Lest We Forget. Was Sir Nicholas Soames Right? Could A Landmines Ban Get Diana Killed?
tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Wed Jun 3 10:54:03 BST 2020
02Jun20 - Paris London Connection The
Assassination of Princess Diana by John
Paris London Connection
The Assassination of Princess Diana
by John Morgan (2012)
Shining Bright Publishing
A Threatening Phone Call From Sir Nicholas Soames
P 38 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
Then during the following month - February 1997 -
Diana received a threatening phone call at her
home in Kensington Palace. Her friend Simone Simmons was there:
"I was with Diana in her sitting-room at KP when
she beckoned me over and held her large
old-fashioned black telephone away from her ear
so that I could hear. I heard a voice telling her
she should stop meddling with things she didn't
understand or know anything about, and spent
several minutes trying to tell her to drop her
[anti-landmines] campaign. Diana didn't say much,
she just listened, and I clearly heard the
warning: 'You never know when an accident is
going to happen.' [Diana] went very pale.
The moment she put the phone down we started
talking about what he had said. I tried to be
reassuring which was not easy - she was clearly very worried ....
"When 1 listened into her conversation, with its
apparent warning ... I was not sure [of her
safety] any more. The conversation frightened
Diana, and it certainly scared me."
Diana told Simmons that the caller was the
Minister of the Armed Forces and close long-time
friend of Prince Charles, Nicholas Soames - the
same person who just 14 months earlier had
accused Diana on national TV of being in "the advanced stages of paranoia".
Diana was not deterred and said to Simmons: "It
doesn't matter what happens to me. We must do
something. We cannot allow this slaughter to continue."
Then following the Soames phone call, Diana
sought out a way of secretly recording her story.
On March 7 a former BBC cameraman met with Diana
at Kensington Palace and recorded the first of 7
videos. By the time the recordings were complete
- later in March - there was 12 hours of footage.
She addressed her 17 years of mistreatment at the
hands of the royal family and also problems
within the family, including her concerns
regarding the relationship between Prince Charles
and his senior valet, Michael Fawcett.
Was Soames Right? Could A Landmines Ban Get You Killed?
P 39 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
Princess Diana spent months building up an
anti-landmine dossier, made up of sourced
information and her own handwritten notes. As a
precaution she kept it in her friend Elsa Bowkers
locked safe. Then in June - after the dossier had
grown to be several inches thick - Diana took a
copy of it, which she gave to Simmons for
safe-keeping. Simmons hid "it at the head of
[her] bed underneath the mattress".
On 1 May 1997 Tony Blair was installed as UK
Prime Minister following a landslide election
result in favour of New Labour. With that,
Nicholas Soames' party lost power and Britain
resolved to sign the upcoming anti-landmine treaty.
Diana delivered a landmark anti-Iandmine speech
at the Royal Geographic Society in London on June
12. It was entitled: "Responding to Landmines: A
Modern Tragedy and Its Consequences". This was to
be Diana's final major address against the proliferation of landmines.
"The world is too little aware of the waste of
life, limb and land which anti-personnel
landmines are causing among some of the poorest people on earth ....
"For the mine is a stealthy killer. Long after
conflict is ended, its innocent victims die or
are wounded singly, in countries of which we hear
little. Their lonely fate is never reported. The
world, with its many other preoccupations,
remains largely unmoved by a death roll of
something like 800 people every month - many of
them women and children. Those who are not killed
outright - and they number another 1,200 a month
suffer terrible injuries and are handicapped for life.
"I was in Angola in January with the British Red
Cross .... Some people chose to interpret my
visit as a political statement. But it was not. I
am not a political figure. As I said at the time,
and I'd like to reiterate now, my interests are
humanitarian. That is why I felt drawn to this
human tragedy. This is why I wanted to play down
my part in working towards a world-wide ban on these weapons ....
"The human pain that has to be borne is often
beyond imagining. '" That is something to which
the world should urgently turn its conscience.
"In Angola, one in every 334 members of the
population is an amputee. Angola has the highest rate of amputees in the world.
How can countries which manufacture and trade in
these weapons square their conscience with such human devastation? ..
"Much ingenuity has gone into making some of these mines.
Many are designed to trap an unwary de-miner. ...
1 reflected, after my visit to Angola, if some of
the technical skills used in making mines had
been applied to better methods of removing them ....
"These mines inflict most of their casualties on
people who are trying to meet the elementary
needs of life. They strike the wife, or the
grandmother, gathering firewood for cooking. They
ambush the child sent to collect water for the family ....
"One of the main conclusions 1 reached after this
experience: Even if the world decided tomorrow to
ban these weapons. this terrible legacy of mines
already in the earth would continue to plague the
poor nations of the globe. 'The evil that men do, lives after them.'
"And so. it seems to me, there rests a certain obligation upon the rest of us.
"One of my objectives in visiting Angola was to
forward the cause of those. like the Red Cross,
striving in the name of humanity to secure an
international ban on these weapons. Since then.
we are glad to see. some real progress has been
made. There are signs of a change of heart - at
least in some parts of the world. For that we
should be cautiously grateful. If an
international ban on mines can be secured it
means. looking far ahead. that the world may be a
safer place for this generation's grandchildren.
"But for this generation in much of the
developing world. there will be no relief, no
relaxation. The toll of deaths and injuries
caused by mines already there, will continue ....
"1 would like to see more done for those living
in this 'no man's land'. which lies between the
wrongs of yesterday and the urgent needs of today.
"'I think we owe it. I also think it would be of
benefit to us. as well as to them. The more
expeditiously we can end this plague on Earth
caused by the landmine. the more readily can we
set about the constructive tasks to which so many
give their hand in the cause of humanity."
Just nine days earlier, on Tuesday June 3, Diana
had attended an English National Ballet (ENB)
performance of Swan Lake at the Royal Albert
Hall. This was to be her last visit to the Hall
and she was present in her role as ENB patron. At
the gala dinner held in the Churchill Hotel
following the ballet, Diana was seated next to
long-time family friend, Mohamed Al Fayed and his wife, Heini.
During the dinner conversation they discussed the
upcoming summer holidays. Diana said she was
still working out where to take William and
Harry. Mohamed and Heini invited Diana and the
boys to join them at their St Tropez villa in July.
Six days later, on Monday the 9th, Diana phoned
Michael Cole, Harrods Director of Public Affairs,
to find out more detail about the facilities.
Then on the Wednesday Diana penned a letter to Mohamed:
"Dear Mohamed, A very special thank you indeed
for inviting the boys and I to stay in France
next month. Needless to say we are greatly
looking forward to it all and we are so grateful
to you for giving us this opportunity .... I know
we will speak soon, but until then, my love to you all, Diana."
Then on the next day, June 12, Diana delivered
the significant anti-landmine speech in London -
"how can countries which manufacture and trade in
these weapons square their conscience"; "the evil
that men do"; "this plague on earth caused by the landmine".
In two short days Princess Diana - who was under
the constant surveillance of the British security
services - had delivered two powerful messages.
First: to the British Establishment, including
the royal family. Second: to the leading arms
dealing nations of the western world - the US, UK and France.
On Thursday 12 June 1997 Princess Diana
effectively declared war on the armaments
industries of the US, UK and France - for even
though Britain and France were to sign the Ottawa
treaty to ban landmines, it was apparent that
Diana would not have stopped at landmines: "my
interests are humanitarian - that is why I felt
drawn to this human tragedy". As a humanitarian,
Diana - after succeeding against landmines -
would have sought an end to cluster bombs and
other evil - "the evil that men do" - weapons.
Diana Prepares To Shack Up With Dodi
P 52 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
By the end of this period - before August 15 -
Diana and Dodi had plans to live together, and
were making preparations to move into Julie
Andrews' former Malibu home. They also intended
to purchase a property in Paris, where they would live part-time.
On Friday August 15 Diana and Rosa Monckton left
London on an Al Fayed jet, headed to Athens. This
was the start of the Greek Island cruise, which
had been organised by Rosa at the end of June.
After arriving in Greece, Diana and Rosa boarded
the Della Grazia, a 22 metre yacht with three
crew, which had been chartered by MI6. This
vessel was tracked by three much larger super
yachts - also chartered by MI6 - the Marala. 59
metres; the Sunrise, 90 metres; and the Sea
Sedan. 55 metres. These super yachts provided
security, but also cruised about acting as media decoys.
While Diana and Rosa drifted around the Aegean
Sea for five days in the smallish Della Grazia,
the world's media searched doggedly for the
princess. MI6 were so keen to protect Diana's
location that they arranged for a decoy article
to be published in London, stating that "the two
were staying on the remote island of Inousses" -
across the other side of the Aegean. But when
reporters, including Greek journalists, flocked
to that island, Diana was nowhere to be seen and
there was also no evidence she had been there.
This gave Rosa five days of peace and quiet alone
with Diana - time to cover plenty of territory on
plans and intentions and to seek any other
intelligence that was relevant for her spy-masters.
Meanwhile Dodi was making arrangements for the
next cruise with Diana and on August 18 made a
critical call to Frank Klein, president of the
Ritz Hotel, Paris. Klein recalled later: Dodi
told "me that he intended to come to Paris at the
end of the month" accompanied by his "friend", Diana.
US intelligence - NSA, which was monitoring the
couple's phone conversations - was then made
aware that Princess Diana and Dodi Fayed would be
visiting Paris around the end of August. Not only
that, but it would have been evident that there
would be trips between the Ritz Hotel - an AI
Fayed asset - and Dodis Paris apartment. During
the late July weekend when Diana and Dodi had
stayed in Paris, both the apartment and hotel had
been visited and there had been trips back and forth.
After Frank Klein received the August 18 Dodi
communication, his first call was to the Ritz
Paris, to his second in command, Claude Roulet.
Klein expected to continue his holiday in Antibes
beyond the end of the month - it therefore became
Roulet's responsibility to ensure the hotel and
staff were readied for the anticipated arrival of
the VIPs. Roulet passed on the information to his
Ritz security head, Henri Paul, but also notified
his intelligence handler. This confirmed the news
the agencies had already received, courtesy of the NSA surveillance operation.
From this point on, MI6 - working in conjunction
with the CIA and the French intelligence agency,
DGSE - set about planning to carry out one of the
most significant events of the 20th century, the
assassination of Princess Diana.
MI6 Begin To Plan Princess Dianas Assassination
P 53 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
It was under a month since MI6 had received the
nod from senior royals - and now an opportunity
to accomplish an extremely deniable operation had
opened up. Very close to the chauffeur's route
between the Ritz Hotel and Dodi Fayed's apartment
lay the Alma Tunnel - a potentially dangerous
traffic spot when negotiated at speed. All it
required was to prevent the target vehicle,
travelling down the riverside expressway, from
exiting after the Alexandre III tunnel and it
would then be forced into the Alma. With a plan
to remove any back-up car, add chasing powerful
motorbikes, a strobe light and a waiting vehicle,
MI6 began to formulate how this operation could be brought about.
Within hours the top MI6 officer in France,
Eugene Curley, received instructions that he was
to be heavily involved in orchestrating the
assassination of the extremely popular princess.
He baulked at this and, despite his 16 years of
loyalty in the organisation, refused to participate.
Curley had to be replaced and quickly. Sherard
Cowper-Coles, with 20 years' experience, had
recently completed the handover of Hong Kong back
to the Chinese. He was still based at MI6
headquarters in London. MI6 Chief David Spedding
immediately transferred Cowper-Coles into Paris
as the replacement head of France. He pulled
Curley back into London and a deal was made -
Curley could stay in MI6 so long as he would
testify on oath to any later investigation that
he was still France's MI6 head at the time of the assassination.
Soon after arriving in Paris, Cowper-Coles,
comprehending the complexity of the operation, called for more staff.
[These included Valerie Caton, David Spedding and
Richard Spearman. Cowper Coles had a team of at
least eight MI6 officers in the Paris embasst
most of which would not have known the precise goal of the operation.]
The Crash: Diana scores 14/15 on Glasgow Trauma Rating scale
P 98 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
SAMU had received notification of the crash by
12.25. Dr Arnaud Derossi was on duty as the
medical dispatcher and he took the calls.
A SAMU ambulance with Dr Jean-Marc Martino aboard
left at 12.28 a.m. - two minutes before the Fire
Service ambulances but didn't arrive until
12.40 - eight minutes after the Fire Service. The
ambulance left from the Necker Hospital which was
just 2.3 km from the Alma Tunnel. It took 12
minutes to travel 2.3 km - an average speed of
11.5 km/h (7 mph). Martino appears to have
stopped on the way to receive final instructions
from his MI6 handler, because Diana had survived.
One of MI6's key strategies was to delay
treatment. Mailliez had expertise but no
equipment. The Fire Service had the equipment but
was under orders to not send a doctor ahead of
SAMU - and to wait until SAMU arrived before
administering any treatment to Diana. SAMU
delayed their arrival until 12.40 a.m., 17 minutes after the crash.
All this meant that nothing much was done -
including no blood pressure test - for Diana
until Dr Martino arrived at 12.40 a.m. And Dr
Martino was working for MI6, so he also made sure
very little was done - in fact Martino's actions
were mostly detrimental to Diana's condition.
Martino did not treat Diana - he mistreated her.
MI6 had complete control of the medical treatment
of Princess Diana, right from 12.25 a.m. when
Frederic Mailliez arrived in the Alma Tunnel,
until 2.06 a.m. - when Martino delivered her to the hospital.
On arrival, at 12.40, Martino's team started
working with Trevor Rees-Jones, who was assessed
as being in the most critical condition. Martino
told investigators in 1998: "I asked my crew to
take care of the front right hand seat passenger
[Rees-Jones], who seemed the more seriously
injured of the two, whilst calling for back up
from the Mobile Emergency Service [SAMU] in order
to attend to the second victim [Diana]."
This decision might sound logical, but it had the
effect of further delaying Diana's treatment.
Then at 12.43 the Fire Service's Dr Fuilla
arrived. The logical move then would have been
for Fuilla's team to treat Diana - because
Martino was already working with Rees-Jones.
But that is not what occurred. Instead, Martino's
team from working on Rees-Jones to Diana - and
Fuilla took over the treatment of Rees-Jones.
These decisions enabled Diana's treatment to be
delayed another three minutes, whilst Martino -
and MI6 officers - were able to still maintain
complete control over Diana's treatment.
Xavier Gourmelon, a first aid instructor with the
Fire Service, told police that Diana said:
"My God, what's happened?"
According to the SAMU ambulance report Diana
scored 14 out of 15 on the Glasgow Coma Rating
Scale. Tom Treasure, the inquest cardio-thoracic expert, later said:
"14 out of 15 is very good .... It is a scale of
prediction of head injury and it was very favourable."
This is further medical evidence contradicting
Mailliez's account that Diana was unconscious.
It was however obvious to the medical people
attending the crash scene that Diana had been
involved in a very serious high-speed crash
impact - and hadn't been wearing a seat belt.
Dr Mailliez later said: "I was just suspecting a
brain damage or a chest damage because of the
high-energy accident." Dr Martino also made an
early assessment: "Because of what happened at
the scene, that is to say a high-speed accident,
the technical wherewithal capable of operating in
thoracic, cardiac and abdominal regions was needed."
In other words, it was evident from the beginning
that, although Diana looked okay on the outside,
there would be some internal damage from having
been involved in this violent crash.
This then meant that Martino understood Diana
required treatment in a hospital - a place with
"the technical wherewithal capable of operating" .
From that point on - soon after arriving at
12.40 - Martino, had he been interested in saving
Diana, would have been trying to get her to a
hospital as soon as possible. Yet that is not
what occurred - Diana didn't arrive at La Pitié
Salpêtrière Hospital until 2.06 a.m.
It took Martino 1 hour 26 minutes to deliver her
to a hospital. Then she died six minutes after arriving.
It is a shocking story.
Dr Arnaud Derossi, who was operating the phones
at SAMU base, took the initial notification
calls and dispatched Martino's ambulance to the
scene. He also operated as an MI6 agent on the
night. Derossi's SAMU colleague, Dr Marc Lejay,
was asleep at the time of the crash. He was not involved with MI6. .
Derossi woke Lejay, who then took over as medical
dispatcher - and Derossi left SAMU control in his
car at 12.42, arriving at the crash scene eight
minutes later, at 12.50. Just like Martino, he
also probably spoke with his MI6 handler along the way.
At 12.43 Martino called Lejay with a situation
report: "Rear passenger, would seem an arm, the
right arm, completely turned backwards. We are
trying to sedate and initial treatment. Over."
That rear passenger was Princess Diana.
Martino, however, later told French investigators
that his initial assessment was much more than
that: "She herself had a facial injury, frontal
according to the journey log, and was trapped
with her right arm bent to the rear, at first
glance possibly with a fracture in the upper
third. However, she may have had all sorts of
other internal injuries, abdominal or thoracic,
which might decompensate at any time."
The idea behind calling base with assessments is
so the receiving hospital can be chosen and
preparations made to have the right staff -
doctors and specialists - available on arrival.
This is particularly the case for a VIP, as Princess Diana was.
Or Martino failed to inform the base of his
initial assessment that Diana had a facial injury
and could be expected to have "internal injuries,
abdominal or thoracic". Instead he lied, and only
told Lejay about a likely arm injury.
He mentioned an injured arm but omitted
potentially life-threatening internal injuries.
This was good news for the SAMU base. They had a
crash involving a British princess on their
hands, but the only injury was to her arm.
It meant there was no need to rush Diana to
hospital and there was no expected requirement to
have any particular specialists on hand.
But even more important, it reduced the pressure
on Martino - it meant he would not have the base
breathing down his neck and it strengthened his
independent control of the scene. SAMU were in
charge of Diana and Martino was their doctor on
the spot. And Dr Derossi was on his way. Both were agents of MI6.
It is no coincidence that Martinos "injured arm"
report is sent in just after Derossi had left. It
is unusual for a dispatcher to go to the scene
and if it had been "known" that Diana only had an
injured arm his trip would have seemed
unnecessary. Derossi would have notified Martino
he had already left before Martino called in with
the report. Martino would need Derossi at the crash scene.
Martino left Diana in the back of the Mercedes
for another 17 minutes, removing her at 1 a.m.
and she was in the ambulance by 1.06. But by that
time Martino had her anaesthetised, intubated and ventilated.
A patient is much easier to control if they are
unconscious and unable to talk. intubation and
ventilation is an extreme process. It involved
placing a flexible plastic tube down Diana's
windpipe. For this to occur, Diana had to be
anaesthetised. These procedures are only carried
out prior to hospital if it is absolutely necessary.
In Diana's case it was not.
After Marc Lejay was told about this treatment at
1.19 a.m. he said to Derossi that it "was rather
strong for the circumstances". The inquest
expert, Professor Tom Treasure, said that in the
UK ambulance crews don't intubate unless the
person is so incapacitated that it can be done
without the use of drugs. He also stated that
anaesthetising the patient makes them "much
harder to analyse in terms of their brain injury and so on".
So it is a last resort.
Diana was not a last resort patient. She had a
Glasgow coma rating of 14 out of 15 and was not having trouble with breathing.
On arrival at 12.50 Derossi joined Martino's
ambulance crew, bringing the number on board to
five - Jean-Marc Martino, Arnaud Derossi, Barbara
Kapfer, a person called "Fadi", and the driver,
Michel Massebeuf. The inquest jury were only
informed of three - Martino, Massebeuf and an unnamed "medical student".
Once inside his ambulance Martino undressed and
examined the now unconscious Diana.
The first page of the ambulance report reveals
the results of that examination under the heading
"Findings". Right arm and right leg injuries are
mentioned and also "thoracic trauma".
So by 1.15 a.m. Martino is aware that Diana has a
thoracic trauma and by his own later admission to
the medical investigators that indicates an
"internal injury" in that area. This in turn
confirmed the requirement to get Diana to a place
with, in his words, "the technical wherewithal
capable of operating in thoracic" - a hospital.
But that is not what occurred. In fact, the opposite occurred.
At 1.19 Dr Derossi, who is now in the ambulance,
phoned through a report to Dr Lejay. He told
Lejay two critical lies. He said Diana had
"obvious cranial trauma" and he also stated, "at
first appearance nothing to report for the
thorax". And then Derossi repeated "nothing for
the thorax" later in the conversation.
Martino's examination revealed the area where a
life-threatening internal injury could lie - the
thorax - yet Derossi told Lejay "nothing for the
thorax" twice. But also said, "obvious cranial
trauma" - something which is not in the record of Martino' s examination.
The effect of this information for Lejay would be
that when calling the hospital he would
definitely not be asking for a cardio-thoracic
specialist to be on hand, but instead would be
seeking the presence of a head trauma specialist.
Martino also wrote that Diana's blood pressure
had dropped but failed to record the level.
Derossi told the base that it was 70. When Lejay
heard this, he suggested the low blood pressure
might be due to the sedatives Martino had
administered - Lejay described them as "a bit
violent" for the circumstances. Martino had
administered Fentanyl, which is over 80 times more powerful than morphine.
During later cross-examination at the inquest,
Martino admitted that 70 is not actually that
low. He was asked: "What is your definition of
'stability'" at a crash scene? Martino answered:
"Blood pressure between 60 and - a minimum of 70
to 80 units of arterial blood pressure" .
Now in the ambulance, Martino proceeded to use
the "low" blood pressure as a pretext to start
pumping catecholamines into Diana's system -
right from about 1.10 through to 2.06 a.m., when
she was delivered to the hospital.
The effect of catecholamine is that it increases
the blood pressure, but it also increases the
pressure on any potential internal injury. So it
should only be administered if absolutely necessary.
In Diana's case catecholamine was not necessary
because her blood pressure was not that low, but
even more important, the thoracic trauma had
revealed the likelihood of an internal chest
injury. This meant that the application of
catecholamines could be detrimental to Diana's condition.
And Dr Martino - being a doctor - would have definitely been aware of that.
At the inquest, expert Tom Treasure criticised
Martino's actions: "Struggling to get a perfect
pulse and blood pressure may be wrong; you want
one that is just good enough ..... The
[catecholamines] being counterproductive, they
are flogging the heart, they are tightening the
circulation. But the real problem is the hole in
the blood vessel and, if anything, you are making ... things worse."
Diana had a critical torn vein and the thoracic
trauma should have told Martino that such an internal injury was likely.
By pouring in catecholamines Martino was ensuring
that any internal injury would be made worse and
in turn would help bring on Diana's death.
Dr Martino told the inquest that a blood pressure
of 70 and a pulse of 100 - which Diana had at
1.10 - was stable. Yet he failed to move the
ambulance out of the tunnel until 1041 - 31 minutes later.
During the 1.19 report Lejay, at the base, asked
whether the ambulance was "ready to roll". He was
told by Derossi that it would leave in "a few
minutes". Then 10 minutes later, at 1.29 a.m.,
Lejay calls the ambulance and asks if they are
"en route yet". This is even though Lejay was
unaware of the thoracic trauma. Had he been told
about that, he would have been even more keen for
the ambulance to get to the hospital quickly.
A key French defence is that things are done
differently there - that ambulances linger longer
at the scene: it is called "stay and play". That
is true, to a point. But the questions from
Lejay, wanting the ambulance to get moving, and
the obvious fact that Diana's condition required
early hospitalisation, overwhelm any stay and
play argument. The requirement for
hospitalisation was even admitted by Martino in
his early assessment to the French investigators.
Drs Martino and Derossi deliberately lingered as
long as they could in the Alma Tunnel, while they
simultaneously pumped catecholamines into Diana,
knowing that was harmful to her. And they also
withheld knowledge of a thoracic trauma from the SAMU base.
The ambulance finally trundled out of the tunnel
at 1041 a.m., followed by two French journalists
- Pierre Suu and Thierry Orban.
It was 1 hour and 18 minutes since the crash.
The Murder of Princess Diana?
P 104 PARIS-LONDON CONNECTION
There were six people on board - Princess Diana,
Jean-Marc Martino, Barbara Kapfer, and "Fadi"
were in the back and Arnaud Derossi and driver,
Michel Massebeuf, were in the front.
The destination hospital was La Pitié Salpêtrière.
Normally the procedure was for the SAMU base to
determine the hospital. That did not happen in
this case. Instead, during the 1.19 call, Derossi
specifically told Lejay to book Diana in to "the
neurosurgical unit at the Pitié Salpêtrière
Hospital". The reason Derossi did this was
apparently because he had been told there was no
cardio-thoracic specialist on duty there that night.
There was a hospital where VIPs and political
leaders were normally sent to, which did have all
the specialists on duty 24 hours for emergencies.
That was the Val de Grace. It was just 4.6 km
from the crash scene, whereas La Pitié was 5.7
km. In the early edition of The People published
on the day of the crash, it said that Diana was
"believed to be in the French VIP Val de Grace hospital in central Paris".
That was the logical hospital.
A French emergency physician was later quoted:
"Every political figure who is in a car crash or
is injured is taken there .... The Val de Grace
... has a top team of trauma specialists on duty
around the clock. I might have helicoptered her
in. She would have been on the operating block a
few minutes after being stabilised."
But it was not in the MI6 plan for Diana to be
properly treated for her injuries - in fact, the
plan was that she wouldn't survive that night -
and part of that was sending her to the wrong hospital.
Pierre Suu, who followed the ambulance from the
tunnel, said it was "being driven at walking
pace". The ambulance travelled at an average
speed of 17 kph (11 mph) then at 2 a.m. was seen
to stop for five minutes within 500 metres of the hospital.
Suu later told the police that "a doctor jumped
out of the passenger side of the vehicle and
rushed round the back of the ambulance and got
inside". That doctor was Arnaud Derossi.
Thierry Orban, who was near Suu, said the ambulance "was rocking".
Martino said he stopped the ambulance because
Diana's blood pressure had dropped and he
"increased the quantity of the drip volume". He
specifically told the police: "I did not do any
cardiac massage at that moment".
Martino has never said what level Diana's blood
pressure fell to. His explanation for the
stoppage of the ambulance does not account for
Derossi's sudden move from the front to the back, or the rocking ambulance.
It seems likely that some procedure was carried
out during the five minute stoppage that helped quicken Diana's death.
The ambulance started moving again at 2.05 and arrived at the hospital at 2.06.
There was no cardio-thoracic specialist on hand.
Instead, he was asleep at home. Dr Alain Pavie,
the cardio-thoracic specialist, was phoned at 2.1
0 a.m., four minutes after Diana arrived.
Two minutes later Diana stopped breathing on the
operating table. She never regained her breath.
Princess Diana passed away six minutes after
being delivered to hospital - and two minutes
after the cardio-thoracic specialist had been called.
It was 2.12 a.m.
The La Pitie medical team, led by Dr Bruno Riou,
did the best they could, but in the circumstances
they had no chance of saving Diana.
That is because the actions of Drs Martino and
Derossi had already sealed her fate. Effectively
those two doctors had assassinated Princess Diana
in the back of their ambulance, on the orders of
their MI6 handlers. They would have been
generously remunerated for their actions.
Riou and his team worked feverishly away for a
further two hours in a desperate but hopeless
attempt to save a princess who was already dead.
They officially gave up at 4 a.m. - 3 hours and
37 minutes after the crash in the Alma Tunnel.
Princess Diana Crash: The Dr Jean-Marc Martino Ambulance Timeline
00:23 Sunday 31st August 1997 Di and Dodi's
Mercedes S280 Crashes In The Alma Tunnel
12:28 Dr Jean-Marc Martinos SAMU Ambulance Leaves The Necker Hospital
00:40 Dr Jean-Marc Martinos SAMU Ambulance Arrives In The Alma Tunnel
01:41 Dr Jean-Marc Martinos SAMU Ambulance Leaves The Tunnel With Diana
02:00 The Ambulance Stops Inexplicably, Begins Rocking From Side To Side
02:05 Dr Jean-Marc Martinos SAMU Ambulance Restarts
02:06 Martinos Ambulance Arrives At La Pitié Salpêtrière Hospital
02:12 Princess Diana Takes Her Final Breath
Tomlinson: The spy who was left out in the cold
Belfast Telegraph, United Kingdom - Sep 4, 2006
Since being sacked by MI6, Richard Tomlinson has
waged war on his former spymasters, allegedly
outing key agents on the net. Now they're
exacting harsh revenge for his treachery, as Andrew Mueller discovers.
It is difficult not to suspect a whiff of
self-parody in Richard Tomlinson's choice of
interview location. He waves from a gleaming
white speedboat, moored amid dozens of
millionaires' runabouts on an Antibes pier. It's
precisely the sort of setting from which the most
famous veteran of Tomlinson's former employers,
MI6, might have roared off to battle a bald,
cat-stroking megalomaniac in his hollowed-out
volcano lair, prior to seducing some improbably
named heroine as the closing credits rolled.
Tomlinson, however, is not commandeering this
vessel on Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence
Service. He's keeping an eye on it for the
Antibes yacht brokerage firm he now works for.
"I have a pretty nice life down here," he says.
"But do I miss the Service? Yeah, I do. It's very
interesting, with tremendous security, lots of
investment in training, good fun, and you get a
fantastic index-linked pension when you're 55 -
you retire on virtually your full salary when
you're still young enough to buy a boat and sail
around the world. It's a brilliant deal really."
Tomlinson, 43, was sacked by MI6 in 1995. The
reasons, he claims, were never made clear.
Possibly, he allows, it was one of those
unfathomable quirks of office politics. Maybe
someone, somewhere, just didn't like the cut of his jib.
Getting straightforward answers out of any
bureaucracy in such circumstances can be a chore.
Prising truth from an organisation as secretive
as MI6 is a task that most people would glumly
admit was impossible. Tomlinson has now spent
more than a decade repeatedly tilting at this
particular windmill, with the result that he has
spent various portions of his post-MI6 life on
the run, under arrest, in court, in prison, and
now in exile - but not out of the reach of
Britain's police forces and security services.
On 27 June, 2006, French police, acting on a
British warrant and with officers of the
Metropolitan Police present, raided Tomlinson's
home. The French police took Tomlinson's main
computer, his laptop, a friend's laptop, his
Psion organiser, his cameras, and his New Zealand
passport (as a Kiwi-born dual citizen, Tomlinson
was permitted to keep his British passport, at
the insistence, he says, of French authorities).
The British police, says Tomlinson, still have
all these items in their possession, and won't
give them back. Scotland Yard, pressed for a
comment, are not, as they put it, "prepared to
discuss individuals in terms of property that may
or may not have been seized". They do confirm
that Special Branch is looking into "unauthorised
disclosure of information in breach of the
Official Secrets Act", and that searches in
France have taken place. These searches, says the
Met, are part of an investigation into "the
publication of specific information on the internet".
On 24 April, 2006, the 11th anniversary of his
dismissal, Tomlinson started the "Tomlinson vs
MI6" blog. Every year on that date, he explains,
he has been in the habit of writing to MI6
seeking a meeting, a discussion, an explanation
for his dismissal. Despondently concluding that
MI6 is no more likely to reply this year than any other, Tomlinson went public.
"I don't know why they are worried about it," he
says. "It's just a silly little blog. Even if I
wanted to put anything secret up there, I've been
out of MI6 for 11 years. I have nothing I could say that's secret.
"When I started [the blog], I was a bit
antagonistic, I suppose. There are plenty of
things to feel annoyed about with MI6,
particularly the way they got us into the war in
Iraq. The names I called [MI6 chief ] John
Scarlett were probably a bit excessive."
"I've been having problems with MI6 for 11
years," Tomlinson continues. "They do things like
using their influence to stop me getting visas to
go anywhere. So I write to them, and say, 'Look,
ring me up, we'll have a meeting, we'll talk it
out.' I mean, I feel a grievance. Talking to
someone about that grievance would make me feel a
lot better. We talk it over, have a handshake over it, and forget it.
"I know it's a wimpy American word, but it would
mean a certain amount of 'closure' for me. I
think it could be redressed easily by an honest
talk with someone from MI6, but they never, ever reply to my letters."
Tomlinson's involvement with MI6 started the
old-fashioned way - the proverbial tap on the
shoulder at Cambridge, where he studied
engineering and cultivated ambitions of joining
the Royal Navy's Fleet Air Arm (he is a qualified
pilot - his schedule for the rest of the week
after our meeting includes flying across to
Corsica to pick up a boat part). He initially
rebuffed MI6's interest, but thought again a few
years later, after failing the naval medical
examination on the grounds of childhood asthma,
doing a bit of travelling, realising he was
unsuited to office work, and passing the Territorial Army's SAS selection.
Tomlinson began MI6's Intelligence Officers' New
Entry Course in 1991. By his own account, he was
a star pupil. He was subsequently dispatched,
under an assortment of cover stories and false
passports, to the imploding Bosnia-Herzegovina
and the collapsing Russia, among other places. A
discreetly glittering career seemed assured.
Then, on 24 April, 1995, Tomlinson's swipe-card
was rejected by the scanners at MI6's Vauxhall
Cross headquarters. He was then escorted to the
personnel department and informed of his
dismissal. When he describes this moment today,
he resembles nothing so much as a man who has
never recovered from an altar-side jilting. In
his head, Tomlinson had pledged himself to MI6
for life. The Service's abrupt, and, to his mind,
unfathomable, disrequiting of his loyalty clearly
wounded him deeply, as did their equivalent of
the I-still-want-to-be-your-friend soliloquy - an
offer to help find him a job at a sympathetic City firm.
Easing former operatives into cosy second careers
is thought to be fairly standard MI6 practice.
"It's quite common," confirms the journalist and
author Phillip Knightley, who has written
extensively about spooks and spookery. "There is
a sort of club of companies they deal with. Part
of the reason would be to reward the loyalty of
operatives, or so that the former officers keep
quiet, and the firms might expect a quid pro quo,
a tip-off of commercial interest." The offer didn't impress Tomlinson.
"I still find that really insulting," he spits.
"Talk about imposing their narrow, venal
aspirations on someone else. Nobody spent even
two minutes asking me what I might be interested in."
Looking into starting afresh in Sydney in 1997,
Tomlinson met with a publisher to discuss writing
a book about his time in MI6. Encouraged, he
typed up a synopsis. He was, he admits, worried
that this represented a clear-cut breach of the
Official Secrets Act, but he was reassured by the
publisher's promise that the synopsis would
remain locked in her filing cabinet while he
thought about whether or not to proceed with the memoir.
Still somewhat rudderless and adrift, Tomlinson
returned to England. Lacking options, and with
bills mounting, he resignedly accepted a job that
MI6 had found for him, with Jackie Stewart's
Formula One team in Milton Keynes, and ruminated
more on the book. Still anxious to do the right
thing by MI6, he filed a request seeking advice
about submitting a manuscript for security
clearance. MI6 replied, advising him sternly not to even think about it.
Tomlinson was infuriated by their attitude, and
emailed the Australian publisher from his work
computer, indicating a desire to proceed with the
project. A few days later, on 8 September, 1997,
Tomlinson's flat was burgled - or, as Tomlinson
believes, "burgled" - and his laptop, containing
what he'd written of the book, taken. The
following month, the publisher was visited by the
Australian Federal Police, to whom, despite her
previous assurances, she handed Tomlinson's
synopsis. Back in England, Tomlinson was arrested
and charged with breaking the Official Secrets
Act. He was convicted, sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment, and served eight.
Asked if the experience, which included being
interred as a Category A prisoner in HMP
Belmarsh, scarred him, he replies: "Not really,
no. It was a miserable time, but you remember the
good things and you forget the 22 hours of utter boredom every day."
After release, Tomlinson's difficulties
continued. He absconded, without documentation,
to France in 1998 - this seems to have been as
much a means of defiantly hoisting two fingers
towards Vauxhall Cross as anything else - and was arrested.
He carried on to New Zealand, where his hotel
room was raided. At New York's JFK airport, he
was refused entry to the United States and
deported - rather fortuitously, as Tomlinson's
original itinerary had seen him due to leave the
US on Swissair flight SR111 on 2 September, 1998,
which plunged into the Atlantic shortly after
take-off. He was harassed in France and
Switzerland, and suffered repeated interdiction
of his early attempts at an online presence - one
of which showed Tomlinson superimposed before
Vauxhall Cross in a daft hat, accompanied by the
theme from Monty Python's Flying Circus.
All that was before the surfacing of The List,
the underlying cause of Tomlinson's present travails.
In May 1998, a website belonging to indefatigable
American activist/crank Lyndon LaRouche published
a list of 115 alleged current and former MI6
officers. The Foreign Secretary at the time, the
late Robin Cook, blamed Tomlinson. Tomlinson was
thrown out of Switzerland, where he'd been
staying, followed in Germany, and arrested in Italy.
His book The Big Breach - a terrific read,
incidentally - did eventually appear. Its
gestation was not orthodox. Initially it was
published in Russia, and given away as a download
on the internet. In 2001, it was published in the
UK by a British house called Cutting Edge, which no longer exists.
Bill Campbell, a director of Mainstream
Publishing, Cutting Edge's then-distributor,
recalls no significant interference from the
government. "I think," recalls Campbell, "they
let it go because it was already in the public
domain, with the Russian publication and the
download. They didn't try to stop its
publication, or anything like that. There was
some communication from the Treasury solicitor,
stating that the author would not be allowed to
benefit in any way - so all Richard's royalties
are still being held in an escrow account in an Edinburgh lawyer's office."
The Big Breach sold, by Campbell's recollection,
somewhere in the vicinity of 12,000-14,000
copies. It caused controversy for Tomlinson's
suggestions of links between the media and the
security services (The Spectator, he alleged,
once furnished an MI6 agent in Estonia with
credentials), and of secret-service involvement
in the death of Diana, Princess of Wales (the
driver in whose car she died, Henri Paul, was an
MI6 informer, according to Tomlinson). He also
claimed that MI6 had been working on a plan to
assassinate Slobodan Milosevic by contriving a car accident in a tunnel.
While MI6's heat abated after the book's
publication - given the year, they may have
decided that they had more pressing matters to
attend to - Tomlinson's anger did not. He drifted
between jobs as a snowboard instructor, deckhand,
mathematics tutor and translator (he speaks five
languages), never finding the excitement or sense
of purpose MI6 had given him. "Oh, yeah, it was
great," he says of his time with MI6, with almost
painful wistfulness. "Brilliant fun."
He found his current job at the yacht firm a year
or so ago. Then, in April, he went online again with the Tomlinson vs MI6 blog.
"It gets quite a lot of readers," he says. "I
would say that most are either people from MI6,
or crackpots. There was one bloke who kept coming
on and accusing newsreaders - Jon Snow was one of
them - of spying on him through his television
set. He's got a whole website about this, apparently."
Tomlinson used, and is using, the blog to outline
his personal grievances, his disgust with MI6's
role in the UK's Iraq misadventure and,
curiously, to make available an updated version
of The List via a link on his website. He seems
determined to annoy MI6 by doing the very thing
they were accusing him of doing when he wasn't.
"Exactly," he grins. "I'm collating all the
information I can find about every single MI6
officer on the internet, and putting it in one
file, so now there's a searchable MI6 database."
Tomlinson's list comprises 210 names. Few of them
will mean anything to most readers, with the
exception of former Liberal Democrat leader Paddy
Ashdown, whose service in the Service is
long-standing Westminster legend. Other, older
lists of alleged MI6 agents circulating
cyberspace are longer but, Tomlinson claims, less accurate.
"That's why," he says, "I don't believe MI6
really think I did it originally, because the
lists were so inaccurate. Things like ambassadors
listed as MI6 officers, and MI6 know perfectly
well that I know that ambassadors never work for
MI6. But you can work out half of MI6 by looking
at the diplomatic lists, you don't need to be a
genius. I've just collated it and put it in one place."
Nevertheless, isn't there a possibility that this
is, in some way, detrimental to Britain's national security?
"Yes, it is a bit," sighs Tomlinson, sounding suddenly rather deflated.
So why do it?
"It's all open-source information," he says,
rallying. "It only would have taken two minutes
to find beforehand. And it's MI6 who've drawn attention to it by arresting me."
Do you feel guilty?
"Why," he asks, "would I feel guilty about
something I haven't done? I'm not in the
slightest guilty of what they're accusing me of.
There is nothing on my computer which is in
breach of the Official Secrets Act."
Which, if true, begs the question: what are the
British authorities doing getting involved with
it? Phillip Knightley believes that if Tomlinson
does sound paranoid, it doesn't mean that MI6 are not out to get him.
"They would feel," says Knightley, "that he let
them down, first for whatever it was they sacked
him for, then for blowing the whistle. They're a
very tight-knit, loyal family, and they'll pursue
him to the ends of the earth. If he tries to make
another career, they'll do their best to ruin it.
The very idea of writing a book..." Knightley
draws a comparison with the story of Warren Reed,
a (MI6-trained) former officer of Australia's
Security and Intelligence Service, who went on to
write books, fictional and not, about working in the intelligence services.
"They [MI6] destroyed his career," says
Knightley. "Every time he had a new thing going,
they destroyed him. When he found a job, they
made contact with his bosses, planted nasty
rumours about him. They do this partly to
discourage others, but it is also possible that
they want to discredit Tomlinson before he reveals something.
"There must be some deep, dark secret at the
heart of this whole thing. As I understood it, he
was a high-flyer, headed for great things. It
doesn't surprise me that they didn't give him a
reason, but it does surprise me that he claims to have no idea."
"I spoke to Special Plod yesterday," says
Tomlinson. "I asked how they were getting on with
my computers. They said they were still under
investigation. I asked if they'd found anything
to charge me with, and they said no. I asked if
they were going to charge me with anything, and
they said of course not, because I'm in France.
So if they've got no realistic chance of charging
me, what are they doing with my stuff?"
Tomlinson believes himself the victim of two
factors. One is a desire on MI6's part to
discourage any other agents from following his
path into print - although Tomlinson notes,
bitterly, that Dame Stella Rimington was allowed
write a memoir about her time in MI5. The other
is what seems an institutional failure by MI6 to
understand either the internet or public
relations. Closing down a website by legal means,
or by hassling its hosts, is like stamping on
mercury. Making a fuss about not wanting people
to see something only inflames curiosity.
Tomlinson's blog has wandered from server to
server as various website hosts have been leant
on - and, to the certain infuriation of his
persecutors, Tomlinson has been posting all of
the correspondence pertaining to this pressurising online.
"When I was in MI6," he says, "they were scared
to death of the internet. They wouldn't have any
internet connections in the office, even by the
time I left in 1995. I'm sure they've moved on now."
I leave Tomlinson, unsure if he has, though. His
love for the job he once had is obvious in his
conversation, and in the fizzingly energetic
chapters of The Big Breach which recall his time in the Service.
When I ask if he ever wonders what he'd be doing
now if the last 11 years had gone according to
plan, he looks haunted. "Most of my
contemporaries," he says, "are heads of big MI6
stations, Geneva or somewhere like that. I'd only
be working in declared posts, because my cover
would have been well and truly blown. I could be
anywhere. And the standard of living when you're
overseas is fantastic, it really is."
Had he thought the job worthwhile?
"Yes," he says, emphatically. "I did, absolutely.
I think I'd find it quite hard now. I was opposed
to the intervention in Iraq, and even if I was in
MI6 I'd be opposed to it, as I'm sure a lot of
people in MI6 are. It would be harder to feel a
strong sense of justification. During the Cold
War, we were fighting something being imposed on
us, but in this so-called war on terrorism I do
think a lot of the cause of it is the West's double standards around the world.
"During the Cold War," he continues, "Britain was
this innocent player which did face a threat. But
we're not anymore. We're part of the problem. So
I'd find it a little more difficult now."
Impossible though it obviously is, would he still want to work for MI6?
"Not really," he says, not entirely convincingly.
"If they were to offer to shake hands on it, I'd
feel fine. As recently as four or five years ago
I'd have felt that I very much still wanted to be
in the Service. I think that phase has gone, but
I'm still very angry. I was just starting out. I
only did minor things. I just look back at a lost opportunity, really."
Tomlinson glumly anticipates further harassment.
He says that he doesn't fear for his physical
safety, although starts at bumps in the night. He
also intends to write a spy novel, which most
armchair-educated psychologists would diagnose as
an effort to stay connected in some way to the
life he would rather have led. He says he wants
to be left alone by MI6, but I'm not sure how
true that is - like the ditched groom unable to
get over it, he seems to derive some consolatory
gratification from the fact that his former
betrothed can't quite get him out of their head, either.
"In general," he says, "MI6 does work for the
good, but it could have a better public image.
They could sort that out without much expense or
hassle. If you have a security service regarded
as sinister or inept, you have a lot of problems
recruiting people who are willing to help."
Certainly, MI6's public image is not enhanced by its pestering of Tomlinson.
It is impossible to argue with at least one of
his statements. "I'd have thought," Tomlinson
smiles, "that they'd have a thousand more
important things to do, just at the moment."
But then maybe they have been reading Mr.
on the death of Diana [ed.]
see also -
Revealed: how the BBC used MI5 to vet thousands of staff
By Chris Hastings, Arts and Media Editor (Filed:
It is a tale of secret agents and surveillance
that could have come straight out the BBC's
classic spy drama Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy.
But the difference is that genuine spies were
involved and they were operating behind the
scenes at Broadcasting House rather than on the small screen.
Confidential papers, obtained by The Sunday
Telegraph, have revealed that the BBC allowed MI5
to investigate the backgrounds and political
affiliations of -thousands of its employees,
including newsreaders, reporters and continuity announcers.
The files, which shed light on the BBC's hitherto
secret links with the Security Service, show that
at one stage it was responsible for vetting 6,300
different BBC posts - almost a third of the total workforce.
They also confirm that the corporation held a
list of "subversive organisations" and that
evidence of certain kinds of political activity
could be a bar to appointment or promotion.
The BBC's reliance on MI5 reached a peak in the
late 1970s and early 1980s at exactly the same
time as millions of viewers were tuning into the
fictional adventures of George Smiley in Tinker,
Tailor, Soldier, Spy and -Smiley's People.
David Dimbleby, John Humphrys and Anna Ford all
began their careers with the broadcaster when the system was still in place.
The papers show that senior BBC figures covered
up these links in the face of awkward questions
from trade unions and the press. The documents
refer to a "defensive strategy" based on
"categorical denial". One file note, dated March
1 1985, states: "Keep head down and stonewall all questions."
The BBC, however, has always refused to be
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NB please do reply with remove as the subject or first line if you do
not wish to recieve further emails - thanks
"And I think, in the end, that is the best definition of journalism I
have heard; to challenge authority - all authority - especially so
when governments and politicians take us to war, when they have
decided that they will kill and others will die. "
'From South America, where payment must be made with subtlety, the
Bormann organization has made a substantial contribution. It has
drawn many of the brightest Jewish businessmen into a participatory
role in the development of many of its corporations, and many of
these Jews share their prosperity most generously with Israel. If
their proposals are sound, they are even provided with a specially
dispensed venture capital fund. I spoke with one Jewish businessmen
in Hartford, Connecticut. He had arrived there quite unknown several
years before our conversation, but with Bormann money as his
leverage. Today he is more than a millionaire, a quiet leader in the
community with a certain share of his profits earmarked as always for
his venture capital benefactors. This has taken place in many other
instances across America and demonstrates how Bormann's people
operate in the contemporary commercial world, in contrast to the
fanciful nonsense with which Nazis are described in so much "literature."
So much emphasis is placed on select Jewish participation in Bormann
companies that when Adolf Eichmann was seized and taken to Tel Aviv
to stand trial, it produced a shock wave in the Jewish and German
communities of Buenos Aires. Jewish leaders informed the Israeli
authorities in no uncertain terms that this must never happen again
because a repetition would permanently rupture relations with the
Germans of Latin America, as well as with the Bormann organization,
and cut off the flow of Jewish money to Israel. It never happened
again, and the pursuit of Bormann quieted down at the request of
these Jewish leaders. He is residing in an Argentinian safe haven,
protected by the most efficient German infrastructure in history as
well as by all those whose prosperity depends on his well-being.'
You can donate to support Tony's work here http://www.bilderberg.org/bcfm.htm
TG mobile +44 7786 952037
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