Lest We Forget. Was Sir Nicholas Soames Right? Could A Landmines Ban Get Diana Killed?

Tony Gosling tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Wed Jun 3 10:54:03 BST 2020

02Jun20 - Paris London Connection The 
Assassination of Princess Diana by John 
Morgan   https://www.bilderberg.org/sis.htm#morgan

Extracts from
Paris London Connection
The Assassination of Princess Diana
by John Morgan (2012)
Shining Bright Publishing
ISBN 978-0-9807407-5-2

A Threatening Phone Call From Sir Nicholas Soames


Then during the following month - February 1997 - 
Diana received a threatening phone call at her 
home in Kensington Palace. Her friend Simone Simmons was there:

"I was with Diana in her sitting-room at KP when 
she beckoned me over and held her large 
old-fashioned black telephone away from her ear 
so that I could hear. I heard a voice telling her 
she should stop meddling with things she didn't 
understand or know anything about, and spent 
several minutes trying to tell her to drop her 
[anti-landmines] campaign. Diana didn't say much, 
she just listened, and I clearly heard the 
warning: 'You never know when an accident is 
going to happen.' [Diana] went very pale.

The moment she put the phone down we started 
talking about what he had said. I tried to be 
reassuring which was not easy - she was clearly very worried ....

"When 1 listened into her conversation, with its 
apparent warning ... I was not sure [of her 
safety] any more. The conversation frightened 
Diana, and it certainly scared me."

Diana told Simmons that the caller was the 
Minister of the Armed Forces and close long-time 
friend of Prince Charles, Nicholas Soames - the 
same person who just 14 months earlier had 
accused Diana on national TV of being in "the advanced stages of paranoia".

Diana was not deterred and said to Simmons: "It 
doesn't matter what happens to me. We must do 
something. We cannot allow this slaughter to continue."

Then following the Soames phone call, Diana 
sought out a way of secretly recording her story. 
On March 7 a former BBC cameraman met with Diana 
at Kensington Palace and recorded the first of 7 
videos. By the time the recordings were complete 
- later in March - there was 12 hours of footage. 
She addressed her 17 years of mistreatment at the 
hands of the royal family and also problems 
within the family, including her concerns 
regarding the relationship between Prince Charles 
and his senior valet, Michael Fawcett.

Was Soames Right? Could A Landmines Ban Get You Killed?


Princess Diana spent months building up an 
anti-landmine dossier, made up of sourced 
information and her own handwritten notes. As a 
precaution she kept it in her friend Elsa Bowkers 
locked safe. Then in June - after the dossier had 
grown to be several inches thick - Diana took a 
copy of it, which she gave to Simmons for 
safe-keeping. Simmons hid "it at the head of 
[her] bed underneath the mattress".

On 1 May 1997 Tony Blair was installed as UK 
Prime Minister following a landslide election 
result in favour of New Labour. With that, 
Nicholas Soames' party lost power and Britain 
resolved to sign the upcoming anti-landmine treaty.

Diana delivered a landmark anti-Iandmine speech 
at the Royal Geographic Society in London on June 
12. It was entitled: "Responding to Landmines: A 
Modern Tragedy and Its Consequences". This was to 
be Diana's final major address against the proliferation of landmines.

She said:

"The world is too little aware of the waste of 
life, limb and land which anti-personnel 
landmines are causing among some of the poorest people on earth ....

"For the mine is a stealthy killer. Long after 
conflict is ended, its innocent victims die or 
are wounded singly, in countries of which we hear 
little. Their lonely fate is never reported. The 
world, with its many other preoccupations, 
remains largely unmoved by a death roll of 
something like 800 people every month - many of 
them women and children. Those who are not killed 
outright - and they number another 1,200 a month 
suffer terrible injuries and are handicapped for life.

"I was in Angola in January with the British Red 
Cross .... Some people chose to interpret my 
visit as a political statement. But it was not. I 
am not a political figure. As I said at the time, 
and I'd like to reiterate now, my interests are 
humanitarian. That is why I felt drawn to this 
human tragedy. This is why I wanted to play down 
my part in working towards a world-wide ban on these weapons ....

"The human pain that has to be borne is often 
beyond imagining. '" That is something to which 
the world should urgently turn its conscience.

"In Angola, one in every 334 members of the 
population is an amputee. Angola has the highest rate of amputees in the world.

How can countries which manufacture and trade in 
these weapons square their conscience with such human devastation? ..

"Much ingenuity has gone into making some of these mines.

Many are designed to trap an unwary de-miner. ... 
1 reflected, after my visit to Angola, if some of 
the technical skills used in making mines had 
been applied to better methods of removing them ....

"These mines inflict most of their casualties on 
people who are trying to meet the elementary 
needs of life. They strike the wife, or the 
grandmother, gathering firewood for cooking. They 
ambush the child sent to collect water for the family ....

"One of the main conclusions 1 reached after this 
experience: Even if the world decided tomorrow to 
ban these weapons. this terrible legacy of mines 
already in the earth would continue to plague the 
poor nations of the globe. 'The evil that men do, lives after them.'

"And so. it seems to me, there rests a certain obligation upon the rest of us.

"One of my objectives in visiting Angola was to 
forward the cause of those. like the Red Cross, 
striving in the name of humanity to secure an 
international ban on these weapons. Since then. 
we are glad to see. some real progress has been 
made. There are signs of a change of heart - at 
least in some parts of the world. For that we 
should be cautiously grateful. If an 
international ban on mines can be secured it 
means. looking far ahead. that the world may be a 
safer place for this generation's grandchildren.

"But for this generation in much of the 
developing world. there will be no relief, no 
relaxation. The toll of deaths and injuries 
caused by mines already there, will continue ....

"1 would like to see more done for those living 
in this 'no man's land'. which lies between the 
wrongs of yesterday and the urgent needs of today.

"'I think we owe it. I also think it would be of 
benefit to us. as well as to them. The more 
expeditiously we can end this plague on Earth 
caused by the landmine. the more readily can we 
set about the constructive tasks to which so many 
give their hand in the cause of humanity."

Just nine days earlier, on Tuesday June 3, Diana 
had attended an English National Ballet (ENB) 
performance of Swan Lake at the Royal Albert 
Hall. This was to be her last visit to the Hall 
and she was present in her role as ENB patron. At 
the gala dinner held in the Churchill Hotel 
following the ballet, Diana was seated next to 
long-time family friend, Mohamed Al Fayed and his wife, Heini.

During the dinner conversation they discussed the 
upcoming summer holidays. Diana said she was 
still working out where to take William and 
Harry. Mohamed and Heini invited Diana and the 
boys to join them at their St Tropez villa in July.

Six days later, on Monday the 9th, Diana phoned 
Michael Cole, Harrods Director of Public Affairs, 
to find out more detail about the facilities. 
Then on the Wednesday Diana penned a letter to Mohamed:

"Dear Mohamed, A very special thank you indeed 
for inviting the boys and I to stay in France 
next month. Needless to say we are greatly 
looking forward to it all and we are so grateful 
to you for giving us this opportunity .... I know 
we will speak soon, but until then, my love to you all, Diana."

Then on the next day, June 12, Diana delivered 
the significant anti-landmine speech in London - 
"how can countries which manufacture and trade in 
these weapons square their conscience"; "the evil 
that men do"; "this plague on earth caused by the landmine".

In two short days Princess Diana - who was under 
the constant surveillance of the British security 
services - had delivered two powerful messages.

First: to the British Establishment, including 
the royal family. Second: to the leading arms 
dealing nations of the western world - the US, UK and France.

On Thursday 12 June 1997 Princess Diana 
effectively declared war on the armaments 
industries of the US, UK and France - for even 
though Britain and France were to sign the Ottawa 
treaty to ban landmines, it was apparent that 
Diana would not have stopped at landmines: "my 
interests are humanitarian - that is why I felt 
drawn to this human tragedy". As a humanitarian, 
Diana - after succeeding against landmines - 
would have sought an end to cluster bombs and 
other evil - "the evil that men do" - weapons.

Diana Prepares To ‘Shack Up’ With Dodi


By the end of this period - before August 15 - 
Diana and Dodi had plans to live together, and 
were making preparations to move into Julie 
Andrews' former Malibu home. They also intended 
to purchase a property in Paris, where they would live part-time.

On Friday August 15 Diana and Rosa Monckton left 
London on an Al Fayed jet, headed to Athens. This 
was the start of the Greek Island cruise, which 
had been organised by Rosa at the end of June.

After arriving in Greece, Diana and Rosa boarded 
the Della Grazia, a 22 metre yacht with three 
crew, which had been chartered by MI6. This 
vessel was tracked by three much larger super 
yachts - also chartered by MI6 - the Marala. 59 
metres; the Sunrise, 90 metres; and the Sea 
Sedan. 55 metres. These super yachts provided 
security, but also cruised about acting as media decoys.

While Diana and Rosa drifted around the Aegean 
Sea for five days in the smallish Della Grazia, 
the world's media searched doggedly for the 
princess. MI6 were so keen to protect Diana's 
location that they arranged for a decoy article 
to be published in London, stating that "the two 
were staying on the remote island of Inousses" - 
across the other side of the Aegean. But when 
reporters, including Greek journalists, flocked 
to that island, Diana was nowhere to be seen and 
there was also no evidence she had been there.

This gave Rosa five days of peace and quiet alone 
with Diana - time to cover plenty of territory on 
plans and intentions and to seek any other 
intelligence that was relevant for her spy-masters.

Meanwhile Dodi was making arrangements for the 
next cruise with Diana and on August 18 made a 
critical call to Frank Klein, president of the 
Ritz Hotel, Paris. Klein recalled later: Dodi 
told "me that he intended to come to Paris at the 
end of the month" accompanied by his "friend", Diana.

US intelligence - NSA, which was monitoring the 
couple's phone conversations - was then made 
aware that Princess Diana and Dodi Fayed would be 
visiting Paris around the end of August. Not only 
that, but it would have been evident that there 
would be trips between the Ritz Hotel - an AI 
Fayed asset - and Dodi’s Paris apartment. During 
the late July weekend when Diana and Dodi had 
stayed in Paris, both the apartment and hotel had 
been visited and there had been trips back and forth.

After Frank Klein received the August 18 Dodi 
communication, his first call was to the Ritz 
Paris, to his second in command, Claude Roulet. 
Klein expected to continue his holiday in Antibes 
beyond the end of the month - it therefore became 
Roulet's responsibility to ensure the hotel and 
staff were readied for the anticipated arrival of 
the VIPs. Roulet passed on the information to his 
Ritz security head, Henri Paul, but also notified 
his intelligence handler. This confirmed the news 
the agencies had already received, courtesy of the NSA surveillance operation.

 From this point on, MI6 - working in conjunction 
with the CIA and the French intelligence agency, 
DGSE - set about planning to carry out one of the 
most significant events of the 20th century, the 
assassination of Princess Diana.


MI6 Begin To Plan Princess Diana’s Assassination


It was under a month since MI6 had received the 
nod from senior royals - and now an opportunity 
to accomplish an extremely deniable operation had 
opened up. Very close to the chauffeur's route 
between the Ritz Hotel and Dodi Fayed's apartment 
lay the Alma Tunnel - a potentially dangerous 
traffic spot when negotiated at speed. All it 
required was to prevent the target vehicle, 
travelling down the riverside expressway, from 
exiting after the Alexandre III tunnel and it 
would then be forced into the Alma. With a plan 
to remove any back-up car, add chasing powerful 
motorbikes, a strobe light and a waiting vehicle, 
MI6 began to formulate how this operation could be brought about.

Within hours the top MI6 officer in France, 
Eugene Curley, received instructions that he was 
to be heavily involved in orchestrating the 
assassination of the extremely popular princess. 
He baulked at this and, despite his 16 years of 
loyalty in the organisation, refused to participate.

Curley had to be replaced and quickly. Sherard 
Cowper-Coles, with 20 years' experience, had 
recently completed the handover of Hong Kong back 
to the Chinese. He was still based at MI6 
headquarters in London. MI6 Chief David Spedding 
immediately transferred Cowper-Coles into Paris 
as the replacement head of France. He pulled 
Curley back into London and a deal was made - 
Curley could stay in MI6 so long as he would 
testify on oath to any later investigation that 
he was still France's MI6 head at the time of the assassination.

Soon after arriving in Paris, Cowper-Coles, 
comprehending the complexity of the operation, called for more staff.

[These included Valerie Caton, David Spedding and 
Richard Spearman. Cowper Coles had a team of at 
least eight MI6 officers in the Paris embasst 
most of which would not have known the precise goal of the operation.]


The Crash: Diana scores 14/15 on Glasgow Trauma Rating scale


SAMU had received notification of the crash by 
12.25. Dr Arnaud Derossi was on duty as the 
medical dispatcher and he took the calls.

A SAMU ambulance with Dr Jean-Marc Martino aboard 
left at 12.28 a.m. - two minutes before the Fire 
Service ambulances – but didn't arrive until 
12.40 - eight minutes after the Fire Service. The 
ambulance left from the Necker Hospital which was 
just 2.3 km from the Alma Tunnel. It took 12 
minutes to travel 2.3 km - an average speed of 
11.5 km/h (7 mph). Martino appears to have 
stopped on the way to receive final instructions 
from his MI6 handler, because Diana had survived.

One of MI6's key strategies was to delay 
treatment. Mailliez had expertise but no 
equipment. The Fire Service had the equipment but 
was under orders to not send a doctor ahead of 
SAMU - and to wait until SAMU arrived before 
administering any treatment to Diana. SAMU 
delayed their arrival until 12.40 a.m., 17 minutes after the crash.

All this meant that nothing much was done - 
including no blood pressure test - for Diana 
until Dr Martino arrived at 12.40 a.m. And Dr 
Martino was working for MI6, so he also made sure 
very little was done - in fact Martino's actions 
were mostly detrimental to Diana's condition. 
Martino did not treat Diana - he mistreated her.

MI6 had complete control of the medical treatment 
of Princess Diana, right from 12.25 a.m. when 
Frederic Mailliez arrived in the Alma Tunnel, 
until 2.06 a.m. - when Martino delivered her to the hospital.

On arrival, at 12.40, Martino's team started 
working with Trevor Rees-Jones, who was assessed 
as being in the most critical condition. Martino 
told investigators in 1998: "I asked my crew to 
take care of the front right hand seat passenger 
[Rees-Jones], who seemed the more seriously 
injured of the two, whilst calling for back up 
from the Mobile Emergency Service [SAMU] in order 
to attend to the second victim [Diana]."

This decision might sound logical, but it had the 
effect of further delaying Diana's treatment.

Then at 12.43 the Fire Service's Dr Fuilla 
arrived. The logical move then would have been 
for Fuilla's team to treat Diana - because 
Martino was already working with Rees-Jones.

But that is not what occurred. Instead, Martino's 
team from working on Rees-Jones to Diana - and 
Fuilla took over the treatment of Rees-Jones.

These decisions enabled Diana's treatment to be 
delayed another three minutes, whilst Martino - 
and MI6 officers - were able to still maintain 
complete control over Diana's treatment.

Xavier Gourmelon, a first aid instructor with the 
Fire Service, told police that Diana said:

"My God, what's happened?"

According to the SAMU ambulance report Diana 
scored 14 out of 15 on the Glasgow Coma Rating 
Scale. Tom Treasure, the inquest cardio-thoracic expert, later said:

"14 out of 15 is very good .... It is a scale of 
prediction of head injury and it was very favourable."

This is further medical evidence contradicting 
Mailliez's account that Diana was unconscious.

It was however obvious to the medical people 
attending the crash scene that Diana had been 
involved in a very serious high-speed crash 
impact - and hadn't been wearing a seat belt.

Dr Mailliez later said: "I was just suspecting a 
brain damage or a chest damage because of the 
high-energy accident." Dr Martino also made an 
early assessment: "Because of what happened at 
the scene, that is to say a high-speed accident, 
the technical wherewithal capable of operating in 
thoracic, cardiac and abdominal regions was needed."

In other words, it was evident from the beginning 
that, although Diana looked okay on the outside, 
there would be some internal damage from having 
been involved in this violent crash.

This then meant that Martino understood Diana 
required treatment in a hospital - a place with 
"the technical wherewithal capable of operating" .

 From that point on - soon after arriving at 
12.40 - Martino, had he been interested in saving 
Diana, would have been trying to get her to a 
hospital as soon as possible. Yet that is not 
what occurred - Diana didn't arrive at La Pitié 
Salpêtrière Hospital until 2.06 a.m.

It took Martino 1 hour 26 minutes to deliver her 
to a hospital. Then she died six minutes after arriving.

It is a shocking story.

Dr Arnaud Derossi, who was operating the phones 
at SAMU base,  took the initial notification 
calls and dispatched Martino's ambulance to the 
scene. He also operated as an MI6 agent on the 
night. Derossi's SAMU colleague, Dr Marc Lejay, 
was asleep at the time of the crash. He was not involved with MI6. .

Derossi woke Lejay, who then took over as medical 
dispatcher - and Derossi left SAMU control in his 
car at 12.42, arriving at the crash scene eight 
minutes later, at 12.50. Just like Martino, he 
also probably spoke with his MI6 handler along the way.

At 12.43 Martino called Lejay with a situation 
report: "Rear passenger, would seem an arm, the 
right arm, completely turned backwards. We are 
trying to sedate and initial treatment. Over." 
That rear passenger was Princess Diana.

Martino, however, later told French investigators 
that his initial assessment was much more than 
that: "She herself had a facial injury, frontal 
according to the journey log, and was trapped 
with her right arm bent to the rear, at first 
glance possibly with a fracture in the upper 
third. However, she may have had all sorts of 
other internal injuries, abdominal or thoracic, 
which might decompensate at any time."

The idea behind calling base with assessments is 
so the receiving hospital can be chosen and 
preparations made to have the right staff - 
doctors and specialists - available on arrival. 
This is particularly the case for a VIP, as Princess Diana was.

Or Martino failed to inform the base of his 
initial assessment that Diana had a facial injury 
and could be expected to have "internal injuries, 
abdominal or thoracic". Instead he lied, and only 
told Lejay about a likely arm injury.

He mentioned an injured arm but omitted 
potentially life-threatening internal injuries.

This was good news for the SAMU base. They had a 
crash involving a British princess on their 
hands, but the only injury was to her arm.

It meant there was no need to rush Diana to 
hospital and there was no expected requirement to 
have any particular specialists on hand.

But even more important, it reduced the pressure 
on Martino - it meant he would not have the base 
breathing down his neck and it strengthened his 
independent control of the scene. SAMU were in 
charge of Diana and Martino was their doctor on 
the spot. And Dr Derossi was on his way. Both were agents of MI6.

It is no coincidence that Martino’s "injured arm" 
report is sent in just after Derossi had left. It 
is unusual for a dispatcher to go to the scene 
and if it had been "known" that Diana only had an 
injured arm his trip would have seemed 
unnecessary. Derossi would have notified Martino 
he had already left before Martino called in with 
the report. Martino would need Derossi at the crash scene.

Martino left Diana in the back of the Mercedes 
for another 17 minutes, removing her at 1 a.m. 
and she was in the ambulance by 1.06. But by that 
time Martino had her anaesthetised, intubated and ventilated.

A patient is much easier to control if they are 
unconscious and unable to talk. intubation and 
ventilation is an extreme process. It involved 
placing a flexible plastic tube down Diana's 
windpipe. For this to occur, Diana had to be 
anaesthetised. These procedures are only carried 
out prior to hospital if it is absolutely necessary.

In Diana's case it was not.

After Marc Lejay was told about this treatment at 
1.19 a.m. he said to Derossi that it "was rather 
strong for the circumstances". The inquest 
expert, Professor Tom Treasure, said that in the 
UK ambulance crews don't intubate unless the 
person is so incapacitated that it can be done 
without the use of drugs. He also stated that 
anaesthetising the patient makes them "much 
harder to analyse in terms of their brain injury and so on".

So it is a last resort.

Diana was not a last resort patient. She had a 
Glasgow coma rating  of 14 out of 15 and was not having trouble with breathing.

On arrival at 12.50 Derossi joined Martino's 
ambulance crew, bringing the number on board to 
five - Jean-Marc Martino, Arnaud Derossi, Barbara 
Kapfer, a person called "Fadi", and the driver, 
Michel Massebeuf. The inquest jury were only 
informed of three - Martino, Massebeuf and an unnamed "medical student".

Once inside his ambulance Martino undressed and 
examined the now unconscious Diana.

The first page of the ambulance report reveals 
the results of that examination under the heading 
"Findings". Right arm and right leg injuries are 
mentioned and also "thoracic trauma".

So by 1.15 a.m. Martino is aware that Diana has a 
thoracic trauma and by his own later admission to 
the medical investigators that indicates an 
"internal injury" in that area. This in turn 
confirmed the requirement to get Diana to a place 
with, in his words, "the technical wherewithal 
capable of operating in thoracic" - a hospital.

But that is not what occurred. In fact, the opposite occurred.

At 1.19 Dr Derossi, who is now in the ambulance, 
phoned through a report to Dr Lejay. He told 
Lejay two critical lies. He said Diana had 
"obvious cranial trauma" and he also stated, "at 
first appearance nothing to report for the 
thorax". And then Derossi repeated "nothing for 
the thorax" later in the conversation.

Martino's examination revealed the area where a 
life-threatening internal injury could lie - the 
thorax - yet Derossi told Lejay "nothing for the 
thorax" twice. But also said, "obvious cranial 
trauma" - something which is not in the record of Martino' s examination.

The effect of this information for Lejay would be 
that when calling the hospital he would 
definitely not be asking for a cardio-thoracic 
specialist to be on hand, but instead would be 
seeking the presence of a head trauma specialist.

Martino also wrote that Diana's blood pressure 
had dropped but failed to record the level. 
Derossi told the base that it was 70. When Lejay 
heard this, he suggested the low blood pressure 
might be due to the sedatives Martino had 
administered - Lejay described them as "a bit 
violent" for the circumstances. Martino had 
administered Fentanyl, which is over 80 times more powerful than morphine.

During later cross-examination at the inquest, 
Martino admitted that 70 is not actually that 
low. He was asked: "What is your definition of 
'stability'" at a crash scene? Martino answered: 
"Blood pressure between 60 and - a minimum of 70 
to 80 units of arterial blood pressure" .

Now in the ambulance, Martino proceeded to use 
the "low" blood pressure as a pretext to start 
pumping catecholamines into Diana's system - 
right from about 1.10 through to 2.06 a.m., when 
she was delivered to the hospital.

The effect of catecholamine is that it increases 
the blood pressure, but it also increases the 
pressure on any potential internal injury. So it 
should only be administered if absolutely necessary.

In Diana's case catecholamine was not necessary 
because her blood pressure was not that low, but 
even more important, the thoracic trauma had 
revealed the likelihood of an internal chest 
injury. This meant that the application of 
catecholamines could be detrimental to Diana's condition.

And Dr Martino - being a doctor - would have definitely been aware of that.

At the inquest, expert Tom Treasure criticised 
Martino's actions: "Struggling to get a perfect 
pulse and blood pressure may be wrong; you want 
one that is just good enough ..... The 
[catecholamines] being counterproductive, they 
are flogging the heart, they are tightening the 
circulation. But the real problem is the hole in 
the blood vessel and, if anything, you are making ... things worse."

Diana had a critical torn vein and the thoracic 
trauma should have told Martino that such an internal injury was likely.

By pouring in catecholamines Martino was ensuring 
that any internal injury would be made worse and 
in turn would help bring on Diana's death.

Dr Martino told the inquest that a blood pressure 
of 70 and a pulse of 100 - which Diana had at 
1.10 - was stable. Yet he failed to move the 
ambulance out of the tunnel until 1041 - 31 minutes later.

During the 1.19 report Lejay, at the base, asked 
whether the ambulance was "ready to roll". He was 
told by Derossi that it would leave in "a few 
minutes". Then 10 minutes later, at 1.29 a.m., 
Lejay calls the ambulance and asks if they are 
"en route yet". This is even though Lejay was 
unaware of the thoracic trauma. Had he been told 
about that, he would have been even more keen for 
the ambulance to get to the hospital quickly.

A key French defence is that things are done 
differently there - that ambulances linger longer 
at the scene: it is called "stay and play". That 
is true, to a point. But the questions from 
Lejay, wanting the ambulance to get moving, and 
the obvious fact that Diana's condition required 
early hospitalisation, overwhelm any stay and 
play argument. The requirement for 
hospitalisation was even admitted by Martino in 
his early assessment to the French investigators.

Drs Martino and Derossi deliberately lingered as 
long as they could in the Alma Tunnel, while they 
simultaneously pumped catecholamines into Diana, 
knowing that was harmful to her. And they also 
withheld knowledge of a thoracic trauma from the SAMU base.

The ambulance finally trundled out of the tunnel 
at 1041 a.m., followed by two French journalists 
- Pierre Suu and Thierry Orban.

It was 1 hour and 18 minutes since the crash.


The Murder of Princess Diana?


There were six people on board - Princess Diana, 
Jean-Marc Martino, Barbara Kapfer, and "Fadi" 
were in the back and Arnaud Derossi and driver, 
Michel Massebeuf, were in the front.

The destination hospital was La Pitié Salpêtrière.

Normally the procedure was for the SAMU base to 
determine the hospital. That did not happen in 
this case. Instead, during the 1.19 call, Derossi 
specifically told Lejay to book Diana in to "the 
neurosurgical unit at the Pitié Salpêtrière 
Hospital". The reason Derossi did this was 
apparently because he had been told there was no 
cardio-thoracic specialist on duty there that night.

There was a hospital where VIPs and political 
leaders were normally sent to, which did have all 
the specialists on duty 24 hours for emergencies. 
That was the Val de Grace. It was just 4.6 km 
from the crash scene, whereas La Pitié was 5.7 
km. In the early edition of The People published 
on the day of the crash, it said that Diana was 
"believed to be in the French VIP Val de Grace hospital in central Paris".

That was the logical hospital.

A French emergency physician was later quoted: 
"Every political figure who is in a car crash or 
is injured is taken there .... The Val de Grace 
... has a top team of trauma specialists on duty 
around the clock. I might have helicoptered her 
in. She would have been on the operating block a 
few minutes after being stabilised."

But it was not in the MI6 plan for Diana to be 
properly treated for her injuries - in fact, the 
plan was that she wouldn't survive that night - 
and part of that was sending her to the wrong hospital.

Pierre Suu, who followed the ambulance from the 
tunnel, said it was "being driven at walking 
pace". The ambulance travelled at an average 
speed of 17 kph (11 mph) then at 2 a.m. was seen 
to stop for five minutes within 500 metres of the hospital.

Suu later told the police that "a doctor jumped 
out of the passenger side of the vehicle and 
rushed round the back of the ambulance and got 
inside". That doctor was Arnaud Derossi.

Thierry Orban, who was near Suu, said the ambulance "was rocking".

Martino said he stopped the ambulance because 
Diana's blood pressure had dropped and he 
"increased the quantity of the drip volume". He 
specifically told the police: "I did not do any 
cardiac massage at that moment".

Martino has never said what level Diana's blood 
pressure fell to. His explanation for the 
stoppage of the ambulance does not account for 
Derossi's sudden move from the front to the back, or the rocking ambulance.

It seems likely that some procedure was carried 
out during the five minute stoppage that helped quicken Diana's death.

The ambulance started moving again at 2.05 and arrived at the hospital at 2.06.

There was no cardio-thoracic specialist on hand. 
Instead, he was asleep at home. Dr Alain Pavie, 
the cardio-thoracic specialist, was phoned at 2.1 
0 a.m., four minutes after Diana arrived.

Two minutes later Diana stopped breathing on the 
operating table. She never regained her breath.

Princess Diana passed away six minutes after 
being delivered to hospital - and two minutes 
after the cardio-thoracic specialist had been called.

It was 2.12 a.m.

The La Pitie medical team, led by Dr Bruno Riou, 
did the best they could, but in the circumstances 
they had no chance of saving Diana.

That is because the actions of Drs Martino and 
Derossi had already sealed her fate. Effectively 
those two doctors had assassinated Princess Diana 
in the back of their ambulance, on the orders of 
their MI6 handlers. They would have been 
generously remunerated for their actions.

Riou and his team worked feverishly away for a 
further two hours in a desperate but hopeless 
attempt to save a princess who was already dead.

They officially gave up at 4 a.m. - 3 hours and 
37 minutes after the crash in the Alma Tunnel.

Princess Diana Crash: The Dr Jean-Marc Martino Ambulance Timeline

00:23 – Sunday 31st August 1997  – Di and Dodi's 
Mercedes S280 Crashes In The Alma Tunnel

12:28 – Dr Jean-Marc Martino’s SAMU Ambulance Leaves The Necker Hospital

00:40 – Dr Jean-Marc Martino’s SAMU Ambulance Arrives In The Alma Tunnel

01:41 – Dr Jean-Marc Martino’s SAMU Ambulance Leaves The Tunnel With Diana

02:00 – The Ambulance Stops Inexplicably, Begins ‘Rocking From Side To Side’

02:05 – Dr Jean-Marc Martino’s SAMU Ambulance Restarts

02:06 – Martino’s Ambulance Arrives At La Pitié Salpêtrière Hospital

02:12 – Princess Diana Takes Her Final Breath


Tomlinson: The spy who was left out in the cold

Belfast Telegraph, United Kingdom - Sep 4, 2006


Since being sacked by MI6, Richard Tomlinson has 
waged war on his former spymasters, allegedly 
outing key agents on the net. Now they're 
exacting harsh revenge for his treachery, as Andrew Mueller discovers.

It is difficult not to suspect a whiff of 
self-parody in Richard Tomlinson's choice of 
interview location. He waves from a gleaming 
white speedboat, moored amid dozens of 
millionaires' runabouts on an Antibes pier. It's 
precisely the sort of setting from which the most 
famous veteran of Tomlinson's former employers, 
MI6, might have roared off to battle a bald, 
cat-stroking megalomaniac in his hollowed-out 
volcano lair, prior to seducing some improbably 
named heroine as the closing credits rolled. 
Tomlinson, however, is not commandeering this 
vessel on Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence 
Service. He's keeping an eye on it for the 
Antibes yacht brokerage firm he now works for.

"I have a pretty nice life down here," he says. 
"But do I miss the Service? Yeah, I do. It's very 
interesting, with tremendous security, lots of 
investment in training, good fun, and you get a 
fantastic index-linked pension when you're 55 - 
you retire on virtually your full salary when 
you're still young enough to buy a boat and sail 
around the world. It's a brilliant deal really."

Tomlinson, 43, was sacked by MI6 in 1995. The 
reasons, he claims, were never made clear. 
Possibly, he allows, it was one of those 
unfathomable quirks of office politics. Maybe 
someone, somewhere, just didn't like the cut of his jib.

Getting straightforward answers out of any 
bureaucracy in such circumstances can be a chore. 
Prising truth from an organisation as secretive 
as MI6 is a task that most people would glumly 
admit was impossible. Tomlinson has now spent 
more than a decade repeatedly tilting at this 
particular windmill, with the result that he has 
spent various portions of his post-MI6 life on 
the run, under arrest, in court, in prison, and 
now in exile - but not out of the reach of 
Britain's police forces and security services.

On 27 June, 2006, French police, acting on a 
British warrant and with officers of the 
Metropolitan Police present, raided Tomlinson's 
home. The French police took Tomlinson's main 
computer, his laptop, a friend's laptop, his 
Psion organiser, his cameras, and his New Zealand 
passport (as a Kiwi-born dual citizen, Tomlinson 
was permitted to keep his British passport, at 
the insistence, he says, of French authorities).

The British police, says Tomlinson, still have 
all these items in their possession, and won't 
give them back. Scotland Yard, pressed for a 
comment, are not, as they put it, "prepared to 
discuss individuals in terms of property that may 
or may not have been seized". They do confirm 
that Special Branch is looking into "unauthorised 
disclosure of information in breach of the 
Official Secrets Act", and that searches in 
France have taken place. These searches, says the 
Met, are part of an investigation into "the 
publication of specific information on the internet".

On 24 April, 2006, the 11th anniversary of his 
dismissal, Tomlinson started the "Tomlinson vs 
MI6" blog. Every year on that date, he explains, 
he has been in the habit of writing to MI6 
seeking a meeting, a discussion, an explanation 
for his dismissal. Despondently concluding that 
MI6 is no more likely to reply this year than any other, Tomlinson went public.

"I don't know why they are worried about it," he 
says. "It's just a silly little blog. Even if I 
wanted to put anything secret up there, I've been 
out of MI6 for 11 years. I have nothing I could say that's secret.

"When I started [the blog], I was a bit 
antagonistic, I suppose. There are plenty of 
things to feel annoyed about with MI6, 
particularly the way they got us into the war in 
Iraq. The names I called [MI6 chief ] John 
Scarlett were probably a bit excessive."

"I've been having problems with MI6 for 11 
years," Tomlinson continues. "They do things like 
using their influence to stop me getting visas to 
go anywhere. So I write to them, and say, 'Look, 
ring me up, we'll have a meeting, we'll talk it 
out.' I mean, I feel a grievance. Talking to 
someone about that grievance would make me feel a 
lot better. We talk it over, have a handshake over it, and forget it.

"I know it's a wimpy American word, but it would 
mean a certain amount of 'closure' for me. I 
think it could be redressed easily by an honest 
talk with someone from MI6, but they never, ever reply to my letters."

Tomlinson's involvement with MI6 started the 
old-fashioned way - the proverbial tap on the 
shoulder at Cambridge, where he studied 
engineering and cultivated ambitions of joining 
the Royal Navy's Fleet Air Arm (he is a qualified 
pilot - his schedule for the rest of the week 
after our meeting includes flying across to 
Corsica to pick up a boat part). He initially 
rebuffed MI6's interest, but thought again a few 
years later, after failing the naval medical 
examination on the grounds of childhood asthma, 
doing a bit of travelling, realising he was 
unsuited to office work, and passing the Territorial Army's SAS selection.

Tomlinson began MI6's Intelligence Officers' New 
Entry Course in 1991. By his own account, he was 
a star pupil. He was subsequently dispatched, 
under an assortment of cover stories and false 
passports, to the imploding Bosnia-Herzegovina 
and the collapsing Russia, among other places. A 
discreetly glittering career seemed assured.

Then, on 24 April, 1995, Tomlinson's swipe-card 
was rejected by the scanners at MI6's Vauxhall 
Cross headquarters. He was then escorted to the 
personnel department and informed of his 
dismissal. When he describes this moment today, 
he resembles nothing so much as a man who has 
never recovered from an altar-side jilting. In 
his head, Tomlinson had pledged himself to MI6 
for life. The Service's abrupt, and, to his mind, 
unfathomable, disrequiting of his loyalty clearly 
wounded him deeply, as did their equivalent of 
the I-still-want-to-be-your-friend soliloquy - an 
offer to help find him a job at a sympathetic City firm.

Easing former operatives into cosy second careers 
is thought to be fairly standard MI6 practice. 
"It's quite common," confirms the journalist and 
author Phillip Knightley, who has written 
extensively about spooks and spookery. "There is 
a sort of club of companies they deal with. Part 
of the reason would be to reward the loyalty of 
operatives, or so that the former officers keep 
quiet, and the firms might expect a quid pro quo, 
a tip-off of commercial interest." The offer didn't impress Tomlinson.

"I still find that really insulting," he spits. 
"Talk about imposing their narrow, venal 
aspirations on someone else. Nobody spent even 
two minutes asking me what I might be interested in."

Looking into starting afresh in Sydney in 1997, 
Tomlinson met with a publisher to discuss writing 
a book about his time in MI6. Encouraged, he 
typed up a synopsis. He was, he admits, worried 
that this represented a clear-cut breach of the 
Official Secrets Act, but he was reassured by the 
publisher's promise that the synopsis would 
remain locked in her filing cabinet while he 
thought about whether or not to proceed with the memoir.

Still somewhat rudderless and adrift, Tomlinson 
returned to England. Lacking options, and with 
bills mounting, he resignedly accepted a job that 
MI6 had found for him, with Jackie Stewart's 
Formula One team in Milton Keynes, and ruminated 
more on the book. Still anxious to do the right 
thing by MI6, he filed a request seeking advice 
about submitting a manuscript for security 
clearance. MI6 replied, advising him sternly not to even think about it.

Tomlinson was infuriated by their attitude, and 
emailed the Australian publisher from his work 
computer, indicating a desire to proceed with the 
project. A few days later, on 8 September, 1997, 
Tomlinson's flat was burgled - or, as Tomlinson 
believes, "burgled" - and his laptop, containing 
what he'd written of the book, taken. The 
following month, the publisher was visited by the 
Australian Federal Police, to whom, despite her 
previous assurances, she handed Tomlinson's 
synopsis. Back in England, Tomlinson was arrested 
and charged with breaking the Official Secrets 
Act. He was convicted, sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment, and served eight.

Asked if the experience, which included being 
interred as a Category A prisoner in HMP 
Belmarsh, scarred him, he replies: "Not really, 
no. It was a miserable time, but you remember the 
good things and you forget the 22 hours of utter boredom every day."

After release, Tomlinson's difficulties 
continued. He absconded, without documentation, 
to France in 1998 - this seems to have been as 
much a means of defiantly hoisting two fingers 
towards Vauxhall Cross as anything else - and was arrested.

He carried on to New Zealand, where his hotel 
room was raided. At New York's JFK airport, he 
was refused entry to the United States and 
deported - rather fortuitously, as Tomlinson's 
original itinerary had seen him due to leave the 
US on Swissair flight SR111 on 2 September, 1998, 
which plunged into the Atlantic shortly after 
take-off. He was harassed in France and 
Switzerland, and suffered repeated interdiction 
of his early attempts at an online presence - one 
of which showed Tomlinson superimposed before 
Vauxhall Cross in a daft hat, accompanied by the 
theme from Monty Python's Flying Circus.

All that was before the surfacing of The List, 
the underlying cause of Tomlinson's present travails.

In May 1998, a website belonging to indefatigable 
American activist/crank Lyndon LaRouche published 
a list of 115 alleged current and former MI6 
officers. The Foreign Secretary at the time, the 
late Robin Cook, blamed Tomlinson. Tomlinson was 
thrown out of Switzerland, where he'd been 
staying, followed in Germany, and arrested in Italy.

His book The Big Breach - a terrific read, 
incidentally - did eventually appear. Its 
gestation was not orthodox. Initially it was 
published in Russia, and given away as a download 
on the internet. In 2001, it was published in the 
UK by a British house called Cutting Edge, which no longer exists.

Bill Campbell, a director of Mainstream 
Publishing, Cutting Edge's then-distributor, 
recalls no significant interference from the 
government. "I think," recalls Campbell, "they 
let it go because it was already in the public 
domain, with the Russian publication and the 
download. They didn't try to stop its 
publication, or anything like that. There was 
some communication from the Treasury solicitor, 
stating that the author would not be allowed to 
benefit in any way - so all Richard's royalties 
are still being held in an escrow account in an Edinburgh lawyer's office."

The Big Breach sold, by Campbell's recollection, 
somewhere in the vicinity of 12,000-14,000 
copies. It caused controversy for Tomlinson's 
suggestions of links between the media and the 
security services (The Spectator, he alleged, 
once furnished an MI6 agent in Estonia with 
credentials), and of secret-service involvement 
in the death of Diana, Princess of Wales (the 
driver in whose car she died, Henri Paul, was an 
MI6 informer, according to Tomlinson). He also 
claimed that MI6 had been working on a plan to 
assassinate Slobodan Milosevic by contriving a car accident in a tunnel.

While MI6's heat abated after the book's 
publication - given the year, they may have 
decided that they had more pressing matters to 
attend to - Tomlinson's anger did not. He drifted 
between jobs as a snowboard instructor, deckhand, 
mathematics tutor and translator (he speaks five 
languages), never finding the excitement or sense 
of purpose MI6 had given him. "Oh, yeah, it was 
great," he says of his time with MI6, with almost 
painful wistfulness. "Brilliant fun."

He found his current job at the yacht firm a year 
or so ago. Then, in April, he went online again with the Tomlinson vs MI6 blog.

"It gets quite a lot of readers," he says. "I 
would say that most are either people from MI6, 
or crackpots. There was one bloke who kept coming 
on and accusing newsreaders - Jon Snow was one of 
them - of spying on him through his television 
set. He's got a whole website about this, apparently."

Tomlinson used, and is using, the blog to outline 
his personal grievances, his disgust with MI6's 
role in the UK's Iraq misadventure and, 
curiously, to make available an updated version 
of The List via a link on his website. He seems 
determined to annoy MI6 by doing the very thing 
they were accusing him of doing when he wasn't.

"Exactly," he grins. "I'm collating all the 
information I can find about every single MI6 
officer on the internet, and putting it in one 
file, so now there's a searchable MI6 database."

Tomlinson's list comprises 210 names. Few of them 
will mean anything to most readers, with the 
exception of former Liberal Democrat leader Paddy 
Ashdown, whose service in the Service is 
long-standing Westminster legend. Other, older 
lists of alleged MI6 agents circulating 
cyberspace are longer but, Tomlinson claims, less accurate.

"That's why," he says, "I don't believe MI6 
really think I did it originally, because the 
lists were so inaccurate. Things like ambassadors 
listed as MI6 officers, and MI6 know perfectly 
well that I know that ambassadors never work for 
MI6. But you can work out half of MI6 by looking 
at the diplomatic lists, you don't need to be a 
genius. I've just collated it and put it in one place."

Nevertheless, isn't there a possibility that this 
is, in some way, detrimental to Britain's national security?

"Yes, it is a bit," sighs Tomlinson, sounding suddenly rather deflated.

So why do it?

"It's all open-source information," he says, 
rallying. "It only would have taken two minutes 
to find beforehand. And it's MI6 who've drawn attention to it by arresting me."

Do you feel guilty?

"Why," he asks, "would I feel guilty about 
something I haven't done? I'm not in the 
slightest guilty of what they're accusing me of. 
There is nothing on my computer which is in 
breach of the Official Secrets Act."

Which, if true, begs the question: what are the 
British authorities doing getting involved with 
it? Phillip Knightley believes that if Tomlinson 
does sound paranoid, it doesn't mean that MI6 are not out to get him.

"They would feel," says Knightley, "that he let 
them down, first for whatever it was they sacked 
him for, then for blowing the whistle. They're a 
very tight-knit, loyal family, and they'll pursue 
him to the ends of the earth. If he tries to make 
another career, they'll do their best to ruin it. 
The very idea of writing a book..." Knightley 
draws a comparison with the story of Warren Reed, 
a (MI6-trained) former officer of Australia's 
Security and Intelligence Service, who went on to 
write books, fictional and not, about working in the intelligence services.

"They [MI6] destroyed his career," says 
Knightley. "Every time he had a new thing going, 
they destroyed him. When he found a job, they 
made contact with his bosses, planted nasty 
rumours about him. They do this partly to 
discourage others, but it is also possible that 
they want to discredit Tomlinson before he reveals something.

"There must be some deep, dark secret at the 
heart of this whole thing. As I understood it, he 
was a high-flyer, headed for great things. It 
doesn't surprise me that they didn't give him a 
reason, but it does surprise me that he claims to have no idea."

"I spoke to Special Plod yesterday," says 
Tomlinson. "I asked how they were getting on with 
my computers. They said they were still under 
investigation. I asked if they'd found anything 
to charge me with, and they said no. I asked if 
they were going to charge me with anything, and 
they said of course not, because I'm in France. 
So if they've got no realistic chance of charging 
me, what are they doing with my stuff?"

Tomlinson believes himself the victim of two 
factors. One is a desire on MI6's part to 
discourage any other agents from following his 
path into print - although Tomlinson notes, 
bitterly, that Dame Stella Rimington was allowed 
write a memoir about her time in MI5. The other 
is what seems an institutional failure by MI6 to 
understand either the internet or public 
relations. Closing down a website by legal means, 
or by hassling its hosts, is like stamping on 
mercury. Making a fuss about not wanting people 
to see something only inflames curiosity. 
Tomlinson's blog has wandered from server to 
server as various website hosts have been leant 
on - and, to the certain infuriation of his 
persecutors, Tomlinson has been posting all of 
the correspondence pertaining to this pressurising online.

"When I was in MI6," he says, "they were scared 
to death of the internet. They wouldn't have any 
internet connections in the office, even by the 
time I left in 1995. I'm sure they've moved on now."

I leave Tomlinson, unsure if he has, though. His 
love for the job he once had is obvious in his 
conversation, and in the fizzingly energetic 
chapters of The Big Breach which recall his time in the Service.

When I ask if he ever wonders what he'd be doing 
now if the last 11 years had gone according to 
plan, he looks haunted. "Most of my 
contemporaries," he says, "are heads of big MI6 
stations, Geneva or somewhere like that. I'd only 
be working in declared posts, because my cover 
would have been well and truly blown. I could be 
anywhere. And the standard of living when you're 
overseas is fantastic, it really is."

Had he thought the job worthwhile?

"Yes," he says, emphatically. "I did, absolutely. 
I think I'd find it quite hard now. I was opposed 
to the intervention in Iraq, and even if I was in 
MI6 I'd be opposed to it, as I'm sure a lot of 
people in MI6 are. It would be harder to feel a 
strong sense of justification. During the Cold 
War, we were fighting something being imposed on 
us, but in this so-called war on terrorism I do 
think a lot of the cause of it is the West's double standards around the world.

"During the Cold War," he continues, "Britain was 
this innocent player which did face a threat. But 
we're not anymore. We're part of the problem. So 
I'd find it a little more difficult now."

Impossible though it obviously is, would he still want to work for MI6?

"Not really," he says, not entirely convincingly. 
"If they were to offer to shake hands on it, I'd 
feel fine. As recently as four or five years ago 
I'd have felt that I very much still wanted to be 
in the Service. I think that phase has gone, but 
I'm still very angry. I was just starting out. I 
only did minor things. I just look back at a lost opportunity, really."

Tomlinson glumly anticipates further harassment. 
He says that he doesn't fear for his physical 
safety, although starts at bumps in the night. He 
also intends to write a spy novel, which most 
armchair-educated psychologists would diagnose as 
an effort to stay connected in some way to the 
life he would rather have led. He says he wants 
to be left alone by MI6, but I'm not sure how 
true that is - like the ditched groom unable to 
get over it, he seems to derive some consolatory 
gratification from the fact that his former 
betrothed can't quite get him out of their head, either.

"In general," he says, "MI6 does work for the 
good, but it could have a better public image. 
They could sort that out without much expense or 
hassle. If you have a security service regarded 
as sinister or inept, you have a lot of problems 
recruiting people who are willing to help."

Certainly, MI6's public image is not enhanced by its pestering of Tomlinson.

It is impossible to argue with at least one of 
his statements. "I'd have thought," Tomlinson 
smiles, "that they'd have a thousand more 
important things to do, just at the moment."

But then maybe they have been reading Mr. 
on the death of Diana [ed.]


see also - 


Revealed: how the BBC used MI5 to vet thousands of staff

By Chris Hastings, Arts and Media Editor (Filed: 

It is a tale of secret agents and surveillance 
that could have come straight out the BBC's 
classic spy drama Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy.

But the difference is that genuine spies were 
involved and they were operating behind the 
scenes at Broadcasting House rather than on the small screen.

Confidential papers, obtained by The Sunday 
Telegraph, have revealed that the BBC allowed MI5 
to investigate the backgrounds and political 
affiliations of -thousands of its employees, 
including newsreaders, reporters and continuity announcers.

The files, which shed light on the BBC's hitherto 
secret links with the Security Service, show that 
at one stage it was responsible for vetting 6,300 
different BBC posts - almost a third of the total workforce.

They also confirm that the corporation held a 
list of "subversive organisations" and that 
evidence of certain kinds of political activity 
could be a bar to appointment or promotion.

The BBC's reliance on MI5 reached a peak in the 
late 1970s and early 1980s at exactly the same 
time as millions of viewers were tuning into the 
fictional adventures of George Smiley in Tinker, 
Tailor, Soldier, Spy and -Smiley's People.

David Dimbleby, John Humphrys and Anna Ford all 
began their careers with the broadcaster when the system was still in place.

The papers show that senior BBC figures covered 
up these links in the face of awkward questions 
from trade unions and the press. The documents 
refer to a "defensive strategy" based on 
"categorical denial". One file note, dated March 
1 1985, states: "Keep head down and stonewall all questions."

The BBC, however, has always refused to be
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NB please do reply with remove as the subject or first line if you do 
not wish to recieve further emails - thanks

"And I think, in the end, that is the best definition of journalism I 
have heard; to challenge authority - all authority - especially so 
when governments and politicians take us to war, when they have 
decided that they will kill and others will die. "
--Robert Fisk

'From South America, where payment must be made with subtlety, the 
Bormann organization has made a substantial contribution. It has 
drawn many of the brightest Jewish businessmen into a participatory 
role in the development of many of its corporations, and many of 
these Jews share their prosperity most generously with Israel. If 
their proposals are sound, they are even provided with a specially 
dispensed venture capital fund. I spoke with one Jewish businessmen 
in Hartford, Connecticut. He had arrived there quite unknown several 
years before our conversation, but with Bormann money as his 
leverage. Today he is more than a millionaire, a quiet leader in the 
community with a certain share of his profits earmarked as always for 
his venture capital benefactors. This has taken place in many other 
instances across America and demonstrates how Bormann's people 
operate in the contemporary commercial world, in contrast to the 
fanciful nonsense with which Nazis are described in so much "literature."

So much emphasis is placed on select Jewish participation in Bormann 
companies that when Adolf Eichmann was seized and taken to Tel Aviv 
to stand trial, it produced a shock wave in the Jewish and German 
communities of Buenos Aires. Jewish leaders informed the Israeli 
authorities in no uncertain terms that this must never happen again 
because a repetition would permanently rupture relations with the 
Germans of Latin America, as well as with the Bormann organization, 
and cut off the flow of Jewish money to Israel. It never happened 
again, and the pursuit of Bormann quieted down at the request of 
these Jewish leaders. He is residing in an Argentinian safe haven, 
protected by the most efficient German infrastructure in history as 
well as by all those whose prosperity depends on his well-being.'


You can donate to support Tony's work here http://www.bilderberg.org/bcfm.htm

TG mobile +44 7786 952037  
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