[Diggers350] Why is George Monbiot lying about April's Syria chemical weapons attack in Idlib?

Alison Banville alisonbanville at yahoo.co.uk
Sat Nov 18 00:43:31 GMT 2017

Thanks for posting all this Tony. As you might know,Mike and I were in Syria just over a week after Trump's retaliatory bombing. My stupid email is taking an age to let me scroll down so can't see if you've included this excellent piece by Off Guardian: 
Monbiot, Syria and Universalism

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Monbiot, Syria and Universalism
 I’m worried about George. An admirer of many years standing of his excellent columns charting what John Smith’s ...  |   |




      From: "Tony Gosling tony at cultureshop.org.uk [Diggers350]" <Diggers350-noreply at yahoogroups.com>
 To: diggers350 at yahoogroups.com 
 Sent: Friday, 17 November 2017, 23:51
 Subject: [Diggers350] Why is George Monbiot lying about April's Syria chemical weapons attack in Idlib?
    A lesson from Syria: it’s crucial not to fuel far-right conspiracytheories
The way discredited stories spread after a chemical weapons massacrein Syria should be a matter of serious concern
@GeorgeMonbiot Wednesday 15 November 2017 06.00 GMT Last modified onWednesday 15 November 2017 07.54 GMT
What do we believe? This is the crucial democratic question. Withoutinformed choice, democracy is meaningless. This is why dictators andbillionaires invest so heavily in fake news. Our only defence is constantvigilance, rigour and scepticism. But when some of the world’s mostfamous crusaders against propaganda appear to give credence to conspiracytheories, you wonder where to turn..............................

George's complete article is at the bottom where, I hopeyou'll agree, it belongs
First, from Robert Parry though, Gary Webb's friend, who exposed the IranContra scandal

Did Al Qaeda Dupe Trump on SyrianAttack?
November 9, 2017   By Robert Parry
Special Report: Buried deep inside a new U.N. report is evidencethat could exonerate the Syrian government in the April 4 sarin atrocityand make President Trump look like an Al Qaeda dupe, reports RobertParry.

A new United Nations-sponsoredreport on the April 4 sarin incident in an Al Qaeda-controlled townin Syria blames Bashar al-Assad’s government for the atrocity, but thereport contains evidence deep inside its “Annex II” that would proveAssad’s innocence.

The Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Ross fires atomahawk land attack missile from the Mediterranean Sea at Syria, April7, 2017. (Navy photo by Petty Officer 3rd Class Robert S. Price)

If you read that far, you would find that more than 100 victims of sarinexposure were taken to several area hospitals before the allegedSyrian warplane could have struck the town of Khan Sheikhoun.

Still, the Joint Investigative Mechanism [JIM], a joint project of theU.N. and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons [OPCW],brushed aside this startling evidence and delivered the Assad guiltyverdict that the United States and its allies wanted.

The JIM consigned the evidence of a staged atrocity, in which Al Qaedaoperatives would have used sarin to kill innocent civilians and pin theblame on Assad, to a spot 14 pages into the report’s Annex II. Thesensitivity of this evidence of a staged “attack” is heightened by thefact that President Trump rushed to judgment and ordered a “retaliatory”strike with 59 Tomahawk missiles on a Syrian airbase on the night ofApril 6-7. That U.S. attack reportedly killed several soldiers at thebase and nine civilians, including four children, in nearbyneighborhoods.

So, if it becomes clear that Al Qaeda tricked President Trump not onlywould he be responsible for violating international law and killinginnocent people, but he and virtually the entire Western politicalestablishment along with the major news media would look like Al Qaeda’s“useful idiots.”

Currently, the West and its mainstream media arelambasting the Russians for not accepting the JIM’s “assessment,”which blames Assad for the sarin attack. Russia is also taking flak forquestioning continuation of the JIM’s mandate. There has been virtuallyno mainstream skepticism about the JIM’s report and almost no mention inthe mainstream of the hospital-timing discrepancy.

Timing Troubles

To establish when the supposed sarin attack occurred on April 4, theJIM report relied on witnesses in the Al Qaeda-controlled town and acurious video showing three plumes of smoke but no airplanes. Based onthe video’s metadata, the JIM said the scene was recorded between 0642and 0652 hours. The JIM thus puts the timing of the sarin release atbetween 0630 and 0700 hours.

The photograph released by the White House of President Trump meetingwith his advisers at his estate in Mar-a-Lago on April 6, 2017, regardinghis decision to launch missile strikes against Syria.

But the first admissions of victims to area hospitals began as early as0600 hours, the JIM found, meaning that these victims could not have beenpoisoned by the alleged aerial bombing (even if the airstrike really didoccur).

According to the report’s Annex II, “The admission times of the recordsrange between 0600 and 1600 hours.” And these early cases – arrivingbefore the alleged airstrike – were not isolated ones.

“Analysis of the … medical records revealed that in 57 cases, patientswere admitted in five hospitals before the incident in Khan Shaykhun,”Annex II said.

Plus, this timing discrepancy was not limited to a few hospitals in andaround Khan Sheikhoun, but was recorded as well at hospitals that werescattered across the area and included one hospital that would have takenan hour or so to reach.

Annex II stated: “In 10 such cases, patients appear to have been admittedto a hospital 125 km away from Khan Shaykhun at 0700 hours while another42 patients appear to have been admitted to a hospital 30 km away at 0700hours.”

In other words, more than 100 patients would appear to have been exposedto sarin before the alleged Syrian warplane could have dropped thealleged bomb and the victims could be evacuated, a finding that alonewould have destroyed the JIM’s case against the Syriangovernment.

But the JIM seemed more interested in burying this evidence of Al Qaedastaging the incident ­ and killing some expendable civilians ­ than infollowing up this timing problem.

“The [JIM] did not investigate these discrepancies and cannot determinewhether they are linked to any possible staging scenario, or to poorrecord-keeping in chaotic conditions,” the report said. But the profferedexcuse about poor record-keeping would have to apply to multiplehospitals over a wide area all falsely recording the arrival time of morethan 100 patients.

The video of the plumes of smoke also has come underskepticism from Theodore Postol, a weapons expert at theMassachusetts Institute of Technology, who noted that none of the threeplumes matched up with damage to buildings (as viewed from satelliteimages) that would have resulted from aerial bombs of thatpower.

Postol’s finding suggests that the smoke could have been another part ofa staging event rather than debris kicked up by aerial bombs.

The JIM also could find no conclusive evidence that a Syrian warplane wasover Khan Sheikhoun at the time of the video although the report claimsthat a plane could have come within about 5 kilometers of thetown.

A History of Deception

Perhaps even more significantly, the JIM report ignored the contextof the April 4 case and the past history of Al Qaeda’s Nusra Frontstaging chemical weapons attacks with the goal of foisting blame on theSyrian government and tricking the U.S. military into an intervention onthe side of Nusra and its Islamic-militant allies.

Photograph of men in Khan Sheikdoun in Syria, allegedly inside a craterwhere a sarin-gas bomb landed.

On April 4, there was a strong motive for Al Qaeda and its regionalallies to mount a staged event. Just days earlier, President Trump’sadministration had shocked the Syrian rebels and their backers bydeclaring “regime change” was no longer the U.S. goal in Syria.

So, Al Qaeda and its regional enablers were frantic to reverse Trump’sdecision, which was accomplished by his emotional reaction to videos oncable news showing children and other civilians suffering and dying inKhan Sheikhoun.

On the night of April 6-7, before any thorough investigation could beconducted, Trump ordered 59 Tomahawk missiles fired at the Syrian airbase that supposedly had launched the sarin attack.

At the time, I was told by an intelligence source that at least some CIAanalysts believed that the sarin incident indeed had been staged withsarin possibly flown in by drone from a Saudi-Israeli special operationsbase in Jordan.

This source said the on-the-ground staging for the incident had beenhasty because of the surprise announcement that the Trump administrationwas no longer seeking regime change in Damascus. The haste led to somesloppiness in tying down all the necessary details to pin the atrocity onAssad, the source said.

But the few slip-ups, such as the apparent failure to coordinate thetiming of the hospital admissions to after the purportedairstrike, didn’t deter the JIM investigators from backing the West’sdesire to blame Assad and also create another attack line against theRussians.

Similarly, other U.N.-connected investigators downplayed earlier evidencethat Al Qaeda’s Nusra was staging chemical weapons incidents afterPresident Obama laid down his “red line” on chemical weapons. Themilitants apparently hoped that the U.S. military would take out theSyrian military and pave the way for an Al Qaeda victory.

For instance, U.N. investigatorslearned from a number of townspeople of Al-Tamanah about how therebels and allied “activists” staged a chlorine gas attack on the nightof April 29-30, 2014, and then sold the false story to a credulousWestern media and, initially, to a U.N. investigative team.

“Seven witnesses stated that frequent alerts [about an imminent chlorineweapons attack by the government] had been issued, but in fact noincidents with chemicals took place,” the U.N. report said. “While peoplesought safety after the warnings, their homes were looted and rumoursspread that the events were being staged. … [T]hey [these witnesses] hadcome forward to contest the wide-spread false media reports.”

Dubious Evidence

Other people, who did allege that there had been a governmentchemical attack on Al-Tamanah, provided suspect evidence, including datafrom questionable sources, according to the report.

Nikki Haley, United States Permanent Representative to the UN, addressesthe Security Council’s meeting on the situation in Syria on
April 27, 2017 (UN Photo)

The report said, “Three witnesses, who did not give any description ofthe incident on 29-30 April 2014, provided material of unknown source.One witness had second-hand knowledge of two of the five incidents inAl-Tamanah, but did not remember the exact dates. Later that witnessprovided a USB-stick with information of unknown origin, which was savedin separate folders according to the dates of all the five incidentsmentioned by the FFM [the U.N.’s Fact-Finding Mission].

“Another witness provided the dates of all five incidents reading it froma piece of paper, but did not provide any testimony on the incident on29-30 April 2014. The latter also provided a video titled ‘site wheresecond barrel containing toxic chlorine gas was dropped tamanaa 30 April14’”

Some other witnesses alleging a Syrian government attack offered curiousclaims about detecting the chlorine-infused “barrel bombs” based on howthe device sounded in its descent.

The U.N. report said, “The eyewitness, who stated to have been on theroof, said to have heard a helicopter and the ‘very loud’ sound of afalling barrel. Some interviewees had referred to a distinct whistlingsound of barrels that contain chlorine as they fall. The witnessstatement could not be corroborated with any furtherinformation.”

However, the claim itself is absurd since it is inconceivable that anyonecould detect a chlorine canister inside a “barrel bomb” by “a distinctwhistling sound.”

The larger point, however, is that the jihadist rebels in Al-Tamanah andtheir propaganda teams, including relief workers and activists, appear tohave organized a coordinated effort at deception complete with a fakevideo supplied to U.N. investigators and Western media outlets.

For instance, the Telegraph in Londonreported that “Videos allegedly taken in Al-Tamanah … purport to showthe impact sites of two chemical bombs. Activists said that one personhad been killed and another 70 injured.”

The Telegraph quoted supposed weapons expert Eliot Higgins, the founderof Bellingcat and a senior fellow at the fiercely anti-Russian AtlanticCouncil, as endorsing the Al-Tamanah claims.

“Witnesses have consistently reported the use of helicopters to drop thechemical barrel bombs used,” said Higgins. “As it stands, around a dozenchemical barrel bomb attacks have been alleged in that region in the lastthree weeks.”

The Al-Tamanah debunking in the U.N. report received no mainstreammedia attention when the U.N. findings were issued in September 2016because the U.N. report relied on rebel information to blame two otheralleged chlorine attacks on the government and that got all the coverage.But the case should have raised red flags given the extent of theapparent deception.

If the seven townspeople were telling the truth, that would mean that therebels and their allies issued fake attack warnings, produced propagandavideos to fool the West, and prepped “witnesses” with “evidence” todeceive investigators. Yet, no alarms went off about other rebelclaims.

The Ghouta Incident

A more famous attack – with sarin gas on the Damascus suburb ofGhouta on Aug. 21, 2013, killing hundreds – was also eagerly blamed onthe Assad regime, as The New York Times, Human Rights Watch, Higgins’sBellingcat and many other Western outlets jumped to that conclusiondespite the unlikely circumstances. Assad had just welcomed U.N.investigators to Damascus to examine chemical attacks that he was blamingon the rebels.

Director of National Intelligence James Clapper (right) talks withPresident Barack Obama in the Oval Office, with John Brennan and othernational security aides present. (Photo credit: Office of Director ofNational Intelligence)

Assad also was facing the “red line” threat from President Obama warninghim of possible U.S. military intervention if the Syrian governmentdeployed chemical weapons. Why Assad and his military would choose such amoment to launch a deadly sarin attack outside Damascus, killing mostlycivilians, made little sense.

But this became another rush to judgment in the West that brought theObama administration to the verge of launching a devastating air attackon the Syrian military that might have helped Al Qaeda’s Syrian affiliateand/or the Islamic State win the war.

Eventually, however, the case blaming Assad for the 2013 sarin attackcollapsed.

An analysis by genuine weapons experts – such as Theodore Postol, an MITprofessor of science, technology and national security policy, andRichard M. Lloyd, an analyst at the military contractor TeslaLaboratories – found that the missile that delivered the sarin had a veryshort range placing its likely firing position in rebelterritory.

Later, reporting by journalist Seymour Hershimplicated Turkish intelligence working with jihadist rebels as thelikely source of the sarin.

We also learned in 2016 thata message from the U.S. intelligence community had warned Obama howweak the evidence against Assad was. There was no “slam-dunk” proof, saidDirector of National Intelligence James Clapper. And Obama cited hisrejection of the Washington militaristic “playbook” to bomb Syria as oneof his proudest moments as President.

With this background, there should have been extreme skepticism whenjihadists and their allies made new claims about the Syrian governmentengaging in chemical weapons attacks. But there wasn’t.

The broader context for these biased investigations is that U.N. and OPCWinvestigators have been underintense pressure to confirm accusations against Syria and othertargeted states.

President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney receive an OvalOffice briefing from CIA Director George Tenet. Also present is Chief ofStaff Andy Card (on right). (White House photo)

Right now, the West is blaming Russia for the collapsing consensus behindU.N. investigations, but the problem really comes from Washington’slongtime strategy of coercing U.N. organizations into becoming propagandaarms for U.S. geopolitical strategies.

The U.N.’s relative independence in its investigative efforts wasdecisively broken early this century when President George W. Bush’sadministration purged U.N. agencies that were not onboard with U.S.hegemony, especially on interventions in the Middle East.

Through manipulation of funding and selection of key staff members, theBush administration engineered the takeover or at least the neutralizingof one U.N.-affiliated organization after another.

For instance, in 2002, Bush’s Deputy Under-Secretary of State John Boltonspearheaded the takeover of the OPCW as Bush planned to cite chemicalweapons as a principal excuse for invading Iraq.

OPCW Director General Jose Mauricio Bustani was viewed as an obstaclebecause he was pressing Iraq to accept OPCW’s conventions for eliminatingchemical weapons, which could have undermined Bush’s WMD rationale forwar.

Though Bustani was just reelected to a new term, the Brazilian diplomatwas forced out, to be followed in that job by more pliable bureaucrats,including the current Director General Ahmet Uzumcu of Turkey, who notonly comes from a NATO country but served as Turkey’s ambassador to NATOand to Israel. [For details, see Consortiumnews.com’s“U.N. Enablers of ‘Aggressive War.’”]

Since those days of the Iraq invasion, the game hasn’t changed. U.S. andother Western officials expect the U.N. and related agencies to accept orat least not object to Washington’s geopolitical interventions.

The only difference now is that Russia, one of the five veto-wieldingmembers of the Security Council, is saying enough is enough – andRussia’s opposition to these biased inquiries is emerging as one moredangerous hot spot in the New Cold War.

Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contrastories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buyhis latest book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either inprint here or as an e-book (fromAmazon andbarnesandnoble.com).

A lesson from Syria: it’s crucial not to fuel far-right conspiracytheories
George Monbiot
The way discredited stories spread after a chemical weapons massacre inSyria should be a matter of serious concern

Wednesday 15 November 2017 06.00 GMT Last modified on Wednesday 15November 2017 07.54 GMT
What do we believe? This is the crucial democratic question. Withoutinformed choice, democracy is meaningless. This is why dictators andbillionaires invest so heavily in fake news. Our only defence is constantvigilance, rigour and scepticism. But when some of the world’s mostfamous crusaders against propaganda appear to give credence to conspiracytheories, you wonder where to turn.

The Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) lastmonth published its investigation into the chemical weapons attack on theSyrian town of Khan Shaykhun, which killed almost 100 people on 4 Apriland injured around 200. After examining the competing theories andconducting wide-ranging interviews, laboratory tests and forensicanalysis of videos and photos, it concluded that the atrocity was causedby a bomb filled with sarin, dropped by the government of Syria.

There is nothing surprising about this. The Syrian government has a longhistory of chemical weapons use, and the OPCW’s conclusions concur with awealth of witness testimony. But a major propaganda effort has sought todiscredit such testimony, and characterise the atrocity as a “false-flagattack”.

This effort began with an article published on the website Al-Masdarnews, run by the Syrian government loyalist Leith Abou Fadel. Itsuggested that either the attack had been staged by “terrorist forces”,or chemicals stored in a missile factory had inadvertently been releasedwhen the Syrian government bombed it.

The story was then embellished on Infowars – the notorious far-rightconspiracy forum. The Infowars article claimed that the attack was stagedby the Syrian first responder group, the White Helmets. This is areiteration of a repeatedly discredited conspiracy theory, casting theserescuers in the role of perpetrators. It suggested that the victims werepeople who had been kidnapped by al-Qaida from a nearby city, brought toKhan Shaykhun and murdered, perhaps with the help of the UK and Frenchgovernments, “to lay blame on the Syrian government”. The author of thisarticle was Mimi Al-Laham, also known as Maram Susli, PartisanGirl,Syrian Girl and Syrian Sister. She is a loyalist of the Assad governmentwho has appeared on podcasts hosted by David Duke, the former grandwizard of the Ku Klux Klan. She has another role: as an “expert” used bya retired professor from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology calledTheodore Postol. He has produced a wide range of claims casting doubt onthe Syrian government’s complicity in chemical weapons attacks.

In correspondence with the chemical weapons expert Dan Kaszeta, Postolrevealed that the “solid scientific source” he used to support his theoryabout the origin of sarin used in Syria was “Syrian Sister”. When Postoland Susli both appeared on a podcast run by the Holocaust “revisionist”Ryan Dawson, Postol explained why he had chosen to work with her: “I waswatching her on Twitter. I could see from her voice … that she was atrained chemist.” First, Postol claimed that the crater from which thesarin in Khan Shaykhun had emanated was most probably caused not by abomb dropped from the air but by an explosive device laid on the ground(a hypothesis examined and thoroughly debunked by the OPCW report). Thenhe claimed that there was “no evidence to support” the notion that sarinhad been released from the air, and proposed there was strong evidence tosuggest that the mass poisoning had been caused by a bomb that hit arebel weapons depot.

He further claimed that a French intelligence report contradicted thestory that sarin had been dropped from a plane, as it suggested thatsarin had been dropped by helicopters in a different place. (In reality,he had confused the attack in April 2017 with one in April 2013). Each ofthese contradictory hypotheses was patiently explored and demolished atthe time by bloggers and analysts.

The Guardian visited Khan Shaykhun (also known as Khan Sheikhun) in theaftermath of the attack – the only news organisation in the world to doso. It established that there had been no weapons depot near the scene ofthe contamination. Surrounding warehouses were abandoned. Birdseed and avolleyball net were all that existed inside. None had been attacked inrecent months. The contamination came from a hole in the road from wherethe remains of a projectile protruded.

But eight days after the Khan Shaykhun attack John Pilger, famous forexposing propaganda and lies, was interviewed on the website ConsortiumNews. He praised Postol as “the distinguished MIT professor”, suggestedthat the Syrian government could not have carried out the attack – as heclaimed it had destroyed its chemical arsenal in 2014 – and maintainedthat jihadists in Khan Shaykhun “have been playing with nerve gases andsarin … for some years now. There’s no doubt about that.” Despite manyclaims to the contrary, I have found no credible evidence that Syrianjihadists have access to sarin.

On 26 April Noam Chomsky, interviewed on Democracy Now, claimed thatPostol, whom Chomsky called “a highly regarded strategic analyst andintelligence analyst”, had produced a “pretty devastating critique” of aWhite House report that maintained the Syrian government was responsible.Although Chomsky accepted that a chemical attack had taken place and saidit was plausible that the Syrian government could have carried it out,this interview helped trigger a frenzy of online commentary endorsingPostol’s hypotheses and dismissing the possibility that the Assadgovernment could have been responsible. The atmosphere became toxic: whenI challenged Postol’s claims, people accused me of being an Isissympathiser, a paedophile being blackmailed by the government, and aMossad agent. But the madness had only just begun.

People accused me of being an Isis sympathiser, a paedophile beingblackmailed by the government, and a Mossad agent
In June the investigative journalist Seymour Hersh published an articlein the German paper Die Welt, based on information from a “senior adviserto the US intelligence community” who maintained that there had been nosarin strike on Khan Shaykhun. Instead, a meeting of jihadist leaders in“a two-storey cinder-block building” had been bombed by the Syrian airforce with the support of the Russians and with Washington’s fullknowledge. Fertilisers and disinfectants in the basement, Hersh claimed,could have caused the mass poisoning. (Again, this possibility wasexamined and discredited by the OPCW).

So which building was he talking about? I asked Hersh to give me itscoordinates: the most basic evidence you would expect to support a claimof this nature. The Terraserver website provides satellite imagery thatmakes it possible to check for any changes to the buildings in KhanShaykhun, from one day to the next. But when I challenged him to providethem, first he sent me links to claims made by Postol, then he told methat the images are not sufficiently “precise and reliable”. As everybuilding is clearly visible, I find this claim is hard tounderstand.

Scepticism of all official claims is essential, especially when theyinvolve weapons of mass destruction, and especially when they are used asa pretext for military action – in this case Tomahawk missiles fired onthe orders of Donald Trump from a US destroyer on 7 April. We know fromIraq not to take any such claims on trust. But I also believe there is adifference between scepticism and denial. While in the fog of war, therewill always be some doubt, as the OPCW’s report acknowledges, there is noevidence to support the competing theories of what happened at KhanShaykhun. Propaganda by one side does not justify propaganda byanother.

In Vox earlier this month, the writer David Roberts suggested thatAmerica is facing “an epistemic crisis” caused by the conservativerejection of all forms of expertise and knowledge. Politics in the US andelsewhere is now dominated by wild conspiracy theories and paranoia – thenarrative platform from which fascism arises. This, as Roberts proposes,presents an urgent threat to democracy. If the scourges of establishmentpropaganda promote, even unwittingly, groundless stories developed by the“alt right”, we are in deeper trouble than he suggests.
>From South America, where paymentmust be made with subtlety, the Bormann organization has made asubstantial contribution. It has drawn many of the brightest Jewishbusinessmen into a participatory role in the development of many of itscorporations, and many of these Jews share their prosperity mostgenerously with Israel. If their proposals are sound, they are evenprovided with a specially dispensed venture capital fund. I spoke withone Jewish businessmen in Hartford, Connecticut. He had arrived therequite unknown several years before our conversation, but with Bormannmoney as his leverage. Today he is more than a millionaire, a quietleader in the community with a certain share of his profits earmarked asalways for his venture capital benefactors. This has taken place in manyother instances across America and demonstrates how Bormann’s peopleoperate in the contemporary commercial world, in contrast to the fancifulnonsense with which Nazis are described in so much “literature.”

So much emphasis is placed on select Jewish participation in Bormanncompanies that when Adolf Eichmann was seized and taken to Tel Aviv tostand trial, it produced a shock wave in the Jewish and Germancommunities of Buenos Aires. Jewish leaders informed the Israeliauthorities in no uncertain terms that this must never happen againbecause a repetition would permanently rupture relations with the Germansof Latin America, as well as with the Bormann organization, and cut offthe flow of Jewish money to Israel. It never happened again, and thepursuit of Bormann quieted down at the request of these Jewish leaders.He is residing in an Argentinian safe haven, protected by the mostefficient German infrastructure in history as well as by all those whoseprosperity depends on his well-being.
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