Debate: Iraq and the Kurds
greenleft at peg.pegasus.oz.au
greenleft at peg.pegasus.oz.au
Tue Apr 30 09:27:13 BST 1991
DEBATE: IRAQ AND THE KURDS
By John Arrowood
In his article ``Kurds: `Bush Responsible for Massacre''' (issue
8), Peter Boyle writes: ``United States forces occupying southern
Iraq ... did nothing to stop Saddam Hussein from brutally
crushing the Kurdish revolt and an earlier revolt by Shiites in
the south''.
He appropriates here both the perspective and the language of
apologists for the continuing imperialist adventure in the Gulf
region.
No-one would want to deny or minimise the plight of the Kurdish
refugees. However, by abstracting their suffering from its
context in devastated post-war Iraq, Peter plays right into the
hands of the propagandists and fails to grasp the essential
content of his own headline.
Bush and the forces he represents are indeed responsible for the
present crisis, but not in the simple one-sided way the article
suggests.
They are responsible primarily because, by destroying the
infrastructure of the Iraqi nation, they created the conditions
in which such an outcome was entirely predictable. When the
economic, social and political foundations of a society are
vandalised by the most brutal means imaginable, chaos inevitably
results. That the consequences are bloody should surprise no-one.
By focussing on the suffering of the Kurds in isolation, Peter
further assists the propagandists. They want to ignore the
desperate condition of the rest of the Iraqis and of the captive
populations (largely but not exclusively Palestinian) of Kuwait
in the aftermath of this vicious war. They cynically exploit the
Kurds to distract attention from these realities, as well as to
retrospectively justify the savagery of the US and its allies.
Peter also colludes with imperialist propaganda by personalising
the issues. Saddam brutally crushed the revolt. This is nonsense.
It invests Hussein with a degree of personal power and demonic
energy which exists nowhere in the real world. It is the stuff of
propagandist fantasy.
But it is not just a form of words. Saddam is not my ideal of a
political leader; neither is he a demon. To turn him into one
was, as Ramsey Clarke pointed out months ago, the prime move of
the Americans in justifying their attack on Iraq.
They continue to do so in the aftermath of the war in case people
start questioning who the real ``demons'' were. Peter should not
have been drawn into participation in this project.
Most significantly, the inescapable conclusion to be drawn from
the sentence quoted above is that the US should have done
``something''. That ``something'' could only be further military
intervention.
Is that what Peter wanted?
Following through the logic of his statement, you find that he is
upholding the right of the US to use its military might to
determine the course of political events in Iraq and elsewhere.
This was the ``right'' they exercised in prosecuting the war -
and will soon be exercising somewhere else in the third world.
Which side is Peter on?
He goes much further than the Kurdish representatives he quotes.
They make their opposition to American intervention clear.
In short, Peter Boyle has fallen into the trap in which large
sections of the peace movement have been caught since the
conflict began. He reinforces key elements in the imperialist
propaganda while attempting to oppose the actions it is used to
justify.
I regret having to take him to task over this. Attempting to come
to terms with complex and changing events, and surrounded by
propagandist distortion, we all make mistakes of judgment.
Only through open and vigorous debate will the left achieve the
clarity it so desperately needs in the present
period.
Saddam, imperialism and the Kurds
By Peter Boyle
I also think vigorous debate has a place in left politics, though
I would hope it might take place without immediately reaching for
extreme accusations, such as that of collusion with imperialist
propaganda.
I do not support United States military intervention in Iraq or
anywhere else. The Kurds have called for a United Nations
peacekeeping force, and I would support such a call provided the
force is made up of genuinely neutral troops.
Secondly, much of the media coverage of the Kurds' plight is not
imperialist propaganda but fairly accurate reportage of a human
disaster. Moreover, it is coverage that embarrassed the Bush
government, which would have preferred to let Saddam Hussein deal
with the Kurds without the glare of international publicity.
Yes, chaos and civil disaster are an inevitable outcome of war,
but the flight of more than half the Kurdish population of Iraq
does not fall simply within this category. The Kurds fled out of
fear that they would be slaughtered by the Iraqi army in
retaliation for their abortive uprising.
I accept there is some ambiguity in my phrase ``United States
forces occupying southern Iraq ... did nothing to stop Saddam
Hussein from brutally crushing the Kurdish revolt''. But this
phrase reflects the opinions of the Kurdish representatives I
spoke to.
They have a point. Their grievances against the regime are of
long standing, and when Bush called for a revolt against Saddam,
the Kurds and Shiites took him seriously. They didn't realise
that only a revolt within the army would be acceptable to Bush,
that he simply wanted a more tractable general in power, and that
unacceptable mass revolts would be left, unarmed or very lightly
armed, to face the full force of the Iraqi army.
I think the US should get right out of the Middle East, but since
the US was at least partly responsible for this latest Kurdish
uprising, might not the Kurds have reasonably expected some
support - such as, for example, no-strings-attached military and
material aid? What about diplomatic initiatives at the United
Nations and elsewhere in support of Kurdish self-determination?
As with the whole Gulf War, military intervention was only one
option.
Of course, the Kurds were rather credulous in expecting
assistance from the US, but that doesn't excuse Bush's callous
acceptance of a mass slaughter resulting, at least partly, from a
call he made for an uprising.
As for my supposed demonising of Saddam, it's true I held Saddam
responsible for the policies of the Iraqi government, just as I
hold Bush responsible for the policies of the US government.
Would John blame the Iraqi parliament instead?
It's worth filling in a little background on Saddam. This is no
glorious anti-imperialist fighter. He heads the Baath Party, a
group originating among right-wing elements in the army in 1951.
It emerged in reaction to a huge rise of popular struggle led
largely by the Iraqi Communist Party. Ideologically, Baathism
drew directly on some aspects of Nazism.
Formed in 1934, by 1959 the Communist Party was leading
demonstrations of up to 500,000 in Baghdad, calling for
fundamental social and economic change and land reform. CIA boss
Allen Dulles said the situation in Iraq was the most dangerous in
the world.
>From late 1958, the Baath Party, aided by police, organised
murder squads and terror against the Communists and the mass
movement. In these gangs, Saddam Hussein began his rise to the
top of the Baath Party.
Slowly, the mass movement declined, but still the Communist Party
was a mass force, so in 1963 the Baathists unleashed nine months
of bloody terror in which Communist Party members and mass
leaders were shot in the street, herded into concentration camps,
tortured to death and executed after mock trials. During all
this, the CIA fed the Baathists lists of names.
In recent years, Saddam has zigzagged politically, and at one
stage the Communist Party fell into the trap of an alliance with
the Baathists. But through all this, the Iraqi regime has been
one of the most repressive in the Middle East. This leaves aside
its role in launching the Iraq-Iran war, the poison gas attacks
on the Kurds etc.
I came on the scene far too late to demonise this vicious
dictator. He did that himself, long ago. The imperialist
propagandists didn't even need to tell many lies about
him!
************************************************************
Reprinted from Green Left, weekly progressive newspaper. May
be reproduced with acknowledgment but without charge by
movement publications and organisations.
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