The rise and rise of the landless movement in Brazil
Tony Gosling
tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Tue Jan 24 00:39:54 GMT 2012
The rise and rise of the landless movement in Brazil
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/12/23/brazils-landless/
December 23rd, 2011 | by
<http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/author/hannah-smith-and-iain-overton/>Hannah
Smith | Published in
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<http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/category/human-rights/>Human Rights
after-months-of-occupation-of-the-cuiaba-plantation-by-landless
The landless: no longer to be ignored.
At first sight it looks like a festival. The
makeshift tents hung with colourful hammocks, the
rousing Brazilian beats blaring from speakers,
even the portaloos like a mini Glastonbury
sprung up in a small town in the Brazilian
Amazon. There are stalls selling cold drinks,
food on paper plates, even handmade jewellery.
The details give it away though. Children run
laughing, but the adults look old, tired, tense.
Some have brought battered electric cookers with
them, powering them with home-made generators.
This isnt a festival, its a makeshift camp
filled with people who have fled their homes in
fear of the powerful ranchers constantly taking land.
It is a chaotic mass of tents, huts and slightly
more permanent structures all built in the
rushed, unplanned nature of a shanty town. But
this, for the people that spew out onto the dirt
tracks and paths that weave their way in and out, is now home.
Plight of the landless
We are in Maraba, a rapidly expaning town on the
edge of the rainforest in North East Brazil.
Over the past year Maraba has found itself on the
frontline of a social struggle that affects millions in Brazil.
<http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Brazil-MST1-chair1.jpg>
[]
Brazil landless - MST
The people living in the camp are at the bottom
of the Amazons social hierarchy. They are rural
workers landless, largely jobless. They
scratch a living collecting fruit and nuts from
the forest, or more rarely by working on one of
the regions gargantuan cattle ranches.
The last twenty five years have seen an
increasing numbers of landless workers joining
the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra,
or Landless Workers Movement. Its a
union-come-protest-group that fights for land
rights for its members. Its the largest social
movement in Latin America. In a country where
three percent of the population owns two thirds
of all workable arable land, the MST claims over
1.5 million members. Together they fight for
permission to settle on the public land
supposedly protected from deforestation under Brazils environmental laws.
Land conflicts in the Amazon are nothing new. But
they should be becoming a thing of the past.
Deforestation fell to its lowest-ever level in
2010 as a result of government action and
groundbreaking legal fights by federal
prosecutors against companies that buy cattle from illegal ranches.
But almost overnight in April this year
deforestation surged by 500% and has continued to
rise ever since. Proposed changes to the Forest
Code, the law that controls deforestation, are
currently being debated in the Brazilian Senate.
If passed, there will be an amnesty on all
illegal deforestation that has already happened,
and this says many campaigners is causing the new surge.
In Maramba, a long way from Brazilia, the fight for the forest is very real.
Violent land conflicts
In the past ten years, over four hundred landless
settlers have been killed in and around Maraba.
On May 23
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/24/amazon-rainforest-activist-killed>Jose
Ribeiro da Silva and his wife Maria, well known
environmental activists and spokespeople for the
landless community, were shot dead as they left
their settlement in Nove Ipixuna, 20 km from Maraba.
The murders proved to be an incendiary final blow
for Marabas landless people: ten thousand of
them have packed up their belongings and moved to
the centre of the town, both in protest at the
lack of protection they receive from the
Brazilian authorities, and in an attempt to find
safety in numbers. The government, for its part, has sent in the military.
When we arrive at the towns airport it is
swarming with members of the Special Forces, the
military division usually sent to deal with drug
wars in the favelas of Rio and Sao Paulo. The
military arrive, settlers flee reads the
headline on the front page of the local newspaper.
Ironically, the demands of small-hold farmers
have been used as an excuse to change in the
Forest Act. In reality, the landless movement has
nailed itself to the same mast as international
NGOs like Greenpeace, campaigning against the proposed reforms.
It will be the big farmers and mass agriculture
that will gain the most from the proposed
changes. The fear of environmentalists that
changes will see a stampede across the forest,
will also see small farmers increasingly thrown
off their land and exposing the small farmers to
the hidden menace that pervades this region
landless labourers working against their will in
virtual slavery for the big agro-businesses.
The new proposals have radicalised the landless
class, and given them an international voice. As
land grab has steeply risen so the families
have come flocking out of the forest, finding a
home here on the edge of the city.
The settlement camp is also a protest base. There
are banners, and an information tent at the
entrance where spokespeople are ready to speak
with the media. We are here because we have to
take a stand, says a fiery looking middle aged
woman handing out leaflets at the entrance to the
camp. Our lives are in danger but no-one is protecting us.
It doesnt take us long to find people who knew
the da Silvas personally. The leafleting woman
leads us to a shelter made out of wood and palm
leafs. Inside, a group of men talk and drink
coffee while the women watch Novela, the
ubiquitous Brazilian soap opera, on an ancient
television. Julimar agrees to speak with us. He
lived in the Nove Ipuixuna settlement with the da
Silvas, and the recent violence has left him terrified for his familys safety.
We know that there are people who want to move
onto our land, he tells us. In Nove Ipixuna
there are wood cutters and ranchers who are
expanding illegally. We all receive threatening
phone calls, but the authorities dont do anything about it.
Julimar tells us that the da Silvas were well
known informers for IBAMA, that Brazilian
environmental enforcement agency responsible for
monitoring and prosecuting illegal deforestation.
They werent scared of the threats; they didnt
care. They just loved the forest, and would
denounce anyone who cut it down illegally, no
matter how much danger it put them in. Theyd
been threatened many times before, but they carried on.
All the progress that has been made in the past
few years is being wiped out. People are
deforesting in anticipation of this law being
passed, because they know that the land they have
deforested illegally will be granted legal
status. This latest increase in deforestation
coincided exactly with this Bill being introduced.
Elise de Araujo, campaigner, IMAZON
When Jose and Maria were murdered for their
efforts to save the forest, a mood of suspicion
grew in the Nove Ipixuna camp. No-one knows who
did this, so everyone wonders whether someone in
the camp might have been involved. They could
have given information to the gunmen for money.
Now no-one can trust anyone else.
Julimars words reveal the messy truth behind
what is happening in Maraba. This is a town
famous across Brazil for its backwater
lawlessness. Ranchers have been deforesting here
since the 1970s, often illegally. When landless
settlers get in the way of their expansion plans
they hire assassins to kills them, reportedly for
as little as one hundred Brazilian Real (£40).
On the day we visit the camp, the local paper
carries identikit photos of the two men believed
to have been hired to kill the da Silvas. And in
a town where cash talks, the promise of money for
passing on information about the whereabouts of
troublesome settlers like the da Silvas may prove too tempting to resist.
They were shot as they left the camp, says
Julimar. It wasnt by chance; the killers knew their routine.
True or not, the possibility that someone in the
community may have betrayed the da Silvas casts a
grim shadow over the mood here.
Nothing to call our own
Away from the centre of the camp, with its
banners and music, the living conditions become
grimmer. Sewage runs in open channels with
children playing around the edges. Its here, in
the sweltering heat of the tropical Amazonian
sun, that we meet Francisco, a landless settler
who was shot by a gunman hired by a rancher who
wanted to evict him and his family from their
settlement. He offers to take us back to his
village, a two hour drive from Maraba.
<http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/Group-in-Nove-Ipixuna-MST.jpg>
[]
Group in Nove Ipixuna - MST
As we drive along the potholed road he tells us
about the long history of the struggles between
ranchers and settlers around Maraba. Francisco is
47 and father of he claims 20 children. He
tells us land conflicts have always dominated his
life. This area was colonised by rich farming
families in the seventies, when the Brazilian
government decided that the Amazon needed to be
opened up. At the time, that was modernisation:
it was only later that stopping deforestation became the priority.
Many ranchers were newcomers from the South,
where land was becoming scarce. The native north
easterners were a convenient source of cheap labour.
At that time the rural people were scattered
about, Francisco tells us. We lived on our own
small pieces of land, we survived on the crops we
planted. When the ranchers moved in they paid us
some small amounts of money for the land we were
on. At the time it seemed like a good deal, but
then we were left with nothing to call our own.
Most took work on the new ranches. But it was
poorly paid, and some farmers were famed for
their cruelty to their workers. Francisco tells
us about one ranching family, still major
landowners in the area, who held their workers
captive and killed them if they tried to escape.
They would throw the bodies into the river, and the piranhas would eat them.
When the MST was set up in 1985 rural workers
joined in their thousands. They all had nothing,
but by having nothing together, they at least had
a strength in numbers. In groups they began
occupying areas of public land, starting lengthy
legal battles for the right to stay there.
Franciscos settlement has just been granted
legal status after an 11 year wait.
But though the MST has become a voice that the
Brazilian government cant ignore, at times it
has appeared as though the authorities were very
much on the side of the ranchers. As we drive
through the village of El Dorado dos Carajas, a
strip of ramshackle bars and grocery stores
strung along a half mile stretch of road,
Franciscos eyes fill with tears. In 1996, this
was the scene of a massacre; nineteen landless
workers who were protesting for the right to set
up a settlement on an unproductive ranch were
shot dead by the Brazilian military. Today,
nineteen tree stumps by the side of the road
commemorate the dead. I get emotional every time
I pass through here, says Francisco.
We know that there are people who want to move
onto our land. In Nove Ipixuna there are wood
cutters and ranchers who are expanding illegally.
We all receive threatening phone calls, but the
authorities dont do anything about it.
Julimar, former Nove Ipixuna resident
Today the presence of the military in Maraba is a
reassurance for the settlers. But the areas
sheer size and inaccessibility makes it hard for
the authorities to control the land conflicts.
There are three hundred IBAMA officers working in
Para State, an area the size of France.
Sergio Noriyuki Suzuki, IBAMAs top man in Para,
says they need at least twice that number to be
effective. When we reach Franciscos settlement,
right by the side of the road, it is clear why
the people who live here have fled.
We have no way of making our homes secure, says
Francisco. People threaten us, they come in the
night and burn our crops. Its impossible for us to live here with dignity.
Halting deforestation
Helene Palmquist is part of the prosecution team
that pursued corporate giants like Walmart
through the courts to stop them buying cattle
from illegal ranchers in Para State. At first we
threatened them with legal action, she tells us.
Then we told them, if you sign an agreement not
to buy these cattle, then we will drop the
action. We were negotiating for forty days, but
in the end we got our agreement. And over the
next twelve months, deforestation fell by 14% in Para.
But now with the proposals to the Forest Law the
Amazon is once again under threat, says Elise de
Araujo at IMAZON, an NGO which monitors deforestation.
All the progress that has been made in the past
few years is being wiped out. People are
deforesting in anticipation of this law being
passed, because they know that the land they have
deforested illegally will be granted legal
status. This latest increase in deforestation
coincided exactly with this Bill being introduced.
In Brazil three percent of the population owns
two thirds of all workable arable land.
Francisco and Julimar know little about the
current political tussles over the Forest Code in
Brasilia. Nor do they care. All they want is security for their families.
A landless settler only needs 45 hectares to
support his family, says Francisco. These
ranches are hundreds of thousands of hectares. Wheres the fairness?
Back in the Maraba camp its Saturday night, and
theres a party underway. A makeshift DJ booth
has been set up, a young man has taken the mic,
and a crowd of people are doing the forra, a
traditional north eastern dance. Everyone is
having a good time. Again its easy to imagine
this is a festival. But tomorrow the sun will
come up, and the details that belie the true
desperation of the landless peoples predicament
will become grimly obvious once more.
http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/12/23/brazils-landless/
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