Nick Boles' fait accompli: for housing you like, build on the countryside
Tony Gosling
tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Thu Nov 29 23:35:29 GMT 2012
Nick Boles's fait accompli: for housing you like, build on the countryside
To conserve or to scrap planning? Neither of
these seemingly contradictory Tory impulses will solve the housing crisis
Owen Hatherley - guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 28 November 2012 19.00 GMT
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/nov/28/nick-boles-housing-build-on-countryside
Planning minister Nick Boles has suggested that
1,500 square miles of English countryside should
have housing built on it. Photograph: Geoffrey Robinson/Rex Features
"Concreting over the countryside" is an evocative
phrase. It suggests roaring waves of bulldozers
and cement mixers erecting serried ranks of tower
blocks across our sites of outstanding natural
beauty. However, as anyone who has seen an
out-of-town development for the past 30 years
knows, it means something quite different in
practice. Winding cul-de-sacs of "vernacular"
houses with gardens, with each street named after
something that used to be there thousands of Orchard Closes and Cedar Drives.
It's not as odd as it might initially sound to
find a Conservative politician, planning minister
Nick Boles, confidently advocating massive
development. Apparently, "all we need to do is
build on 3% of land and we've solved a housing
problem". That means something around the size of
Greater London. Rural campaigners have reacted
with horror. So how did planning and conservation
become the enemy of the party of order and conservatism?
For the past few decades, the Tory party has
veered between two only seemingly contradictory
impulses. One wing aims to stop urban and
suburban development and to stringently protect
the landscapes of southern England; the other
aims for development at all costs, especially in lucrative southern England.
The concrete-over-the-countryside wing was
dominant in the 80s, when Nicholas Ridley
decimated town planning in favour of ex-urban
"non-planning", with developers given carte
blanche; the conservationist wing seemed to win
out under John Major, when his government brought
in restrictions on out-of-town developments. To
use the language of the French philosophers
Deleuze and Guattari, the Tories
"de-territorialise", with the ruthless
homogenising destruction that accompanies
neoliberal economics; then they immediately
"re-territorialise", dragging in flags, green
fields and anthems to cover up the cracks.
What Nick Boles's comments on planning have done
is offer a fait accompli to Tories. If you want
everyone to have a house and garden, if you want
the housing market to pick up, and if you want a
house to be affordable for your children, then
you must logically support building in the
south-eastern countryside, not far from your back
yard. There is, as always, no alternative. On his
own terms, he's right, although his claim that
the results would be "beautiful" is more improbable.
The problem is that the terms of the debate are
so skewed as to make it completely pointless.
Housing isn't kept expensive because of
undersupply as such, but for an entire complex of
reasons the overdevelopment of the south-east
over the rest of the country, the refusal to
allow the building of council housing (and now
even "affordable" housing), the concentration of
land in the hands of a few powerful landowners,
the refusal to regulate landlords or introduce
rent control, a national economy that relies upon
floating and refloating housing bubbles
but
none of these can be confronted without
challenging the power of builders, developers,
landlords and landowners, who are even more
crucial to the Tory party than outer-suburban nimbys.
Boles is tapping into something maybe equally
fundamental in the rightwing psyche the
hostility to planning as such. In the Ridley era,
planning was emasculated to such a degree that it
still hasn't recovered witness the miserable,
gimcrack cityscapes built under New Labour. The
last time Boles got himself in trouble for
inflammatory comments was in 2010, when he
advocated "chaos" in local government, as opposed
to "believing that clever people sitting in a
room can plan how communities should develop".
Aside from a conception of what town planning is
that would embarrass a GCSE geography student,
you can see here some proper red-blooded libertarian thinking.
Ridley's destruction of town and country planning
was partly influenced by a source from leftfield
"Non-Plan", a late-60s proposal by radical
architects and thinkers to curb planners' power
and let people do their own thing. As should be
expected in something so capital-intensive as
housing and development, that meant letting
developers do their own thing. But the rhetoric
survives in his "chaos" comments Boles talked
of the exciting flux of restaurants opening and
closing, people unpredictably deciding to move
elsewhere, and "lots of organisations doing
different things in different areas". It sounds
so much more attractive than what in practice
means handing local government and planning over to Serco and Barratt.
Tellingly, Boles's proposals also give planners
greater power not the power of local government
planners to plan but giving a "planning
inspectorate" the power to overrule local
authorities, who will not be able to appeal.
That's a reminder that the conflicting rhetoric,
whether cosily conservationist or stridently
libertarian, obscures the common interest of the
middle classes in housebuilding and home
ownership. The means are different stopping
development keeps house prices up, encouraging it
stops the developers from going bust. All agree
not to think about the alternatives building
public housing on public land, for the five
million people on the council waiting list, or
taking over some of the 930,000 empty homes in
Britain, 100,000 of which lie guarded and unused
in London. And why should they, as how much profit would that make?
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