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<a href="https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/world/latin-america/brazil/">
BRAZIL</a>,
<a href="https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/world/latin-america/">
LATIN AMERICA</a>,
<a href="https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/resistance-and-revolution/revolutionary-movements/mst/">
MST<br>
</a><h1><b>MST Founder João Pedro Stedile Faces Off against Right Wing in
Congress</b></h1><font size=5><b>
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<a href="https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/17/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-right-wing-in-congress/" eudora="autourl">
https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/17/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-right-wing-in-congress/<br>
</a></b></font>Posted by
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Internationalist 360°</a> on
<a href="https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/17/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-right-wing-in-congress/">
August 17, 2023</a><br><br>
<a href="https://peoplesdispatch.org/author/pd/">Peoples
Dispatch</a><br>
<img src="cid:.0" width=708 height=444 alt="[]"><br><br>
<i>João Pedro Stedile of the National Board of the MST testifies in the
CPI on the MST. Photo: Lula Marques/Agência Brasil<br><br>
</i>
<dl>
<dd>The leader was summoned by right-wing deputies to testify before the
Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry that is “investigating” the Landless
Rural Workers’ Movement<br><br>
</dl>After seven hours of questioning before the Parliamentary Commission
of Inquiry (CPI) “investigating” the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement
(MST), João Pedro Stedile exited the Chamber of Deputies and was embraced
by dozens of representatives of people’s movements, religious leaders,
and parliamentarians who sang “This struggle is ours, this struggle is of
the people. And only in struggle, will we create a new Brazil.”<br><br>
Stedile was summoned to testify to the CPI by the right-wing deputies
Ricardo Salles, the minister of the environment under Jair Bolsonaro, and
Zucco, a member of the Brazilian military. The establishment of the CPI
was approved on April 26 by the Chamber of Deputies of the National
Congress, dominated by the right, in order to “investigate” “the
activities,” “the real purpose,” and “the means of funding” of the
MST.<br><br>
The CPI had its first session on May 23 and since then they have received
testimonies from diverse “witnesses” and experts who are questioned by
the deputies in the commission. The information collected throughout
these months is then drafted into a report which is presented to
different entities of the judicial, executive, and legislative branches
of power with conclusions and recommendations.<br><br>
However, analysts have pointed out that the “investigative” commission
has largely focused on bringing former or disgruntled members of the two
million person movement to testify about grievances they have with local
leadership, alleged irregularities or even alleged crimes which they
participated in or witnessed, and other isolated incidents. Right-wing
deputies which until recently composed the majority of the commission,
have also used the space to launch baseless sweeping accusations at the
movement and criticize its struggle not only for popular agrarian reform
but for social change, against racism, and for a sovereign Brazil where
all can live with dignity.<br><br>
Many have also pointed out that it is no coincidence that this CPI is
occurring alongside moments of great political difficulty for the
country’s right-wing including an ongoing CPI investigating the coup
actions committed on January 8 in Brasilia by thousands of Bolsonaro
supporters with links to government officials and businessmen, as well as
the investigation of several members of the Bolsonaro government as well
as some of his close allies over corruption.<br><br>
So, what has come to be known popularly as the “CPI Circus against the
MST” had one of its last major days of work on August 15 with the
testimony from João Pedro Stedile, one of the founding members of the MST
and a member of the national board. Despite their efforts to catch the
leader off guard and tire him out through hours of questioning and
accusations, the testimony of Stedile ranged from explanations of
Marxism, a defense of the organizational structure and vision of the MST,
and a deep criticism not only of capitalism and agribusiness, but also of
how the deputies carried out the work of the commission.<br><br>
<img src="cid:.1" width=707 height=473 alt="[]"><br><br>
Methodological errors<br><br>
</b>The deputies running the CPI have employed a common tactic used by
the right, which is to use testimonies of specific individuals who have
been sought out and previously identified as against the MST, to support
their claims about the movement. This move was sharply criticized by João
Pedro in his testimony.<br><br>
He said that in order for the CPI to have results found more faithful to
reality, it should have taken a random sample of people that live on MST
settlements and encampments, and not pick certain groups in
advance.<br><br>
“I want to make a statistical observation. We have 500,000 settled
families and 60,000 encamped families, according to INCRA [National
Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform]. If you take a random
sample of 1%, that would be 5,000 families you would have to listen to,
although the most serious evidence is of even higher
percentages.”<br><br>
After Deputy Salles, asked his opinion about cases where people allegedly
try to personally benefit from the MST’s projects on settlements and
encampments, the landless leader responded by referencing the German
sociologist Karl Marx: “In a capitalist society, all classes, whether the
bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the working class, the peasantry, the
workers in general, have a lumpen fraction. What is a lumpen? It’s that
opportunist who wants to live off the work of others, who wants to
exploit the work of others. So these lumpens exist throughout society.
You’ll find them among the bourgeoisie – drug traffickers, for example,
are billionaires and are lumpens – in the middle class, among liberal
professionals, among lawyers, journalists, MPs, among workers and among
peasants.”<br><br>
Can the right understand movement organizing?<br><br>
</b>Another major line of questioning lodged at the landless leader was
regarding the work that often takes place in the collective areas of the
MST. The right-wing deputies, seemingly unable to understand why people
would willingly organize collectively and distribute work to advance the
common good, attempted to accuse MST leaders of authoritarianism and
imposing forced labor on members.<br><br>
In response, Stedile highlighted the characteristics that mark the
movement’s form of organization, citing aspects such as the collective
awareness, the use of a decision-making process that is always collective
rather than individual, the division of tasks, discipline, and the
educational and intellectual training of the militants that join the
movement on their own volition.<br><br>
When he mentioned the organization’s characteristics, the economist sent
a message to Kim Kataguiri from the União Party and one of the founders
of the Free Brazil Movement (MBL) who is part of the CPI. The
organization has produced different conservative and extremist youth
leaders since its creation nine years ago.<br><br>
“Among the organizational principles, everything has to be collective.
Everything has to be in the form of a committee because it is the
collective that protects [us] from the opportunism of false leaders.
Don’t adopt this terminology of ‘president’, ‘treasurer’, ‘secretary’.
The organizing principles are universal. They apply to the workers’
movement and they apply to Kim’s movement. I hope he’s taking notes. Any
popular social movement has to adopt these principles,” Stedile explained
in what many have deemed a master class on popular organization,
provoking laughter from the audience.<br><br>
<img src="cid:.2" width=485 height=361 alt="[]"><br><br>
<br>
Education for all: another conquest of the MST<br><br>
</b>While explaining the actual work and functioning of the MST, João
Pedro also emphasized the centrality of study and education in the MST.
Whether its carrying out literacy campaigns with adults and young people
for people in MST and in communities they work with, developing popular
pedagogy for the childcare and primary schools organized within the MST
settlements and encampments, or fighting for policies that facilitate
access to higher education for the landless, education for all is more
than a slogan.<br><br>
During the CPI, João Pedro highlighted that, as a result of this historic
effort, around 250 landless workers have already studied law in the
university. He also highlighted the importance of the National Program
for Education in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA) created in 1998 during the
Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (1994-1994), as a result of pressure
from union and social struggles. Stedile described PRONERA as a
“fantastic achievement” for the movement.<br><br>
“I brought here the proof of the ‘crime’ – that’s how you use [the word],
right? Ney [Strozake], the comrades who are here, are all lawyers who are
children of [land reform] beneficiaries. Can you believe that? If it
hadn’t been for PRONERA, they’d be [working the land] or they’d have
become lumpens,” Stedile joked, pointing to the group of MST lawyers
accompanying him at the session. The mention was also made in front of a
silent plenary and a visibly embarrassed Ricardo Salles: Ney Strozake,
one of the MST’s legal advisors, is also the lawyer of the former
Environment Minister in some cases.<br><br>
<br>
Agribusiness<br><br>
</b>During the hours-long testimony, the economist heavily criticized the
more conservative agribusiness. At one point during his answers to the
CPI deputies, the leader pointed out that this segment of the rural
sector is currently experiencing divisions in response to the PT
administration. Part of the sector is active in the Lula government, as
is the case of the Minister of Agriculture, cattle rancher Carlos Fávaro,
who is a senator-elect for Mato Grosso and is currently on leave from his
mandate.<br><br>
“Agribusiness is divided. The half that has any sense supported Lula. The
other half is Aprosoja [Brazilian Association of Soybean Producers, one
of the sector’s political arms], which only thinks about making money.
Part of agribusiness is already aware of the limits and is already
migrating to another form of agriculture, what is now known as
‘regenerative practices’, to replace pesticides with agroecological
pesticides. Part of agribusiness is still going to heaven,” Stedile
joked. “But the dumb agribusiness, which only thinks about easy profits,
has its days numbered,” he added.<br><br>
Occupation vs. invasion<br><br>
</b>The key political disputes between the Bolsonaristas and MST
supporters were present throughout the landless leader’s CPI testimony.
At one point during the hearing, deputy Rodolfo Nogueira from Bolsonaro’s
Liberal Party, questioned Stedile about whether the leader “believes he
has a license of impunity” for allegedly “inciting crimes” in the
country. “I have never incited any crime,” replied the economist, to
which he was interrupted by the deputy, who said that “land invasion is a
crime.”<br><br>
Stedile took the opportunity to highlight the difference between
“occupation” and “invasion”, the latter being an expression often used in
public debate by more conservative politicians to create confusion on the
subject. “Land invasion is a crime, like the farmers in Mato Grosso do
Sul invading indigenous land. What the MST is doing is occupying land as
a way of putting pressure so that the Constitution is implemented.
Invasion of land or any public property is when someone does it for their
own benefit, and then it is characterized as squatting and is
criminalized by the Penal Code,” said Stedile.<br><br>
The MST leader continued his reasoning by highlighting the legal aspects
surrounding the issue: “What our movement is doing, recognized by
jurisprudence, is not an invasion. It is occupation, and occupation here
is not squatting, so much so that, to your despair, of the many
occupations that have taken place over the last 40 years throughout
Brazil, no one has been arrested or convicted.” “If you want to end the
occupations, expropriate large unproductive properties, because then
there’s land for everyone,” he added.<br><br>
In another moment, the deputies asked about Stedile’s participation in
the entourage that accompanied President Lula to China in April this
year. Deputy Salles asked him if there was “any movement in China
analogous to the MST in Brazil”. “No, because in 1949 they carried out
land reform. [For] those of you who want to defeat the MST so badly, the
formula is simple: carry out agrarian reform and the next day the MST
will disappear,” he said.<br><br>
Solidarity<br><br>
</b>Half an hour before the start of the hearing, João Pedro Stedile’s
arrival at the Chamber drew the attention of everyone nearby. The
landless leader was welcomed by dozens of people who had gathered there
to show solidarity. Federal deputies, religious leaders, trade unionists,
and members of different popular movements crowded around and chanted
slogans and songs about agrarian reform as a way of embracing Stedile
with words of support. From there, he made his way to the room,
accompanied by a procession. “We are here in the name of the model of
society that we seek to give our support to those who help organize the
people in Brazil,” said Pastor Luís Sabanay.<br><br>
“What drives me to be here is that I want the land for those who plant on
it. I want nature alive because we don’t eat dead nature. And what moves
me to be here is that, as well as not letting go of anyone’s hand, is
that it is [important] to be together at a time like this. It is to say
that the MST moves us because it teaches us what my religion already
brings in its daily life, which is [the idea that] we need nature because
without it there is no orixá,” said Makota Celinha, general coordinator
of the National Center for Afro-Brazilian Africanity and Resistance
(Cenarab), who received a public greeting from Stedile at the start of
the session.<br><br>
Members of parliament who are not part of the CPI also joined the
procession to embrace Stedile and wish him strength. “The MST is a
movement that we all cherish, which fights for the democratization of the
land, demonstrates to the Brazilian people that it is necessary to fight
the ultra-right, defend democracy, and share wealth. It’s a movement that
lives in our hearts, that’s why I came here, on his behalf, to
congratulate the entire MST,” said Congressman Rogério Correia of the
Workers’ Party (PT).<br><br>
Politicians from other levels of government also attended the event with
the same objective. This was the case of Pernambuco state deputy Rosa
Amorim of the PT, who is the daughter of founders of the MST in several
states and grew up on an agrarian reform settlement. “We have an elected
agrarian reform caucus in several states of the country and, at this very
important moment, which is also a battle in the institutional realm, we
have to be here to show our solidarity. Today we are going to send a
message to Brazil about what the MST does and produces,” she
said.<br><br>
One sighting that attracted the spotlight was that of the governor of
Ceará, Elmano de Freitas of the PT. Having come to Brasilia to fulfill
agendas in some ministries, he went to the Chamber of Deputies to greet
Stedile at the CPI and stayed for a couple of minutes. Speaking to Brasil
de Fato</i>, Elmano highlighted the movement’s work in the countryside of
Ceará.<br><br>
“In Ceará, we are closely acquainted with the landless movement, which
has built an agro-industry in the milk production chain in the
Quixeramobim region, which has developed agro-industries in the area of
[production with] goats and sheep, in the area of honey, generating
opportunities for thousands of families who used to live in extreme
poverty and today live with dignity, have children going to college,
going to school full time. Therefore, the landless in Ceará, as it is
throughout the country, represent an organization of the most humble
people to be able to live with dignity,” said the governor.<br><br>
Various parliamentarians from the progressive camp wore MST hats during
the CPI meeting as a way of paying tribute to Stedile and the
organization. “I wear it with great pride and as a way of recognizing the
struggle for agrarian reform in Brazil,” said Fernanda Melchionna, deputy
from the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL). Congressman Nilto Tatto of
PT also joined the group. “Wearing the MST hat at the CPI that wants to
criminalize the movement is an act of resistance, solidarity and
gratitude for everything the organization has done for the Brazilian
people,” he said.<br><br>
MST evaluates CPI<br><br>
</b>Ayala Ferreira, one of the leaders of the MST’s Human Rights Sector,
said following the hearing that Stedile had demonstrated his superiority
in terms of political capacity and knowledge of the subject.<br><br>
“Our evaluation is that he gave a lesson, which we already imagined would
happen. He didn’t come here to convince the agro-military, Bolsonaro
sectors of the importance of agrarian reform and the relevance of the MST
in this agenda. He came to talk to Brazilian society, to all the people
who followed [the testimony] online, on the pages that published [the
testimony], to see everything we’ve been saying: that the MST is going to
celebrate 40 years of history and struggle for the democratization of the
land, highlighting the need for agrarian reform,” said Ayala.<br><br>
In a
<a href="https://mst.org.br/2023/08/15/stedile-leva-debate-sobre-questao-agraria-para-cpi-contra-o-mst/">
public statement</a> sent to the press shortly after the committee’s
session, the national leadership of the MST expressed a positive
assessment of João Pedro Stedile’s participation in the committee, but
also criticized the CPI’s handling of the work. “This CPI has been
running for three months, under the command of Bolsonaro
parliamentarians, in an attempt to criminalize the MST and prevent the
resumption of the National Agrarian Reform Policy, as well as trying to
wear down the federal government. However, the baseness and lack of
legitimacy and seriousness of the Bolsonaro deputies is leading it to be
closed earlier than expected by these parliamentarians themselves,” the
text says.<br><br>
With reports from Brasil de Fato.<br><br>
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