
***
Yasha Levine is a founding editor of The eXiled. You can reach him at
levine [at] exiledonline.com.
Want to know more recovered history? Read Yasha Levine’s investigation
into the life of Harry Koch, the man who spawned Charles and David Koch,
the two most powerful oligarchs of our time: The Birth of the Koch Clan:
It All Started In a Little Texas Town Called Quanah
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