From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Wed Feb 1 00:36:29 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 01 Feb 1995 00:36:29 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 31/1/95, 08:00 TSI (1) Writers' group supports accused Turkish author STRASBOURG, France, Jan 30 (Reuter) - An international writers group protested on Monday against Turkey bringing its greatest living writer before a special court over an article he wrote about its Kurdish citizens for a German magazine. Yasar Kemal, author of the acclaimed "Ince Memed" (Memed, My Hawk), has been called before the Istanbul security court to explain his remarks in the January 10 edition of Der Spiegel that the Turkish Republic had deployed "a campaign of lies" to justify oppression of its Kurdish population. The International Parliament of Writers, headed by Salman Rushdie, called on all of its members to urge their governments, the public and the press to put pressure on Turkey to recognise Kemal's right to freedom of speech. It added that it intended to make Kemal an honorary member of its world council "as a gesture of solidarity." Rushdie, born a Moslem in India but a British citizen, has been in hiding from an Iranian relgious death edict for nearly six years prompted by his novel "The Satanic Verses." Among the council's current members are Nobel literature laureates Naguib Mahfouz of Egypt, Toni Morrison of the United States and Wole Soyinka of Nigeria, and their fellow authors Margaret Drabble, Carlos Fuentes, Harold Pinter, and Ryzsard Kapuscinski. Kemal told Reuters last week it was "50-50" that he would face formal charges from the security court after an inquiry into the article. He said the likely charge was "separatism." The Kemal case is likely to attract more unwanted attention for Turkey in the West, already alarmed by the December sentencing of eight Kurdish members of parliament to jail terms of up to 15 years for separatism. More than 14,000 people have died since 1984 in fighting between Turkish security forces and guerrillas of the Kurdistan Workers Party seeking an independent Kurdish homeland. Kemal, in the Der Spiegel article, denounced the fighting as "the basest war imaginable" and said a Kurdish homeland was justified by international principles of human rights. (2) Syria, Turkey seek closer security cooperation DAMASCUS, Jan 30 (Reuter) - Turkish and Syrian officials met on Monday to try and cement security cooperation, marred in the past over activities of separatist rebels fighting Turkey. Interior Minister Mohammed Harba said during the talks in Damascus that Syria wanted to promote security cooperation with Turkey in order to safeguard joint interests, officials said. Ankara wants Syria to deny support to Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) guerrillas battling to set up a separate state in southeast Turkey. Syria says it wants a fair share of the waters of the Euphrates river, dammed by Turkey. The two issues have dominated security talks between the two countries in the past. Two PKK bases were closed in Lebanon's Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley after the signing of the accord. Harba was recently quoted as telling a Turkish television network that Syria had arrested some PKK members. Syria and Turkey still need to settle their dispute over the sharing of Euphrates waters. Syria insists on signing a permanent accord while Turkey wants to maintain a provisional deal, agreed in 1987, through which Ankara allows the flow of 500 cubic metres per second of the river's waters to Syria. The Turkish mission is headed by Mohamet [sic] Aghar, chief of general security. They had separate talks with Major-General Adnan Badr Hassan, head of the political department at Turkey's [sic] interior ministry, on combatting crime and drug trafficking. "The delegation expressed satisfaction over the outcome of its visit and talks in Syria," one official said. "The minister expressed Syria's keen interest to preserve the good neighbourly ties and cooperation with Turkey in all fields to serve the security and joint interests of the two countries," he said. (3) Turkish President Demirel leaves for India ANKARA, Jan 30 (Reuter) - Turkish President Suleyman Demirel left on Monday for a four-day official visit to India which he said would improve bilateral ties. "I believe this visit to India will give momentum to our ties and strengthen our friendly relations," he told reporters before his departure from Ankara. Turkey and India will sign a tourism cooperation agreement and an accord on prevention of double taxation during the visit. Demirel will have talks with Indian President Shankar Dayal Sharma and Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and meet Indian businessmen in New Delhi and Bombay. (4) Turkey's rebel Kurds say they killed two Iranians ANKARA, Jan 30 (Reuter) - Two Iranians found dead in Turkey after being abducted two weeks ago were killed by separatist Kurds in a "reckoning," the Anatolian news agency said on Monday. An unidentified person who telephoned Istanbul newspapers and television stations on Sunday said the double murder was committed by the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), seeking a separate state in southeastern Turkey. The bodies of two men, named as Asker Smitko, 42, and Jciaben Ecmajit, 49, were found in Istanbul suburb Silivri, 75 km from where they had been forced into a car on January 15, the agency said on Sunday. The pro-separatist Istanbul daily Ozgur Ulke said last Wednesday that two Iranians it named as Asker Simko and Zeya Nazim had been kidnapped and executed by the PKK's armed wing ARGK. The paper said the two men were killed for collaborating with MIT, Turkey's intelligence service and revealing the names of Kurdish businessmen who gave money to the rebels. Officials made no immediate comment linking the two reports. More than 14,000 people have been killed in the separatist insurgency since 1984. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 2 21:21:51 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 02 Feb 1995 21:21:51 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 1/2/95, 08:00 TSI Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ------ Forwarded from : Haldun Haznedar -------- (6) Turkish publisher faces prison for two books ISTANBUL, Jan 31 (Reuter) - A Turkish publisher said on Tuesday that she had been sentenced to 21/2 years in prison for "separatism," based on her work with two books challenging Turkey's treatment of Armenians and Kurds. Ayse Nur Zarakolu, who runs Belge Publishing, told Reuters a court order on Monday sentenced her to two years for publishing a translation of the "Armenian Taboo," by French writer Yves Ternon. Zarakolu said she received another six months for a compilation of articles by Kurdish MP and author, Yasar Kaya, who fled to Europe after he was stripped of his parliamentary immunity. "This is a scandal," said Zarakolu, who is free pending an appeal. Her case is being closely watched by European human rights groups. Zarakolu said the court's ruling was based on laws banning separatism and anti-state terror. Scores of writers and intellectuals have been sentenced to prison for expressing ideas that contradict Turkey's official ideology on the indivisibility of the state. Ternon's book, first published in France in 1977, is one of the few works in Turkey to address the widespread killing in 1915 of Armenians during the waning days of the Ottoman Empire. Turkey denies any organised massacres took place. Zarakolu, who was also fined 300 million lira ($7,500), recently completed a four month prison term for publishing a book examining the roots of Turkey's policies towards its Kurdish minority. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 2 21:22:28 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 02 Feb 1995 21:22:28 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 2/2/95, 08:00 TSI Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (1) US Report: Human rights situation on Turkey ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- The human rights situation worsened significantly in Turkey last year with excessive use of force to suppress Kurdish terrorism, said a U.S. report released Wednesday. "Despite the ... government's pledge in 1993 to end torture and to establish a state of law based on respect for human rights, torture and excessive use of force by security personnel persisted throughout 1994," the 36-page State Department report said. Turkey denies systematic or widespread torture and says it pursues a legitimate fight against Kurdish terrorism. The document listed Turkey's primary human rights problems as disappearances, forced evacuations or burning down of Kurdish villages, violations of freedom of speech, oppression of Kurdish population and harassment of journalists and human rights activists. The report said 18 people died "under suspicious circumstances while in official custody ... some as a result of torture," in the first nine months of 1994. The torture methods listed included high-pressure cold water hoses, electric shocks, beatings on the soles of the feet and genitalia, hanging by the arms, sleep deprivation and rapes, with gun barrels in some instances. The report said there were few cases in which law enforcement officers were convicted of torture and the sentences "tend to be light." Most of the allegations stemmed from Turkey's ongoing war against Kurdish guerrillas seeking autonomy in southeastern Turkey. The fighting has left more than 15,000 people dead over the past 10 years. The guerrillas belong to the illegal Kurdistan Workers Party, or the PKK. The report said although the Turkish government faced substantial "terrorist violence" from the PKK, the security forces committed human rights abuses in the campaign to fight terrorism. "The increasing violence of the fighting in the southeast is polarizing ethnic Turks and Kurds and creating a climate of intolerance," the report said. It added that the Turkish government "made repeated efforts to frustrate political activities of those who emphasize their Kurdish ethnicity." The report noted the closure of a pro-Kurdish Democracy Party and the prosecution of eight Kurdish deputies for their speeches. It also cited violations of the freedom of speech and the press, giving examples of confiscation orders against left and pro-Kurdish publications and court proceedings against journalists and publishers. The U.S. Congress froze 10 percent of Turkey's dlrs 365 million in U.S. military aid last August, pending a human rights review. The U.S. administration will provide a report to the Congress in March. (2) Bonn to look to Turkey at Mediterranean conference BONN, Feb 1 (Reuter) - Germany's special interest at an EU conference on the Mediterranean this year should be to help Turkey develop as a democratic and secular Moslem state, a leading foreign policy spokesman said on Wednesday. Karl Lamers, foreign policy spokesman for Chancelor Helmut Kohl's Christian Democrats (CDU), said Bonn was concerned both with Turkey itself and the two million Turks living in Germany. "We Germans have a special interest in Turkey," he told journalists, noting there were many Kurds among the Turks living in Germany. "Put simply, war in Kurdistan means the danger of war on German streets." Lamers's remarks seemed aimed at widening the focus of the conference, which France, Spain and Italy proposed to draw European Union attention to possible instability on its southern flank from Moslem fundamentalists in North Africa. Lamers acknowledged the danger of instability crossing the Mediterranean from Algeria but stressed to journalists that Germany also had its concerns in the Islamic world. "Division of labour is a good term to use," he said when asked how different EU states should approach the conference, due to be held in Spain later this year. The southern Europeans see the meeting as a way to shift the EU's focus from its heavy emphasis on east Europe, Bonn's main security concern, and provide a counter-balance to a German-led drive to bring former communist states into the EU. Lamers, who sparked controversy last year with his proposal for a hard core of EU countries to integrate more quickly than others, said the Turkish model of a secular Moslem state was as important for Europe as for the Islamic world. He said Moslem communities in Europe could help reconcile Islam with the modern world, adding: "That would have very far-reaching effects." Lamers said Bonn parliamentarians planned to form a task force to develop a strategy for integrating Turks into German society and making Islam more compatible with the modern age. The foreign ministry announced that the German, British, French and Italian foreign ministers would meet their Turkish counterpart Murat Karayalcin in London on Thursday to discuss relations between Ankara and the EU states. (3) Turkish minister off to talks with Western allies ANKARA, Feb 1 (Reuter) - Turkish Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin left on Wednesday for London where he will meet his British, German, French and Italian counterparts to discuss Ankara's links with the European Union and other issues. "We will discuss Turkey's customs union with the European Union and I will relay the latest developments concerning the pipeline for Caspian oil," he told reporters before leaving Ankara. The meeting on Thursday will be the second after Ankara, Bonn and London started holding joint talks on regional and international issues in January 1994. The consultations have since expanded to include France and Italy. Ankara hopes an EU Association Council meeting in March will seal the customs union held up because of EU worries about Turkey's human rights record and a Greek veto. Turkey said on Tuesday it had secured U.S. support for its proposal to transport Azeri and Kazakh crude oil to Western markets by a pipeline through Turkey. Foreign ministry officials said the London talks would also cover the Russian war in Chechnya, the Azeri-Armenian conflict, Bosnia and recent clashes between Kurdish factions in northern Iraq. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 00:18:20 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 00:18:20 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 8/2/95, 08:00 TSI Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ------ Forwarded from : Haldun Haznedar -------- (2) Turkey Cited For Rights Abuse ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- Human rights violations in Turkey are raging out of control as "new and disturbing" abuses are waged against Kurdish separatists, an international watchdog group said Wednesday. Amnesty International urged foreign governments to tighten controls on arms and military equipment sent to Turkey. The 27-page report, entitled "A Policy of Denial," came a week after the U.S. State Department issued its annual report with similar allegations, including the forced evacuations and destruction of villages in the Kurdish-dominated southeast. Turkey denies any systematic or widespread abuses against Kurdish rebels, who have waged an 11-year fight for autonomy. Amnesty cited a rise in the number of people taken into custody and never seen again. More than 50 disappearances were reported last year, it reported. "In several cases, people ... were last seen being taken away in helicopters by the security forces," the London-based group reported. "The Turkish government has chosen to ignore, rather than investigate and halt, this new and disturbing pattern of human rights abuse," the report said. Amnesty urged governments that supply Turkey with weapons and security equipment "to ensure such supplies are not used to commit human rights violations." It said shipments should be halted without such government guarantees. The report listed France, Germany, Russia, Britain and the United States among the countries which provide Turkey with military equipment. The U.S. Congress froze 10 percent of Turkey's dlrs 365 million in U.S. military aid pending a human rights review in March. Amnesty also said torture continued to be reported on a daily basis from many parts of Turkey. Amnesty said torture methods were used in order to extract confessions and names; to intimidate detainees into becoming police informants and as punishment for assumed support of illegal organizations. At least 29 people died in the first 10 months of 1994 as a result of torture under custody, the report said. It further claimed the Turkish government have persecuted Turkish human rights defenders and curtailed the freedom of opposition press to conceal the scale of rights violations. A pro-Kurdish newspaper in Istanbul shut down last week after a court ruling supported a government crackdown, which included confiscation of every copy. (3) Amnesty blasts Turkey's human rights record LONDON, Feb 8 (Reuter) - Turkey is guilty of daily human rights abuses, including torture and "disappearances," and countries that sell military equipment to Ankara should ensure it is not misused, Amnesty International said on Wednesday. "Turkish security forces are committing human rights violations every day and will continue to do so until the Turkish government ends its policy of blank denial," the human rights group said in a report. It said Turkey was trying to conceal the alleged violations by prosecuting activists and curtailing the freedom of the opposition press and political organisations. There were more than 50 reported "disappearances" logged in 1994, said the group. "The Turkish government's policy of denial has led to the increase in torture, "disappearances" and extra-judicial killings perpetrated with impunity by security forces throughout the country," Amnesty said in its report. The step-up in violations by the security forces in southeastern Turkey has also been matched by an escalation from the Kurdish Workers' Party, known as the PKK, said the group. Amnesty said the PKK had carried out summary executions and killed civilians during attacks on Kurdish communities believed to support the government. But political prisoners and Kurdish villagers are not the only ones to suffer, according to Amnesty. It cited the case of a 13-year-old boy wrongly accused of stealing a wallet who was allegedly blindfolded, beaten and subjected to electric shocks. Amnesty urged the international community to ensure that transfers of military equipment do not exacerbate the rights violations. The group said it had received reports that armoured vehicles, helicopters and other aircraft have been used in security force operations in southeast Turkey. France, Germany, Russia, Britain and the United States are among the countries that supply such equipment to Turkey. "We are urging governments which authorise the supply of military and security equipment to Turkey to ensure such supplies are not used to commit human rights violations." (4) Turkey to benefit from EU customs union - analysts By Aliza Marcus ISTANBUL, Feb 7 (Reuter) - Pending customs union with the European Union, back on track after months of doubt, will fortify Turkey's sagging economy and could accelerate needed social reform, economic analysts said on Tuesday. "In the long-run this will help the Turkish economy by making everyone more competitive and in the short-run this will be very good for certain sectors," said a London-based fund manager with holdings in Turkey. The deal, which will lift trade barriers between Turkey and the Union, is expected to be approved next month, EU ministers said in Brussels on Monday. The plan was put in doubt last December when Greece vetoed the deal, but Athens was apparently pacified with a promise talks would start after 1996 on allowing Cyprus -- one third of which is occupied by Turkish troops -- into the union. The EU is Turkey's biggest trading partner, accounting for roughly 45 percent of imports and exports, and Turkish industry hopes the new deal will give it better access to the 350 million people in the union. "The union will also be a benefit for EU companies, which will have high growth potential in the low-satuarated Turkish market," said Emre Gonen, secretary general of the Economic Development Fund in Istanbul. "We also can expect a deepened integration with the European Union companies through more joint ventures and more franchises," said Gonen, whose group is studying the potential effects of the union. Analysts said the customs union would give a sure boost to those Turkish industries reliant on domestic raw materials and low-cost labour. The textiles, glass and ceramics industries -- already strong exporters -- are expected to do even better with the fall of barriers. "We are a strong industry and we are already competitive, so we have always been the strongest supporters of the customs union," said Emine Acilan, an official with the Union of Textile Exporters. But consumer durables and cars may be hit hard by the lifting of tariffs, which have protected such sectors from competition. "You won't see a total collapse of these companies, but it's going to make it a lot cheaper (than it is now) to buy a BMW or a German refrigerator," said the London-based analyst. The union, which if approved would take effect at the start of 1996, could also speed overhaul of Turkey's troubled economy by forcing companies to trim waste and encouraging investment to boost competitiveness, analysts said. Local companies, no longer protected by high tariffs, will have to streamline in order to compete. Exporters, freed from quotas, will be able to expand as much as the market can bear. As important as the economic gains, analysts said, the expected customs union should give a needed boost to Turkey's social transformation. A stronger economy will help stabilise the government, which could give it the courage to take potentially risky steps to better Turkey's poor human rights record. They also said the closer ties with the Europena Union might make Turkey more receptive to criticism and convince it to change its behavior on issues such as treatment of its Kurdish citizens. "We have a lot of problems, from human rights to civil rights, and this should certainly act as a catalyst for social change," said one Turkish analyst. ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Fri Feb 10 13:21:36 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 10 Feb 1995 13:21:36 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 9/2/95, 08:00 TSI Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (1) Turkey challenges legal basis of Amnesty charges ANKARA, Feb 8 (Reuter) - Turkey, accused by Amnesty International of abusing human rights, retaliated on Wednesday by charging it with ignoring international law regarding Kurdish rebels. In a report in London on Tuesday, the international human rights organisation accused government forces of daily abuses, including torture, "disappearances" and extra-judicial executions. "Never in any of its reports has Amnesty used the term terrorist for the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) which kills women and children and burns villages. Instead it calls them 'guerrillas'," Foreign Ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman said. "There are serious legal errors in Amnesty's approach to human rights." Ataman said the Geneva Convention, the international document on rules of war, describes a guerrilla as an armed fighter for the right of self-determination but that right is denied by the 1993 Vienna declaration in countries where the government represents the whole of the population, such as Turkey. "It is a clear violation of law to describe the terrorists of the PKK as guerrillas." "It was noteworthy that in almost all of the human rights abuses cases Amnesty cited, the alleged victims were suspects of PKK terrorism," he said. "Turkey answers to the United Nations for every single accusation put forth by Amnesty. This obviously satisfies the U.N. system because it has refused to re-open a case on Turkish human rights which it closed in 1992, despite insistent efforts by Amnesty." More than 14,000 people have died in Turkey since 1984 when the PKK launched its violent struggle for a separate Kurdish state in southeast Turkey. ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 20:19:46 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 20:19:46 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 10/2/95, 08:00 TSI (1) Greece Faults EU-Turkey Plan ATHENS, Greece (AP) -- Greece on Thursday said it won't allow the European Union to speed up a customs union with Turkey unless it receives further assurances regarding membership talks with Cyprus. "The position of the Greek government is negative. At the same time the government detects the possibility to continue talks because we think there is room for clearing up and improving the (EU) positions," government spokesman Evangelos Venizelos said after a cabinet meeting. Foreign ministers from the 15 EU nations on Monday had promised to open membership talks with Cyprus six months after an institutional overhaul of the EU is approved sometime in 1997. In return Greece would lift its veto on the trade accord with Turkey. The EU ministers had hoped to clear up remaining technical problems in negotiations with Turkey so that talks would end by March 7, when the EU foreign ministers meet again. Some of those problems are Turkey's human rights record and limits on the free movement of Turkish citizens in the EU once the customs union becomes operational. In Ankara, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin said he did not want the EU to connect the customs union accord with Greece or other issues. He added that Turkey was negotiating with the EU and not Greece. Foreign Ministry Spokesman Ferhat Ataman also said Turkey had fulfilled its obligations for the accord and expected the EU to do likewise. Venizelos said Premier Andreas Papandreou would send letters to his EU counterparts outlining his government's objections to Monday's agreement. If the objections are not addressed, Greece will not lift its veto. Sources close to the meeting said Greece wants the EU to set a specific date for membership talks with Cyprus. Greece also wants the EU to begin the talks within six months of the EU's institutional overhaul and provide protection for Greece's textile industry, which is competitive with Turkey's. According to Venizelos, Greece also objected to the "negative climate" that prevailed at Monday's foreign ministers meeting. Novice European Affairs Minister Giorgos Alexandros Mangakis, who attended the meeting, was sharply criticized by members of the ruling Socialist party and the opposition for failing to secure a specific date for EU membership talks with Cyprus. Many critics had called for his resignation. Under the plan reached by the foreign ministers, the EU would also have started membership talks with Malta which, like Cyprus, applied in 1990 to join the union. The EU executive commission had insisted on an end to the division of Cyprus before its membership could be contemplated. (2) Greece rejects EU-Turkey customs union deal By Dina Kyriakidou ATHENS, Feb 9 (Reuter) - Greece rejected on Thursday a provisional agreement on a European Union customs union with Turkey, saying it wanted improvements in the lucrative deal to bring its eastern neighbour closer to Europe. "We studied the issue assiduously and the position of the Greek government is negative," government spokesman Evangelos Venizelos told reporters after a cabinet meeting called by Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou to review the pact. He said Greece would continue to veto the agreement unless it was improved. "If Greek objections are not accepted, Greece's opposition will continue," he said. EU foreign ministers agreed in principle on Monday to go ahead with a customs union with Turkey in return for setting a date to start talks with Cyprus on joining the EU. The agreement initially seemed to remove years of Greek objections to closer EU-Turkey ties but Greece expressed reservations on Tuesday, saying it wanted to study the issue. The deal has to be cleared by all EU member governments. Venizelos listed several points that he said needed to be improved before Athens could give its approval. They included more specific dates and procedures on EU membership for Cyprus, less money offered to Ankara to cope with the customs union and more aid to Greece's textile industry, expected to suffer from closer EU-Turkey ties. Both Ankara and Nicosia had welcomed news of the agreement, which was expected to give a boost to Turkey's ailing economy and help to speed up a solution to the Cyprus problem. German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel told reporters on Monday there was a good chance that a customs union with Turkey could be agreed by March 6. "Greece has lifted its block on the customs union and the financial protocol on the understanding that, six months after the end of the (1996) inter-governmental conference (on the Maastricht treaty), the European Union will open negotiations with Cyprus," Kinkel said. Closer EU-Turkey links have been blocked for years by the row between Athens and Ankara over the island of Cyprus, divided since a 1974 Turkish invasion. The Cyprus government believes both the Greek and the Turkish communities would benefit from EU membership, but Turkey and Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash strongly disagree. Denktash, whose self-declared republic in northern Cyprus is recognised only by Ankara, has threatened closer integration with Turkey if Cyprus is allowed to submit a formal EU membership application. (3) Turkey says Greek customs union veto "EU problem" ANKARA, Feb 9 (Reuter) - Turkey said on Thursday that Greece's rejection of a provisional EU-Turkey customs union deal was largely a problem for the European Union, and that Ankara would not be discussing the subject with Athens. "We see it as a problem between Greece and the EU," Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin told Anatolian news agency after Greece had announced it had rejected a provisional deal that would open the way for customs union between Turkey and the EU. "This is a development that must be seen as the internal affair of the group," he said. "Turkey is not in a position to individually evaluate the attitude of all member countries." Foreign ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman said in a statement that the European Union had a responsibility to complete customs union in accordance with a 1963 agreement. Greece had initially agreed to the deal in exchange for setting a date for talks to begin on Cyprus to join the EU but later expressed reservations, saying it wanted to study the issue more. Venizelos said there was room for improving the agreement and unless it was enhanced, Greece would continue to oppose Turkey's customs union with the EU. (4) Kinkel urges Greece to stop blocking Turkey accord BONN, Feb 9 (Reuter) - German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel expressed "regret and incomprehension: at Greece's decision on Thursday to keep blocking an EU customs union with Turkey, saying EU members had already made big concessions to Athens. Greece had already agreed in principle to lift its veto on the deal, apparently ending years of objections to closer European Union ties with Turkey, in return for an EU commitment on a starting date for membership talks with Cyprus. But on Thursday Athens backed off and demanded further improvements in the deal. "Any change of individual elements will endanger the package as a whole," Kinkel said in a statement. "The partners in the EU have already gone a long way to meet Greek interests. Germany played a decisive role in reaching a compromise by setting aside its own positions... The proposed compromise must not be endangered now." Kinkel is one of the strongest advocates of pulling Ankara closer to the EU with a customs union, arguing this will help stability in the Middle East and stop secular Turkey drifting into the orbit of Islamic fundamentalism. In giving Cyprus a commitment on membership talks, EU members have set aside worries about the implications for the likely flood of applications from eastern Europe and for the political future of the divided island. (5) Belgium warns against isolating Turkey BRUSSELS, Feb 9 (Reuter) - Belgium said on Thursday Turkey should be put under pressure to respect human rights through political dialogue rather than isolation by the European Union. "The aim is not to isolate Turkey but to attain a fundamental improvement of the human rights situation in that country," Foreign Minister Frank Vandenbroucke was quoted as telling Belgium's parliament. In a report in London on Tuesday, the international human rights organisation Amnesty International accused Turkish government forces of daily abuses, including torture, "disappearances" and extra-judicial executions. Vandenbroucke said Belgium did not await the Amnesty International report to remind Turkey of its duties concerning human rights. He noted that current political dialogue with Turkey was not noncommittal. "He wants a thorough assessment of the results (of the dialogue)," a foreign ministry statement said. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 13 14:14:56 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 13 Feb 1995 14:14:56 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 13/2/95, 08:00 TSI (1) Turkey's Ciller urges EU to save trade accord ANKARA, Feb 12 (Reuter) - Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Ciller on Sunday urged the European Union to salvage a planned customs union with Turkey which is threatened by a Greek veto, Anatolian news agency said. "Europe can't commit a historic error like keeping Turkey out of the customs union. If it does, history will judge it as a great mistake," Ciller told a news conference in Istanbul. "Europe can't do without Turkey," she was quoted by Anatolian as saying. Athens last week rejected a French-inspired proposal to formalise the customs union next month in exchange for Greece's close ally Cyprus being given a timetable for EU membership talks. The customs union, which foresees sharp two-way reductions in trade barriers by 1996, would give Turkey some of the closest links to the EU of a non-member country. Greece has threatened to veto approval of the customs union at a joint EU-Turkish meeting in Brussels set for March 6. It wants the EU to give definite dates for Cypriot membership negotiations and clarification of financial issues in the trade pact. Ciller said Turkey's population of 60 million made it an attractive market for EU goods, Anatolian said. She also stressed Turkey's role as a gateway to the Turkic republics of Central Asia, it said. Greece, in dispute with Turkey over Cyprus, has often blocked Turkish attempts to get closer to the EU. (2) Turkey to seek Nordic support for EU deal ANKARA, Feb 10 (Reuter) - Turkish Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin will visit the three Nordic members of the European Union next week to drum up support for an EU-Turkey customs union deal threatened by a Greek veto. He will hold talks in Denmark, Sweden and Finland from February 13 to 15, the ministry said. Turkey hopes EU countries can overcome the veto of Greece by a deadline on March 6 when Ankara and the EU must formally pledge themselves to a customs union. The deal has to be cleared by all EU member governments. Greece on Thursday rejected a provisional agreement on the EU-Turkey customs union, saying it wanted improvements in the lucrative deal to bring its eastern neighbour closer to Europe. EU foreign ministers agreed in principle on Monday to go ahead with a customs union with Turkey in return for setting a date to start talks with Cyprus on joining the EU. The agreement seemed to remove years of Greek objections to closer EU-Turkey ties. Closer EU-Turkey links have been blocked by the row between Athens and Ankara over Cyprus, divided since a 1974 Turkish invasion. (3) Greece seeks EU solidarity on Turkey customs deal By Costas Paris ATHENS, Feb 10 (Reuter) - Greece called for European Union solidarity on Friday over its decision to reject an agreement in principle on forging an EU customs union with arch-rival Turkey. "We want to believe that all EU countries, especially the big ones that can influence EU policy, will move in a spirit of EU solidarity," government spokesman Evangelos Venizelos told reporters. EU foreign ministers, including Greek European Affairs minister George Mangakis, agreed in principle on Monday to go ahead with a customs union with Turkey in return for Brussels setting a date to start talks with Cyprus on joining the EU. But a Greek cabinet meeting on Wednesday, chaired by Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou, decided to reject the deal saying several points needed to be improved before Athens could give its approval. There was no clear reason why Greece decided to pour cold water on what had appeared to be a done deal. But many Athens radio stations and newspapers blasted the government early in the week, accusing it of selling out to Turkey. Relations with Turkey are a highly emotive issue and Greece is in a volatile pre-election mood. The ruling socialists need 10 more votes in parliament to elect a Greek president in April. Intense wheeling-and-dealing is taking place daily among the rival parties and failure to elect a new Greek president would force immediate national elections. Venizelos explained the rejection by saying Greece wants more specific details on EU membership for Cyprus, less money offered to Ankara to cope with the customs union and more aid to Greece's textile industry. "The EU is a continuous negotiating field. Nothing is final and everything can be discussed if you know what you want and if you have certain positions where you stand firm," he said. He said Papandreou sent letters to his EU counterparts on Friday explaining Greece's objections. Athens shift of position prompted angry reactions from some of Greece's EU partners. German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel expressed "regret and incomprehension" over Greek insistance to keep blocking the EU customs union with Turkey, saying EU members had already made big concessions to Athens. "Any change of individual elements will endanger the package as a whole," Kinkel said in a statement on Thursday. "The partners in the EU have already gone a long way to meet Greek interests. Germany played a decisive role in reaching a compromise by setting aside its own positions," he said. France, which holds the EU's rotating presidency, said it remained hopeful the customs union could be agreed by March 6. "The necessary initiatives will be taken to achieve this goal," Foreign Ministry spokesman Richard Duque told a news briefing. He said an EU committee of permanent representatives would meet on Friday in Brussels to discuss Athens' objections. However, EU sources later said the meeting never took place. The sources said it was cancelled after committee members concluded there was nothing of substance to discuss. Both Ankara and Nicosia had welcomed news of the agreement, which was expected to give a boost to Turkey's ailing economy and help to speed up a solution to the Cyprus problem. (4) U.S. backs Turkey on EU customs union WASHINGTON, Feb 11 (Reuter) - The United States on Friday backed Turkey's bid to forge a customs union with the European Union. "Our general position is that we believe that a customs union between Turkey and the EU would be mutually beneficial," State Department spokeswoman Christine Shelly told reporters. "We hope Greece and the rest of the EU will be able to resolve their differences on this issue," she added. Greece earlier called for EU solidarity over its decision to reject an agreement in principle forging an EU customs union with arch-rival Turkey. EU foreign ministers, including Greek European Affairs minister George Mangakis, agreed in principle on Monday to go ahead with the customs union in return for Brussels setting a date to start talks with Cyprus on joining the EU. But a Greek cabinet meeting Wednesday decided to reject the deal, saying several points needed to be improved before Athens could give its approval. (7) Turkey expels German reporter for "harmful" acts ANKARA, Feb 10 (Reuter) - Turkish police have expelled a German reporter for "harmful activity" supporting Kurdish separatists, officials said on Friday. Corinna Guttstedt, a reporter for the German publication "Junge Welt," was detained in Izmir on Wednesday and flown to Istanbul the same day. She was deported on a flight to Frankfurt on Thursday, an Interior Ministry official said, adding that she would not be allowed to re-enter Turkey. "From now on she is covered by an entry-exit ban." "The woman journalist has been deported on grounds of harmful activity," Izmir police chief Kemal Yazicioglu told the Anatolian news agency but did not elaborate. Izmir has a large Kurdish migrant community which security officials believe is a fertile ground for new recruits for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Guttstedt had travelled extensively in southeast Turkey where the PKK, outlawed for its secessionist war, has been fighting for a separate state since 1984, the ministry official said. More than 14,000 people have been killed in the insurgency. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Fri Feb 17 17:18:50 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 17 Feb 1995 17:18:50 Subject: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Ha References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: HIrgUr MUstemleke; Sanki Fiyasko Haberler, 16/2/95, 08:00 TSI Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (1) Turkey ready to talk water and security with Syria By Ayse Sarioglu ANKARA, Feb 15 (Reuter) - Turkey is willing to discuss water supplies to Syria and its own demands for security against rebel Kurds in an overall bid to improve relations between Ankara and Damascus, a foreign ministry spokesman said on Wednesday. "From the very beginning, Turkey has not formed a link between the water issue and its expectations on fighting terrorism," ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman said. "But as we have always said, we see benefits in dealing with all issues, including water and fighting terrorism in good will and mutual understanding," he told a news briefing. Ataman was responding to speculation in the Turkish press of imminent improvement in relations between the two neighbours. In an uneasy balance that has prevailed for years, Syria wants Turkey to increase the amount of water it gets from the Euphrates river, which originates in Turkey, while Ankara wants to see an end to Syrian sanctuary for the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) rebel group. Turkey lets flow a minimum of 500 cubic meters of water per second from the Euphrates, vital for Syrian agriculture and power generation. It denies any intention of using water as a weapon against Syria but refuses to commit itself to an unlimited supply for Syria as its own regional need grows. Ataman said about 900 cubic meters had been flowing per second across the border recently. The two countries have not formally discussed the water issue since an inconclusive meeting in July, 1990. Tensions have eased since the onset of the Middle East peace process. In 1992, Syria closed a major training camp of the PKK in Lebanon's Bekaa valley which it controls and promised Ankara to curb PKK activity on its soil. On Tuesday night Turkish troops killed three armed militants as they tried to enter Turkey from Syria, officials said. Turkish security officials say Syrian Kurds fight in PKK ranks but they do not imply any government involvement. More than 14,000 people have died in Turkey since the PKK launched its separatist war in 1984. (3) EP hears Council, Commission on EU-Turkey customs union EU Parliament Session News Press Release Tuesday, 14 February - Council President-in-Office Alain Lamassoure came before the House to explain recent developments in negotiations over the customs cooperation agreement with Turkey. While Council respected Parliament's vote just before Christmas to freeze the Parliament's joint committee meetings with Turkish parliamentarians and had called on Council to suspend further talks over the customs union, Mr Lamassoure said he detected a change in the climate of opinion in Turkey. It was, he said, important not to forget that the country had seen the election of a multi-party Grand Assembly since 1983 and that it maintained close international relations with the West on several fronts through NATO and other international organisations. Furthermore, it represented a beacon of stability in a volatile region and had supported the west during the Gulf war. This being the case, he felt it important to try and move forward, despite the ten year impasse over Cyprus and human rights questions in the context of the Union's Mediterranean policy to be developed during the French and Spanish Presidencies. Council, he continued, believed that this time there was an opportunity for progress on all these points and it was up to the Union to see if it was prepared to respond to the challenge of reaching an agreement so that the new arrangements for a customs union could come into force on 1 January, 1996. He then turned to the sensitive issue of linking the agreement to a specific dateline for starting negotiations on Cyprus' application for full membership of the EU i.e. six months after the termination of the IGC. This was a specific commitment, he emphasised, adding that there was to be a further linkage with progress on human rights and democratic freedoms. It was on these issues that he felt there was an opportunity for further reforms now accepted by Turkey. Further discussion were scheduled to take place on 6 March next. For the Commission, Hans van den Broek reminded the House that the Union had a formal treaty obligation to Turkey dating back to the signing of the original customs agreement and the protocol in 1973. Furthermore, he pointed out that the Union had developed since that time to cover related issues such as competition policy, intellectual property and standardisation. Moreover, with trade with Turkey worth an annual 12.5bn EU and 5bn EU in the Union's favour, it was clearly important to secure an agreement. He recognised that relations with Turkey went beyond the economic domain and that it was important to include political factors and strengthen democracy. A great deal still had to be done on the human rights front, he said. But the reaction of MEPs was cautious. While the Party of the European Socialists group leader Pauline Green (London North) was adamant that the situation today in the area of human rights, and in particular the detention of Kurdish MPs was unsatisfactory and could not enable her to endorse the agreement, European People's Party leader Wilfried Martens (B) preferred to adopt a 'wait and see' approach. If Turkey responded and progress was forthcoming in the months ahead then it could be approved, he said. Mrs Green, however, wondered where this progress could come from in view of the continued presence of some 35,000 Turkish troops on Cyprus and the lack of a clear statement on the Turkish side to improve matters. The question should not be linked with EU membership for Cyprus, which should be considered in its own right, she said. On behalf of the European Liberal Democratic and Reformist Group, Jan Bertens (Nl) demanded that the customs union be blocked and that negotiations for the access of Cyprus to the EU be started as soon as possible. How many breaches of human rights in Turkey was the EU going to accept, he asked. Vassilis Ephremidis (Gr, EUL/NGL) asked the Council and the Commission to explain how it could go for a compromise with Turkey when there was no solution in Cyprus and no end to the violations of human rights. Pier Casini (I, FE) thought the question of closer relations with Turkey and resolution of the human rights problems should go hand in hand, while another Greek MEP Katerina Daskalaki (EDA) called for the agreement to be suspended as long as Turkey occupied Cyprus and continued with human rights violations. While taking the view that Turkey was part of Europe and should not be isolated, Claudia Roth (G, Greens) said consent to the proposed agreement should be dependent on a number of conditions, including the release of Kurdish MPs and a change to Turkey's constitution to bring it into line with international legal norms. Although backing closer ties with Turkey, Catherine Lalumiere (F, ERA) felt the agreement could only be signed if there were commitments on human rights and Cyprus. Similar concerns were also expressed by Frank Vanhecke (B, Ind), who added that a customs union should not be seen as a first step towards Turkey's accession to the EU. Turkey, he argued, was not part of Europe, geographically or culturally. James Moorhouse (London South and Surrey East, EPP) insisted that Parliament should not go along with the agreement, important though it was, until Turkey met international obligations in respect of human rights. He urged the Commission to report back to MEPs on progress made by Turkey on human rights. Richard Balfe (London South Inner, PES) said it was clearly in the EU's interests, particularly in respect of trade and in combating fundamentalism, to get a customs agreement with Turkey, but it was difficult to endorse it in view of the imprisonment of the Kurdish MPs and a number of other abuses. He asked the Commission to seek firm undertakings from Turkey which would allow Parliament to accept the agreement. (4) France seeks meeting on Greek veto of Turkey pact BRUSSELS, Feb 15 (Reuter) - France wants European Union foreign ministers to hold a special meeting after Greece vetoed a customs union linking the EU and Turkey, the Belgian Foreign Ministry said on Wednesday. "The French presidency (of the EU) would like a foreign affairs council to be held before March 6," the day of talks between the EU and Turkey, a ministry spokesman told a briefing. Greece has rejected an agreement hammered out by EU foreign ministers to go ahead with the customs union in return for the EU setting a date to start membership talks with Cyprus. The spokesman said Greek Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou had sent a letter to the EU outlining the four points that Greece wanted cleared up. The points concern "more binding" terms for Cyprus's accession to the EU, Cyprus's participation in a "structured" dialogue with the EU, financial aid to Turkey and compensation for Greek textile industries. Athens has said it would continue to veto the agreement, which must be cleared by all 15 EU member states, unless the terms were improved. For years, Athens has blocked any EU-Ankara pact over the issue of Cyprus -- the Mediterranean island partitioned into Greek and Turkish communities since a 1974 Turkish invasion. French European Affairs minister Alain Lamassoure, whose country occupies the rotating EU presidency, said on Tuesday talks on Cypriot membership would start six months after the end of a full review of the EU's constitutional arrangements. The review, the inter-governmental conference (IGC), kicks off in early 1996, but is open-ended and could go on well into 1997. ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Wed Feb 1 00:36:53 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 01 Feb 1995 00:36:53 Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald U.S.-Turkish delegation said to meet Iraq Kurds ANKARA, Jan 27 (Reuter) - A U.S.-Turkish delegation met rival Iraqi Kurdish leaders to urge an end to weeks of sporadic infighting in northern Iraq, an Iraqi opposition group said on Friday. The Iraqi Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) in London reported a series of meetings between leaders Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani and the delegation, led by David Litt, Washington's Director of the Office of Northern Gulf Affairs. ``Speaking on behalf of the U.S. government, Litt expressed dismay at Kurdish infighting. He reminded the leaders that Operation Provide Comfort's goal is to protect the Kurds from Saddam Hussein and to promote peace and security in Iraqi Kurdistan,'' said an IBC statement, faxed to Reuters in Ankara. It did not say when the meetings took place. The allied air force, Operation Provide Comfort, has been based in southeast Turkey since 1991 to protect Iraqi Kurds from Baghdad forces following the Gulf War, but the justification for the force has increasingly come into question. Barzani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) have shared power uneasily in northern Iraq since elections in 1992. Party factions resumed clashes in December after fighting in May and August. The statement said Litt urged the leaders to accept mediation from the Iraqi National Congress (INC), an umbrella opposition grouping that includes Barzani and Talabani. The INC has successfully helped mediate between the groups on previous occasions. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 11:30:18 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 11:30:18 Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald EU close to deal on Cyprus admission talks By Jonathan Clayton BRUSSELS, Feb 2 (Reuter) - The European Union, worried about security on its borders, is close to a landmark deal in which it begins talks on admitting Cyprus as a full EU member and Greece lifts its objections to a huge trade pact for Turkey. EU sources said on Thursday the plan could allow signing of a lucrative customs union with Turkey as early as March 6. The pact has been blocked by Greek objections linked to the unresolved question of Cyprus, divided into Greek and Turkish communities since 1974 following a Turkish invasion. ``The (European) Commission believes the time has come for a breakthrough,'' said one source. EU foreign ministers were to discuss the plan next Monday in Brussels. In London, French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe said clinching a customs union agreement with Turkey was one of the priorities of France's current six-month stint as EU president. ``I have some reasons to think that it'll be possible to attain this goal by the beginning of March,'' Juppe said after informal talks with his British, Turkish, German and Italian counterparts on Turkey's relations with Europe. He said: ``We attach a lot of importance to the stability of a propsperous and democratic Turkey and I think the conclusion of a customs union agreement would contribute toward this goal.'' In Nicosia, a Cyprus government spokesman welcomed word the Commission was ready to speed up negotiations on the divided island's membership of the EU, but said these should not be directly linked with a final peace accord. ``Of course, our primary wish is to have the Cyprus problem solved and we are certain the European Union could put pressure on Turkey (to help towards this),'' spokesman Yiannakis Cassoulides said. ``But even if the island is not reunited by the time negotiations start, we expect Cyprus to become an EU member because it cannot stay Turkey's victim forever,'' he added. An EU-Turkey pact would give Ankara closer relations with Brussels than any country other than Norway and Iceland. In return for Ankara dropping its tariffs on EU goods, it would win access for its products to the vast EU market. By linking the EU-Turkey customs union with a date for opening talks on Cypriot membership, Commission officials hope to offer both sides incentives to make progress on a long-term peace settlement. The diplomatic initiative follows growing anxiety within the EU over instability on its southern flank, particularly from Moslem fundamentalism now rampant in Algeria and Egypt. ``We want good relations with such an important neighbour, an Islamic state and a NATO member with borders with both Europe and Iraq and Iran,'' one senior EU source told Reuters. ``Our relations cannot remain forever frozen.'' Greece last vetoed the customs union, due to take effect at the end of 1995, at an EU foreign ministers meeting last December. It also blocked the release to Ankara of 600 million European currency units ($726 million) in grants and loans. Athens said, meanwhile, that it wanted a date for bringing divided Cyprus into the EU. It had previously vetoed agreements, saying it wanted Turkish troops withdrawn from the island first. Other EU states, dismayed by the jailing of eight Turkish parliamentarians accused of supporting the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), had warned Ankara it had to improve its tarnished human rights record if it wanted closer EU ties. In London, Turkish Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin welcomed signs that Greece would no longer block a customs union and said Ankara was ready to permit outside investigations of alleged human rights violations. The Cyprus government believes both the Greek and the Turkish communities would benefit from EU accession, but Turkey and Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash strongly disagree. Denktash, whose Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus is recognised only by Ankara, has threatened closer integration with Turkey if the Greek Cypriot authorities were allowed to submit a formal EU membership application. EU sources suggested on Thursday, however, that in the context of the proposed deal, talks on Cypriot membership could open just six months after the end of the EU inter-governmental review on its future due to begin in 1996. ``In the end, good relations with the EU may be more important than constant tension over Cyprus,'' one source said. Turkish minister off to talks with Western allies ANKARA, Feb 1 (Reuter) - Turkish Foreign Minister Murat Karayalcin left on Wednesday for London where he will meet his British, German, French and Italian counterparts to discuss Ankara's links with the European Union and other issues. ``We will discuss Turkey's customs union with the European Union and I will relay the latest developments concerning the pipeline for Caspian oil,'' he told reporters before leaving Ankara. The meeting on Thursday will be the second after Ankara, Bonn and London started holding joint talks on regional and international issues in January 1994. The consultations have since expanded to include France and Italy. Ankara hopes an EU Association Council meeting in March will seal the customs union held up because of EU worries about Turkey's human rights record and a Greek veto. Turkey said on Tuesday it had secured U.S. support for its proposal to transport Azeri and Kazakh crude oil to Western markets by a pipeline through Turkey. Foreign ministry officials said the London talks would also cover the Russian war in Chechnya, the Azeri-Armenian conflict, Bosnia and recent clashes between Kurdish factions in northern Iraq. Transmitted: 95-02-01 11:04:55 EST From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 20:20:33 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 20:20:33 Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L NEWS from Vic McDonald BRUSSELS, Feb 9 (Reuter) - Belgium said on Thursday Turkey should be put under pressure to respect human rights through political dialogue rather than isolation by the European Union. ``The aim is not to isolate Turkey but to attain a fundamental improvement of the human rights situation in that country,'' Foreign Minister Frank Vandenbroucke was quoted as telling Belgium's parliament. In a report in London on Tuesday, the international human rights organisation Amnesty International accused Turkish government forces of daily abuses, including torture, ``disappearances'' and extra-judicial executions. Vandenbroucke said Belgium did not await the Amnesty International report to remind Turkey of its duties concerning human rights. He noted that current political dialogue with Turkey was not noncommittal. ``He wants a thorough assessment of the results (of the dialogue),'' a foreign ministry statement said. REUTER Transmitted: 95-02-09 15:08:26 EST OSCE to send human rights team to Turkey BONN, Feb 8 (Reuter) - Observers from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe will go in May to the Kurdish region of Turkey, under attack for its human rights record, an OSCE parliamentary assembly official said on Wednesday. Germany Labour Minister Norbert Bluem, meanwhile, reacted to a highly critical report on Turkey by the human rights watchdog Amnesty International by calling on Turkey to ``return to the circle of civilised states where human rights are respected.'' Willy Wimmer, deputy speaker of the OSCE parliamentary assembly and a conservative member of the German parliament, said the delegation had been invited by the speaker of the Turkish parliament. It would also hold talks with the government in Ankara. Amnesty, which has accused Turkey of blocking such a visit, says there were more than 50 reports of unexplained ``disappearances'' and nearly 400 political assassinations in Turkey last year. Most alleged human rights violations are connected with Ankara's bloody war against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which is fighting for independence in southeast Turkey. ``Turkish security forces are committing human rights violations every day and will continue to do so until the Turkish government ends its policy of blank denial,'' Amnesty said in its report. At the same time, it said, the PKK was responding with its own killings of civilians and summary executions. German Labour Minister Bluem said in a statement: ``Torture, political murders and causing civilians to ``disappear' are things that no state can allow to happen to its citizens.'' He also accused the PKK of committing ``violence, murder and terror.'' Bonn has already expressed concern over last month's conviction of Kurdish deputies for comments they made in parliament on Kurdish autonomy. It has also suspended all repatriation of rejected Kurdish asylum seekers until February 28 while it examines the safety of Kurds in Turkey and Ankara's promised efforts to liberalise its constitution. Further extension of the freeze on repatriations seemed unlikely, however, after a majority in parliament's legal affairs committee spoke out on Wednesday in favour of going back to a simple examination of individual cases. Opposition parties say Bonn should wait for a firm Turkish commitment that returnees will not be harassed or tortured. REUTER Transmitted: 95-02-08 14:44:21 EST From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 2 05:20:27 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 02 Feb 1995 05:20:27 Subject: Boycott Turkish Tourism! References: Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: Boycott Turkish Tourism! Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl Ismet Imset writes: >Saw your news items related to Kurd-A which I think is a very effective >step. Just wondered whether you are distributing to other conferences as >well and whether you are on-line with Internet too. We have many efforts >on this side and want to know whether any help can be offered. Ismet Imset, some people here say: is from TDN. We run a listserver for Kurdistan. The language is english, we do not cover the ozgur olke on list.politica because our mailinglist is for internationalist who do not speak kurdish or turkish. We are capable of... and intendig to... forwarding this news to eunet.politics Evertey relevant (mayby it is bad english) news can be send to kurdeng at aps.nl or to ats at etext.org Biji Kurdistan! From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Fri Feb 3 21:20:59 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 03 Feb 1995 21:20:59 Subject: Boycott Turkish Tourism! References: Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: Boycott Turkish Tourism! Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl -------------- Forwarded from : Ismet Imset -------------- Feb.3, 1995 *** U R G E N T *** Istanbul court "outlaws" Ozgur Ulke Newspaper continues to print despite ban Application made to higher court to return verdict Action-On-Turkey/London An Istanbul court on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the publication of the country's leading pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) and ordered the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against the sentence to a higher court on Friday but feared the daily could be closed down over the weekend despite all efforts. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city's prosecutors office, Thursday's verdict was signed by the judge of the Istanbul First Justice Court, practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. It claimed that according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke, it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court the previous year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdict signed by Judge Ilyas Tan said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of similar nature. Tan passed his verdict without a legal defense on part of the newspaper and said that under these circumstances, "it is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem and that according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680 it should be confiscated." O.Ulke attorneys said Friday that in practice the forementioned article could mean the complete outlawing of the newspaper, confiscation of each and every issue and prison sentences for its editorial board. An appeal was filed to a higher civilian court on Friday to return the verdict and/or postpone it until the verdict was ratified by that court. Urgent international action is now required to support the newspaper. Background: Thursday's decision comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On Nov.30, 1994, Prime Minister Tansu Ciller issued a secret decree for the "elimination"of the newspaper after which, on Dec.3, 1994, its four-story printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. Yet, Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from print" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law. As of Jan.6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a Prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected." Undesirable items, often some three to four pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each targetting a new report. Meanwhile, at least five reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office was raided once. Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship" often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign," 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by death squads and four reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. The latest campaign, however, is different in context and aims to close down the newspaper altogether. From mchyet at LIONHEART.BERKELEY.EDU Wed Feb 1 00:35:28 1995 From: mchyet at LIONHEART.BERKELEY.EDU (mchyet at LIONHEART.BERKELEY.EDU) Date: 01 Feb 1995 00:35:28 Subject: CFV soc.culture.kurdish REMINDER T Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: CFV soc.culture.kurdish REMINDER TO VOTE! Dear friends, the call for votes (CFV) for soc.culture.kurdish is started PLEASE SEND IN YOUR VOTE FOR ESTABLISHING BY FEBRUARY 13 !!!!! Below is the complete text of the CFV, it can also be seen on the Newsnet on different groups, eg. news.groups,news.announce.newgroups,soc.cult ure.iranian, soc.culture.turkish, soc.culture.arabic,alt.politic s.ec,soc.culture.greek,talk.politics.mideast,sci.anthropology,talk.politics.sovi et *******************************CFV******************************** FIRST CALL FOR VOTES (of 2) unmoderated group soc.culture.kurdish Newsgroups line: soc.culture.kurdish People from Kurdistan and Kurds around the world. Votes must be received by 23:59:59 UTC, 13 February 1995. This vote is being conducted by a neutral third party. For voting questions only contact rdippold at qualcomm.com. For questions about the proposed group contact A.Stam . CHARTER This newsgroup will be established as a forum for sharing ideas and information about the culture, history, social and political devolepments in Kurdistan or related to Kurdistan. This newsgroup will provide open discussions on the issue of Kurdish Question, that is shared by different countries where Kurds currently live. This news group will also be accessable for other people from Kurdistan and others who believe that they have any kind of relationship with Kurdistan. The discussions will be in English or in different dialects of Kurdish (languages within Kurdish family). RATIONALE Periodically, interest in a group to discuss the Kurdish issue has been expressed. Questions concerning Kurdish problem have been posted in various newsgroups. It is widely felt that due to its context (the Kurdish problem) the other groups like soc.culture.turkish are inadequate for this purpose, not only because of different languages but also for the reason that just only one part of Kurdistan shares some common background with Turkey. So it is felt that a seperate newsgroup is suitable. This Newsgroup will virtually connect the vast scattered people from Kurdistan and hopefully it might contribute to bring the seperated dialects of Kurdish to a single national language. HOW TO VOTE Send MAIL to: voting at qualcomm.com Just Replying should work if you are not reading this on a mailing list. Your mail message should contain one of the following statements: I vote YES on soc.culture.kurdish I vote NO on soc.culture.kurdish You may also ABSTAIN in place of YES/NO - this will not affect the outcome. Anything else may be rejected by the automatic vote counting program. The votetaker will respond to your received ballots with a personal acknowledge- ment by mail - if you do not receive one within several days, try again. It's your responsibility to make sure your vote is registered correctly. One vote counted per person, no more than one per account. Addresses and votes of all voters will be published in the final voting results list. ***************************END OF THE CFV********************************* From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Wed Feb 1 00:37:19 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 01 Feb 1995 00:37:19 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 2 TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 2 Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:44:44 GMT Distribution: world Organization: Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison; College of Engineering Human rights groups and parliamentarians continued to accuse Turkish security forces of carrying out extrajudicial killings during raids on alleged terrorist safe houses rather than trying to arrest the occupants. During the first 9 months of the year, more than 40 people died in house raids, according to human rights groups. They noted that, while the authorities announced that the suspects were killed in shootouts, eyewitnesses often reported that no shots were fired by the suspects. Significantly, security forces are rarely killed or injured in the raids. Local human rights groups cited, for example a March 24 raid on an alleged Dev Sol (Devrimci Sol or the Revolutionary Left, a Marxist-Leninist terrorist group) safe house in Istanbul, in which police killed three suspects, and an April 23 shoot-out with alleged Dev Sol terrorists in Tunceli province, where security forces killed 12; A deputy of the Socialist Democratic Populist Party (SHP) claimed 6 of the dead were killed after they had surrendered. Security forces also continued to be charged with using deadly force against unarmed civilians participating in peaceful demonstrations. In two separate incidents (in Kars and Mus provinces, respectively) during the weekend of August 14-15, Turkish security forces took allegedly defensive actions that resulted in the deaths of at least 18 civilians and demonstrators, with no security force casualties. During the year, a trend was reported in the southeast in which Turkish forces, after being attacked by the PKK, retaliated against the closest village or town, terrorizing or even killing civilians and destroying property and livestock. On October 23, after the PKK apparently killed a Jandarma brigadier general in Lice, the provincial governor sealed off the town and surrounding area, and the Jandarma reportedly retaliated against the village, killing civilians and carrying out wholesale property destruction. Human rights organizations estimate that 30 civilians were killed; the official government figure is 13. Human rights monitors, journalists, and the chairman of the Republican People's Party (CHP) were denied access to Lice in the days that followed, and telephone communications with the town were cut on October 23. On October 25, the Diyarbakir HRA reported that 28 wounded persons had been evacuated. Much temporary housing, put in place after an earthquake and not yet replaced with permanent housing, was destroyed. Another credible allegation of extrajudicial killing concerns six villagers from Ozbasoglu reportedly shot by security forces on July 2. Five died, but the sixth survived and gave his account of the incident to a Member of Parliament (M.P.) who submitted a complaint to the Human Rights Commission of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. As of the end of the year, there has been no response. The number of "mystery killings" increased during 1993, with more than 291 civilians assassinated during the first 9 months of the year. The Turkish Human Rights Association (HRA) claimed that 524 people were killed in 1993 by unidentified attackers mostly in the east and southeast of the country. The majority were leaders or prominent members of the Kurdish community, including journalists, physicians, human rights activists, local politicians, members of the People's Labor Party (HEP) and its successor, the Democracy Party (DEP), and others viewed as sympathetic to Kurdish causes. Some human rights organizations, religious leaders, Kurdish leaders, and local Kurds asserted that the Government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the murders of civilians. They cited frequent failures of officials to investigate these murders, the fact that some victims' bodies were discovered in "security zones" to which only Jandarma or security officials are permitted access, and the fact that some victims had previously been detained, abused, or threatened by security forces. Human rights groups reported the widespread belief that at least some "mystery killings" are carried out by a counterguerrilla group associated with the security forces. On September 4, unknown persons fatally shot Mehmet Sincar, a DEP M.P. from Mardin, and Metin Ozdemir, the local DEP chairman, in the city center of Batman, wounded four others, including DEP M.P. Nizamettin Toguc, and escaped. Other DEP M.P.'s who were in Batman at the time of the killing reported that they were given police security the day before the killing, but the police security presence disappeared on the morning of the murder. The Government pledged to bring Sincar's assassin to justice and immediately arrested a score of suspects, most of whom were eventually released. A case was opened against seven suspects alleged to have assisted in the assassination, but at the end of the year no one had been charged with the murder itself. In the past 2 years, at least 54 members of the DEP and its predecessor, the HEP, have been assassinated. Amnesty International (AI) states that it has received persistent and credible reports of members of security forces threatening to kill Kurdish activists. Other mystery killings included Elazig HRA chairman and attorney Metin Can and Dr. Hasan Kaya, whose bodies were found in eastern Tunceli province on February 27 with their hands tied behind their backs and each with a bullet hole in his head. Family and HEP members accused government officials of failing to search for the victims once their disappearance had been reported. Kemel Kilic, the Urfa representative for the pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) and a founding member of the Urfa branch of the HRA was shot dead on his way home from work. On the day of his death, Kilic had organized a press conference in which he denounced the attempts to stop distribution of Ozgur Gundem and the "police's silence." The body of Ferhat Tepe, 19-year-old Bitlis correspondent for Ozgur Gundem, was identified on August 9 in the Elazig state hospital morgue. Reportedly, an anonymous caller told his family after his disappearance on July 28 that the so-called Ottoman Turkish Revenge Brigade had kidnaped him. Ozgur Gundem and the leftist daily Aydinlik produced witnesses who claimed Tepe had been tortured to death in the Diyarbakir provincial Jandarma interrogation center. The Government expressed its condolences on Tepe's death but took no action; it considers Tepe's death a mystery murder. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Tue Feb 7 23:32:51 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 07 Feb 1995 23:32:51 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 7C TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 7c Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:48:27 GMT Distribution: world Children The Government is committed to furthering children's welfare and is working to expand opportunities in education and health, including further reduction of the infant mortality rate. Turkey's children have suffered greatly from the cycle of violence in southeastern Anatolia. School closings and the decision by many families to move westward, be it for economic reasons or to escape the violence, have uprooted children to cities which are hard pressed to find the resources to extend basic, mandatory services, such as schooling. The Government is exploring the possibility of establishing regional boarding schools to help combat this problem. Although primary schooling is mandatory, many young children, ages 9 to 12, can be seen on the streets hawking goods or shining shoes (see Section 6.d.). National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities Ethnic and religious minorities face various forms of societal discrimination. The minority of Turkish Kurds who were long-term residents in industrialized cities in western Turkey have been, for the most part, assimilated into the political, economic, and social life of the nation. Kurds who are currently migrating westward (including those displaced by the conflict between the Government and the PKK), bring with them their Kurdish cultural and village identity from the east. Most parliamentary representatives from southeastern Turkey are ethnic Kurds, but representatives of Kurdish ethnic origin have been elected from districts far removed from the southeast. Several cabinet ministers, as well as other government officials, claim an ethnic Kurdish background. The increasing violence of the fighting in the southeast is polarizing ethnic Turks and Kurds and creating a climate of intolerance. Particularly, in cities such as Adana and Mersin, which have witnessed a large influx of Kurds fleeing the violence in the southeast, tensions are rising. For example, three friends in Adana were stopped by a policeman demanding to see their identification papers. The man from Sivas, a predominantly Turkish province, was allowed to proceed; the two friends from Mardin, a predominantly Kurdish province, were detained and taken to the local police station for questioning. Tensions have also begun to spread westward, for example, in a fight between a Kurdish construction worker and a grocer in the Aegean province of Kutahya, local inhabitants hurled stones at a cottage inhabited by eight Kurdish workers and shouted anti-PKK slogans. The 1991 repeal of the law prohibiting publications or communication in Kurdish legalized some spoken and printed Kurdish communications. However, under the political parties law, all discussion which takes place at political meetings must be in Turkish. Kurdish may only be spoken in "nonpolitical communication." Court proceedings (and all government functions, including public education) continued to be conducted in Turkish, disadvantaging those Kurdish-speaking defendants who had to rely on court-provided translators. Moreover, materials dealing with Kurdish history, culture, and ethnic identity continued to be subject to confiscation and prosecution under the "indivisible unity of the State" provisions of the Anti-Terror Law. The Gypsy population is extremely small, and no reported incidents of public or government harassment directed against Gypsies occurred during 1993. In January a Democratic Left Party deputy announced he had prepared a draft bill proposing the adoption of Turkey's Gypsies as Turkish citizens, but the legislation made no headway. The Greek community complained of petty harassment by police, restrictions on freedom of expression and religion, discrimination in education involving teachers, books, and curriculum, limitations on the right to control their charitable institutions, and the denial of their ethnic identity. The Government approves teacher candidates and new textbooks in step with reciprocal approvals by the Greek Government for the Turkish minority in Thrace. (See also Section 2.c.) People with Disabilities Parliament established a commission to look into the problems of the disabled, but to date legislation dealing with the disabled is piecemeal, and there is little legislation regarding accessibility for the disabled. Certain categories of employers are required to hire disabled persons as 2 percent of their employee pool, although there is no penalty for failure to comply. One M.P., himself disabled, is working on a draft law which would fold all current provisions regarding the disabled into one piece of legislation. The draft reportedly will include educational provisions (currently there are special schools for the blind, deaf and mentally handicapped), provisions to educate the general public, a provision that municipalities not issue building permits unless the plans for the building provide for access for the disabled, and provide for an easing of customs regulations to allow for easier importation of special equipment. Section 6 Worker Rights a. The Right of Association Most workers have the right to associate freely and form representative unions. Exceptions are schoolteachers (both public and private), civil servants, the police, and military personnel. Upon taking office in November 1991, the Government of Prime Minister Demirel declared, as part of its pledge to bring Turkish labor legislation into conformity with the standards of the International Labor Organization (ILO), its intention to grant trade union rights to civil servants. Implementation requires a three-step process: parliamentary ratification of ILO Conventions 87 on freedom of association and 151 on freedom of association in the public sector; amendment of the relevant article of the Constitution; and revision of the law on trade unions. In 1992 the Government began the process by ratifying seven ILO Conventions, including Conventions 87 and 151. Permission for civil servants to form trade unions and for unions to engage in political activity will require amendments to the Constitution--a procedure further complicated by the need to gain support among the opposition parties in order to secure the requisite two-thirds majority. The Government told the ILO's Committee on the Application of Standards in June that, with ratification of Convention 87, new legislative measures with regard to the right of civil servants to organize could be expected. At year's end, the Government finished its consultations with civil servant representatives and stated it planned to submit draft legislation that would legalize civil servant union organization to the Council of Ministers for review in early 1994. The law states that unions and confederations may be founded without prior authorization based on a petition to the governor of the province where the union's headquarters are to be located. Although unions are independent of the Government and political parties, they must have government permission to hold meetings or rallies and must allow police to attend conventions and record the proceedings. Union officers may serve no more than eight consecutive 3-year terms in a given union position. The Constitution requires candidates for union office to have worked 10 years in the industry represented by the union. Unions and their officers have a statutory right to express views on issues directly affecting members' economic and social interests, but the Constitution prohibits any union role in party politics (such as organic or financial connections with any political party or other association). In practice, unions have been able to convey clearly in election and referendum campaigns their support for, or opposition to, given political parties and government policies. Prosecutors may request labor courts to order a trade union or confederation into liquidation based on alleged violation of specific legal norms. The Government, however, may not summarily dissolve a union. The ILO's Committee on Standards noted in June that public servants who had been dismissed under martial law were being reinstated as a result of the Fight Against Terrorism Act of 1991, but expressed concern that the Act's broad definition of terrorism and propaganda could lead to workers' being deprived of employment on the basis of political discrimination. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 17:33:57 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 17:33:57 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 5B TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 5b Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:46:43 GMT Distribution: world Turkish security authorities have been charged with driving 200 Syriac Christians from the village of Hassana in Mardin province in November. According to reports from villagers, the order came to evacuate the village because of a statement by a local tribal leader that it was an Armenian village, and Turkish officials often accuse Armenians of supporting the PKK. The villagers were reportedly moved to a neighboring village, to Midyat, and to the city of Mardin. In a separate incident, village guards investigating an arson attack on an electricity station in Alagoz village in Mardin province allegedly seized seven Syriac Christian shepherds. The seven were released after a night in detention. A resident who saw them after their release claimed the shepards had been tortured and one had a cross burnt into his chest with molten plastic. The Government organizes, arms, and pays for a civil defense force in the southeast known as the village guards. Participation in the paramilitary militia by local villagers is theoretically voluntary, but villagers are in effect caught between the two sides. If the villagers agree to serve, the PKK may target them and their village. If the villagers refuse to participate, government security forces may retaliate against them and their village. On June 21, several hundred Jandarma reportedly entered the village of Ortasar, Diyarbakir province, where the villagers had refused to join the village guard militia, rounded up all the inhabitants, male and female, and began beating them with their rifle butts. Some villagers were given electric shocks and burned with cigarettes. Several were detained, two of whom returned the following day "in an unrecognizable state" due to ill-treatment. On June 25, the Jandarma returned to the village and threatened to kill any villagers who complained to newspapers or the local human rights organizations. There were also unsubstantiated claims of government forces preventing injured villagers or PKK members from seeking medical help, as well as instances of physicians who were prosecuted for giving medical care to alleged PKK terrorists, a practice that could deter other physicians from extending such aid. For example, Dr. Ilhan Diken was tried at Diyarbakir state security court for treating a wounded PKK militant, an offense for which the court demanded a 5-year sentence. As of the end of the year, the case has not concluded. Throughout 1993 there were reports of an undeclared food embargo on the towns of Uludere and Guclukonak in Sirnak province. Initially, HEP deputies charged that security forces had imposed the embargo to intimidate the populace. When a Motherland Party delegation visited the head of the Siirt HRA branch in February, he claimed the embargo had been imposed because state-paid village guards refused to continue to serve. As of August, the villages were reported by the mainstream press to be suffering a food embargo at the hands of the PKK, which accused their inhabitants of collaborating with the State. In mid-March the PKK declared a unilateral cease-fire; it claimed it no longer insisted on an independent Kurdish state and wanted to pursue its objectives through the democratic channels available in Turkey. For the most part, the PKK suspended its hostile operations, although it did not withdraw its guerrillas. The Government refused to open discussions with the terrorist PKK. Not recognizing the cease-fire, the Government continued its military operations against alleged PKK targets. On May 24, the same day the Government had approved a partial amnesty, the PKK abruptly terminated its own cease-fire with an ambush on a convoy of soldiers (see Section 1.a.). Although the PKK leadership later publicly expressed regret about the incident, the ambush signaled renewed hostilities, which were accompanied by a sharp increase in reports of human rights abuses by both sides in 1993. On June 8, the Government put into effect a limited amnesty for PKK members. Under the terms of the amnesty, "those who are not members of an armed organization, but who are in the organization for another reason, will not be prosecuted if they have not committed any crime and if they give themselves up voluntarily." "For another reason" appears to mean that persons who were kidnaped, pressured into cooperation, or otherwise involuntarily involved in the PKK's activities will not be prosecuted. The burden of proof, however, appears to lie with those who surrender to the State. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 95 persons took advantage of the limited amnesty offer. Government state of emergency decree 430, codified in 1990 and most recently renewed in November, imposes stringent security measures in the southeast. The regional governor may censor news, ban strikes or lockouts, and impose internal exile (see Section 1.d.). The decree also provides for doubling the sentences of those convicted of cooperating with separatists. Informants and convicted persons who cooperate with the State are eligible for rewards and reduced sentences. Provisions in the decree that specifically prohibited court challenges to the regional governor's administrative decisions were amended in 1992 to permit limited judicial review. In November the Government introduced amendments to the Anti-Terror Law that would broaden the definitions of terrorism and collaboration, place more stringent restrictions on the press, and increase the permissible length of incommunicado prearraignment detention. As of the end of the year, the bill was still pending in Parliament's joint Justice/Interior Committee. Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: a. Freedom of Speech and Press Despite constitutional provisions for freedom of speech and press, there were significant limitations on these freedoms, which came under increasing pressure in 1993. The Anti-Terror Law and Penal Code provisions that make it a crime to insult Kemal Ataturk, secularism, Islam, the security forces, and the President, are used to restrict free expression. In some cases, the laws provide for increased punishment if the offense is committed in a publication. The press law permits prosecutors to halt distribution of a newspaper or magazine without a court order and requires that each publication's "responsible editors" bear legal responsibility for the publication's content. After the leftwing daily newspaper Aydinlik announced on May 23 that it would publish excerpts from Salman Rushdie's book, "The Satanic Verses," its offices, vendors, and distributors were attacked several times in the following week. Reportedly, the newspaper asked for police protection but did not receive it. The Government confiscated all 12 issues of Aydinlik which printed the excerpts and brought the paper and its chief editor to trial under the Penal Code for insulting Islam. (See also Section 1.a.) The unsolved murders of five journalists (see Section 1.a.) and the failure of the Government to charge a single suspect, even in a high-profile case such as that of Ugur Mumcu, led populace, officials, and international organizations alike to denounce government inaction. The International Federation of Journalists sent a delegation to Turkey to investigate the increasing number of unsolved murder cases affecting members of the press. Several organized panel discussions were banned in 1993, including a symposium on the Kurdish issue, organized jointly by the HRA and a number of Turkish intellectuals, which was to be held in Ankara on June 25-27. President Demirel, the acting Prime Minister, and other political party leaders were to have delivered speeches on the Kurdish issue at the symposium. In a letter sent to the HRA, the Ankara deputy governor wrote that the symposium had been banned on the grounds that it could have "grave consequences in the light of the latest developments in the country." (See also Section 2.b.) Throughout the year, state security court prosecutors ordered the confiscation of numerous issues of leftist and pro-Kurdish periodicals, including Yeni Ulke, Newroz magazine, Ozgur Gundem, and Azadi. Many editions of Kurdish-oriented periodicals were seized before they could be distributed nationally to newsstands. Court proceedings were instituted against several editors and publishers. PEN reported that as of mid-September more than 70 court cases were pending against Ozgur Gundem. Its editor in chief Davut Karadag was arrested at the behest of the Istanbul state security court on July 15 on charges of spreading subversive Kurdish propaganda in 30 news items in the daily's July 12, 13, 14, and 15 issues. Karadag was released from custody on September 17. No decision has yet been reached in that case, but in another case, Karadag was given a 5-month sentence. The Anti-Terror Law, which provides that "written and oral propaganda...aiming at damaging the indivisible unity of the State of the Turkish Republic...(is) forbidden, regardless of the method, intention and ideas behind it," severely restricts freedom of speech. It had a chilling effect against writers, journalists, publishers, politicians, musicians, and students and has been used against them. A number of prominent, generally center-left and pro-Kurdish politicians were detained under, or otherwise affected by, the Anti-Terror Law in 1993 for speeches made both within Turkey and beyond the country's borders. The HEP and its successor, the DEP, representing Kurdish interests, are particularly targeted. For example, DEP chairman and Ozgur Gundem owner Yasar Kaya was ordered arrested in September by the Ankara state security court prosecutor for "separatist" language he had allegedly used in an August speech at a political party congress in Erbil, northern Iraq. This case was subsequently combined with another case against him for a speech he made in Bonn, Germany. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 14:41:35 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:41:35 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 7B TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 7b Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:48:27 GMT Distribution: world The Turkish United Communist Party, decriminalized in 1991, was outlawed in 1992 along with the Socialist Party on grounds that they violated article 14 of the Constitution which prohibits "establishing the hegemony of one social class over others." As of the end of the year, the Constitutional Court had ruled for the closure of HEP (see Section 2.a.) and its interim successor OZDEP and was considering whether or not to ban HEP's successor, DEP. The Grand National Assembly (Parliament) elects the President as Head of State every 7 years, or when the President becomes incapacitated or dies, as occurred in April when Turgut Ozal died and Suleyman Demirel was elected to succeed him. The 1991 parliamentary elections gave the True Path Party (DYP) a plurality of 27 percent of the vote and 178 seats in the 450-member unicameral Parliament. The DYP formed a coalition with the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) to achieve a parliamentary majority. In June, after Demirel's election as President, the DYP chose Tansu Ciller as its new chairperson, after which the President appointed her Turkey's first female Prime Minister. To prevent political fragmentation, seats are allocated on a weighted proportional representation basis in which parties that poll less than 10 percent of the total national vote are excluded. The 1991 elections brought 5 parties into Parliament; however, party alignments have since changed, and 10 parties are now represented, alongside almost two dozen independent deputies, who resigned from the parties under whose banners they won election. The Constitution provides equal political rights for men and women; however, only eight women, representing three parties, were elected to the Parliament in 1991. In addition to Prime Minister Ciller, there is one female Cabinet minister. Political parties now recruit female delegates for their party conferences and electoral lists. Women's committees are active within political party organizations. In November the Turkish General Staff (TGS) urged the mainstream parties to field united slates for the March 1994 local elections in the southeast, lest PKK-supported candidates win as a result of divided opposition. The Government disavowed the army's intrusion into the political process, and the TGS said its statement had been a suggestion. Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights A nongovernmental human rights association (HRA), officially approved in 1987, has branches in 50 provincial capitals, including a branch in Mersin, which at year's end was closed indefinitely pending a court case against it. It claims a membership of about 20,000. In 1990 the HRA established its companion Human Rights Foundation (HRF) which, in addition to operating torture rehabilitation centers in Ankara, Izmir, and Istanbul, serves as a clearinghouse for human rights information. Human rights activists, including lawyers and doctors, are routinely threatened. There are credible reports of the involvement of security forces in these threats, which appear to be related to their human rights activities documenting human rights violations allegedly perpetrated by government forces. Some government officials, including some prosecutors and police, punitively apply various laws to restrict HRA activities. For example, officials ordered various branches of the HRA closed for periods of weeks or months generally on charges that they had published allegedly separatist material or sponsored a speech that was allegedly separatist in nature. Police raided HRA branches in Mersin and elsewhere and confiscated written materials. An HRA president in southern Turkey said he and his board remained under surveillance. Many HRA branch officers spent time in detention or under arrest (see Section 2.b.), and one--Kemal Kilic, Urfa HRA steering committee member and former Ozgur Gundem reporter--was killed by unidentified assailants on the Urfa-Akcakale highway in February (see Section 1.a.). Reliable eyewitnesses observed the surveillance and harassment of one HRA branch office in the southeast and watched as security police entered another HRA office in the region uninvited and began, without permission, to make telephone calls. The president of the HRA office in Diyarbakir, Fevzi Veznedaroglu, who reported receiving death threats from plainclothes police officers, and the HRA Van president never returned from their 1992 "trips to Europe." The president of the Siirt HRA was arrested on February 26, 1993, and detained for 3 months on charges of giving aid and comfort to the PKK. The HRA representative in the town of Derik, Mardin province, was detained six separate times in 1993. Many of these investigations and prosecutions, as well as many arrests of human rights monitors, stemmed from alleged violations of the law on associations or the holding of illegal demonstrations. Surveillance and harassment of HRA members in the southeast appears to have become increasingly common. In operation since 1991, Parliament's multiparty Human Rights Commission in February completed its report on allegations of widespread torture in Turkey. The report conceded that the practice of torture had continued since the DYP/SHP coalition came to power but denied allegations that torture was an official government policy. It sent a delegation to Diyarbakir to monitor the 1993 Kurdish new year celebration launched an investigation into the Sivas incident (Section 2.c.) and is investigating the incidents at Lice (Section 1.a.). The Commission is authorized to oversee Turkey's compliance with the human rights provisions of Turkish law and international agreements to which Turkey is a signatory, investigate alleged abuses, and prepare reports. While representatives of diplomatic missions or foreign private organizations who wish to monitor the state of human rights in Turkey are free to speak with private citizens, official visitors to the southeast may be watched by security police, and the presence of security officials may have an intimidating effect upon those interviewed. Access to government officials or facilities at times has been restricted, although, in 1992 for the very first time, Helsinki Watch visitors obtained every appointment they requested, including access to detention facilities. Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status The Constitution proclaims Turkey to be a secular state, regards all Turkish citizens as equal, and prohibits discrimination on ethnic, religious, or racial grounds. The Government officially recognizes only those religious minorities mentioned in the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), which guarantees the rights of non-Muslim Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, and Jewish adherents. Despite constitutional provisions, discrimination remains a problem in several areas. Women Women are improving their situation in Turkish society, including the professions, business, and civil service, although, they continue to face discrimination to varying degrees. While traditional values continued to discourage women from entering some career fields, there are numerous female judges, doctors, and engineers. Women comprise about 36 percent of the paid Turkish work force and generally receive equal pay for equal work. The Constitution prohibits women from engaging in physically demanding jobs and from night work, and applicable laws are effectively enforced. In the past there has been an arbitrary barrier to women becoming governor's and subgovernors (government appointed positions). Women may now take the examination necessary to become a subgovernor and several have been appointed. There is also one female governor. Traditional family values in rural Turkey place a greater emphasis on advanced education for sons than for daughters. In principle, primary education reached all children in 1993, but far fewer girls than boys continued their education after primary school. In 1992 Parliament passed a law increasing universal mandatory education from 5 to 8 years. The law will be implemented gradually throughout the country. For the 1993-94 school year, it was put into effect in several pilot regions. A delegation of some 50 women representing the Women's Studies Center of Istanbul University and numerous other private organizations presented a petition to Parliament on February 17 calling for legislation to abolish the special position of husbands as head of family. As noted in Section 1.e., there are some seldom enforced laws that discriminate against women. Spousal abuse is still considered an extremely private matter, although it is a widespread problem, interest in which is growing. Few women go to the police, who in any case are reluctant to intervene in domestic disputes. Turks of either sex may file civil or criminal charges but rarely do. Turkish law and courts make no discrimination between the sexes in laws concerning violence or abuse. In July 1992, the Purple Roof Foundation (for battered women) opened a "hello shelter" telephone line; it attracted 3,300 callers in its first 3 months, even under Transportation Ministry regulations restricting its operating hours to weekdays. The Purple Roof has since expanded its service to two lines, one of which focuses on helping battered women, and the other of which deals with a variety of other subjects. The Government also has opened shelters in major cities for abused women and their children who have left their homes. Independent women's and women's rights associations exist, but the concept of lobbying for women's rights has not gained great currency. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 20:19:39 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 20:19:39 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 3 TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 3 Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:45:23 GMT Distribution: world In all, five journalists were assassinated in 1993. On January 24 prominent journalist and secularist Ugur Mumcu was killed by a bomb that had been placed under his car. Three different Islamic groups claimed responsibility for his killing. By year's end, none of these murders had been solved. On September 21 Ali Sahap Samk, a teacher in Diyarbakir and member of the leftist teachers' union, Egit Sen, was shot and killed by unidentified persons outside his home. The Diyarbakir leader of the labor union blamed security forces for the murder. In most cases, the Government failed to initiate any public inquiry or to press charges in connection with these murders. In September the regional governor for the southeast asserted that 200 mystery murders which occurred in the region between July 1991 and July 1992 had been solved. To date none of the cases has been prosecuted, and no evidence has been proferred to back up his claim. In May the press reported that the then Interior minister downplayed the 1992 murders of 15 journalists by claiming that only 4 of the 15 murdered journalists were "real" journalists, and the others were killed as a result of clashes between rival factions in the southeast. A delegation of the International Federation of Journalists visited Turkey in March to investigate the increasing number of unsolved murder cases in the southeast; the head of the delegation said PEN believes that Turkey, where 15 journalists had been murdered over the last 15 months, posed a major danger to reporters. A parliamentary committee investigated the mystery murders in 1993 but had issued no report by year's end. In early March, an SHP delegation submitted its report to the Ministry of Justice and suggested assigning a team of public prosecutors to Silvan, Batman, Nusaybin, Kiziltepe, and Midyat to investigate the mysterious murders. The report said local people had lost their confidence in the current prosecutors and other officials who have been unable to solve the murders so far. As of the end of 1993, the Justice Ministry had issued no public response. Political murders carried out by terrorists occurred predominantly in southeast Anatolia. Victims of killings almost certainly perpetrated by the PKK included state officials (Jandarma, local mayors, and schoolteachers), paramilitary village guards (and family members), and persons suspected of supporting rightwing terrorist groups. According to Milliyet, a mainstream newspaper, in the period between June 1992 and June 1993, unidentified assailants murdered 20 teachers in the southeastern province of Diyarbakir alone. In early January, a group of alleged PKK militants stabbed to death Halis Sisman, an elementary schoolteacher in Yassica village, Bitlis. On September 21, unidentified persons shot and killed primary schoolteacher Ahmet Arcagok in Diyarbakir. Other victims were found with Turkish lira notes stuffed in their mouths, a signal that the person killed was thought to be a government collaborator. On May 24 the PKK attacked a number of buses killing 33 unarmed recruits in civilian clothing, thus ending the PKK's unilateral spring cease-fire. In that action, as many as 150 PKK members blocked the Bingol-Elazig highway, stopped buses, pulled the recruits from the buses, and executed them. The PKK also targeted state-paid village guards. On August 4, for example, the PKK raided a radio relay station near Yuksekova in Hakkari province, killing eight soldiers and two village guards. Religious officials also were political murder victims. PKK militants on May 4 reportedly kidnaped Abdulselam Eran, imam of Baloglu village, Kulp, from his home in Comlekci hamlet, and his body was found near the village a week later. There were incidents of religious violence; the worst occurred in Sivas on July 2 when a crowd of Islamic fundamentalists set fire to a hotel, killing 37 people. The purported target of their ire was well-known author and humorist Aziz Nesin, the translator of Salman Rushdie's "The Satanic Verses." Nesin escaped, but 37 people perished, and approximately 100 were injured. The crowd also toppled statues of Ataturk and martyred Alawi poet Abdal Pir Sultan. Many criticized the city government and police for failing to take adequate security measures in a timely manner, despite prior evidence of the potential for such violence. Dev Sol, a violent Marxist-Leninist group, though substantially weakened by police actions against it in 1991 and 1992, resurfaced in August and September, claiming responsibility for several shootings, including the August 25 assassination of Recep Silo, an analyst with the Turkish National Intelligence Organization, as he watched a soccer game at his neighborhood field. b. Disappearance Disappearances continued to occur in 1993, while, with one exception, those reported in 1992 and earlier remained unsolved. Some disappeared after witnesses reported they had been taken into custody by security forces. In some of these cases, the person's body was later discovered, as happened in the disappearance of Ferhat Tepe (see Section 1.a.). Ayse Malkac, a correspondent working in Ozgur Gundem's Istanbul bureau, disappeared midmorning on August 7 after leaving her office and has not been seen since. Eyewitnesses claimed to have seen her being detained in the street by plainclothes police officers, but local authorities denied taking Malkac into custody. Human rights groups, journalists, and others alleged the complicity of security forces in this and other disappearances. PKK terrorists continued their frequent abductions of local villagers, teachers, religious figures, and officials in the southeast, many of whose bodies were later discovered. The PKK expanded its kidnaping activities to include foreign tourists. Several Western tourists were kidnaped during the summer but eventually released unharmed, after periods of captivity ranging from 2 to 5 weeks. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Despite the Constitution's ban on torture, Turkey's accession to the U.N. and European Conventions Against Torture, and the public pledges of successive governments to do away with torture, the practice continued. Human rights attorneys and physicians who treat victims of torture state that most persons charged with, or merely suspected of, political crimes suffer torture, usually during periods of incommunicado detention in police stations and Jandarma headquarters before they are brought before a court. Anecdotal evidence suggested that the implementation of the CMUK facilitated more immediate attorney access to those arrested for common crimes. However, human rights groups have not yet ascertained a related decrease in allegations of torture. The U.S.-based Helsinki Watch advised that its reports indicated that torture continued to be used in police interrogation centers against about half of ordinary criminal suspects. CMUK does not apply to those detained under the Anti-Terror Law. The HRF reported that there was no indication either of the amelioration of treatment of those charged under the Anti-Terror Law or of an overall decrease in the incidence of torture in 1993. Human rights observers report that the system whereby the arresting police officer is also responsible for interrogating the suspect is conducive to torture because the officer seeks to obtain a confession that would justify the arrest. According to those familiar with Turkish police operations, in petty criminal cases, the arresting officer is responsible for following up on the case, whereas in major cases such as murder and political or terrorism-related crimes, "desks" responsible for the area in question are responsible for the interrogation. Credible reports from former detainees and professionals who rehabilitate victims state that commonly employed methods of torture include: high-pressure cold water hoses, electric shocks, beating of the genitalia, hanging by the arms, blindfolding, sleep deprivation, deprivation of clothing, systematic beatings, and vaginal and anal rape with truncheons and, in some instances, gun barrels. HRA offices have also reported the use by police of tiny cells in which detainees are incarcerated for periods up to 10 hours to coerce confessions. Within the last 2 months of 1993, the HRF received three reports from former detainees who say they have been taken to a deserted construction site and tortured there. Nilufer Koc, an interpreter who has lived in Germany for the past 20 years, was detained in Sirnak province while accompanying a German delegation in Turkey. She claimed that her torture included being hung by handcuffs from a hook for 2 hours, repeatedly hosed with cold water while naked, beaten, grabbed by the hair and having her head hit against the wall, and a weapon held against her forehead and told to make a last wish. Security forces believed her to be involved in PKK activities and wanted information about the activities of the PKK in Germany. After her release, Koc returned to Germany. The Turkish Government denied there was a problem. Although the Government asserted that medical examinations occur once during detention and a second time before either arraignment or release, former detainees asserted that some medical examinations took place too long after the event to allow any definitive findings, some examinations were cursory, and some were done in the presence of police officials. Human rights groups reported that some doctors were occasionally under pressure to submit false or misleading medical certificates, denying evidence of torture. According to the HRF, practice varies widely; in some cases proper examinations are conducted, and in others doctors sign off on papers handed to them. Authorities do not consistently investigate allegations of such abuses, and perpetrators are rarely sanctioned. Credible sources in the human rights and legal communities estimate that judicial authorities investigate only about one-half of the formal complaints involving torture and prosecute only a small fraction of those. Lawyers report harassment and threats for taking on torture cases, for example, anonymous telephone calls threatening they will suffer the same fate as Metin Can (see Section 1.a.). In one case, however, five policemen charged in a 1986 torture case which occurred in the Sebin Karahisar township of Giresun on the Black Sea coast were sentenced by the Giresun criminal court to terms ranging from 10 months to 6 years and 8 months. Two officers were acquitted. The Court of Appeals upheld the sentences, leaving the convicted policemen no further legal recourse. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 20:20:58 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 20:20:58 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 2 TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 2 Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:44:44 GMT Distribution: world Organization: Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison; College of Engineering Human rights groups and parliamentarians continued to accuse Turkish security forces of carrying out extrajudicial killings during raids on alleged terrorist safe houses rather than trying to arrest the occupants. During the first 9 months of the year, more than 40 people died in house raids, according to human rights groups. They noted that, while the authorities announced that the suspects were killed in shootouts, eyewitnesses often reported that no shots were fired by the suspects. Significantly, security forces are rarely killed or injured in the raids. Local human rights groups cited, for example a March 24 raid on an alleged Dev Sol (Devrimci Sol or the Revolutionary Left, a Marxist-Leninist terrorist group) safe house in Istanbul, in which police killed three suspects, and an April 23 shoot-out with alleged Dev Sol terrorists in Tunceli province, where security forces killed 12; A deputy of the Socialist Democratic Populist Party (SHP) claimed 6 of the dead were killed after they had surrendered. Security forces also continued to be charged with using deadly force against unarmed civilians participating in peaceful demonstrations. In two separate incidents (in Kars and Mus provinces, respectively) during the weekend of August 14-15, Turkish security forces took allegedly defensive actions that resulted in the deaths of at least 18 civilians and demonstrators, with no security force casualties. During the year, a trend was reported in the southeast in which Turkish forces, after being attacked by the PKK, retaliated against the closest village or town, terrorizing or even killing civilians and destroying property and livestock. On October 23, after the PKK apparently killed a Jandarma brigadier general in Lice, the provincial governor sealed off the town and surrounding area, and the Jandarma reportedly retaliated against the village, killing civilians and carrying out wholesale property destruction. Human rights organizations estimate that 30 civilians were killed; the official government figure is 13. Human rights monitors, journalists, and the chairman of the Republican People's Party (CHP) were denied access to Lice in the days that followed, and telephone communications with the town were cut on October 23. On October 25, the Diyarbakir HRA reported that 28 wounded persons had been evacuated. Much temporary housing, put in place after an earthquake and not yet replaced with permanent housing, was destroyed. Another credible allegation of extrajudicial killing concerns six villagers from Ozbasoglu reportedly shot by security forces on July 2. Five died, but the sixth survived and gave his account of the incident to a Member of Parliament (M.P.) who submitted a complaint to the Human Rights Commission of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. As of the end of the year, there has been no response. The number of "mystery killings" increased during 1993, with more than 291 civilians assassinated during the first 9 months of the year. The Turkish Human Rights Association (HRA) claimed that 524 people were killed in 1993 by unidentified attackers mostly in the east and southeast of the country. The majority were leaders or prominent members of the Kurdish community, including journalists, physicians, human rights activists, local politicians, members of the People's Labor Party (HEP) and its successor, the Democracy Party (DEP), and others viewed as sympathetic to Kurdish causes. Some human rights organizations, religious leaders, Kurdish leaders, and local Kurds asserted that the Government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the murders of civilians. They cited frequent failures of officials to investigate these murders, the fact that some victims' bodies were discovered in "security zones" to which only Jandarma or security officials are permitted access, and the fact that some victims had previously been detained, abused, or threatened by security forces. Human rights groups reported the widespread belief that at least some "mystery killings" are carried out by a counterguerrilla group associated with the security forces. On September 4, unknown persons fatally shot Mehmet Sincar, a DEP M.P. from Mardin, and Metin Ozdemir, the local DEP chairman, in the city center of Batman, wounded four others, including DEP M.P. Nizamettin Toguc, and escaped. Other DEP M.P.'s who were in Batman at the time of the killing reported that they were given police security the day before the killing, but the police security presence disappeared on the morning of the murder. The Government pledged to bring Sincar's assassin to justice and immediately arrested a score of suspects, most of whom were eventually released. A case was opened against seven suspects alleged to have assisted in the assassination, but at the end of the year no one had been charged with the murder itself. In the past 2 years, at least 54 members of the DEP and its predecessor, the HEP, have been assassinated. Amnesty International (AI) states that it has received persistent and credible reports of members of security forces threatening to kill Kurdish activists. Other mystery killings included Elazig HRA chairman and attorney Metin Can and Dr. Hasan Kaya, whose bodies were found in eastern Tunceli province on February 27 with their hands tied behind their backs and each with a bullet hole in his head. Family and HEP members accused government officials of failing to search for the victims once their disappearance had been reported. Kemel Kilic, the Urfa representative for the pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) and a founding member of the Urfa branch of the HRA was shot dead on his way home from work. On the day of his death, Kilic had organized a press conference in which he denounced the attempts to stop distribution of Ozgur Gundem and the "police's silence." The body of Ferhat Tepe, 19-year-old Bitlis correspondent for Ozgur Gundem, was identified on August 9 in the Elazig state hospital morgue. Reportedly, an anonymous caller told his family after his disappearance on July 28 that the so-called Ottoman Turkish Revenge Brigade had kidnaped him. Ozgur Gundem and the leftist daily Aydinlik produced witnesses who claimed Tepe had been tortured to death in the Diyarbakir provincial Jandarma interrogation center. The Government expressed its condolences on Tepe's death but took no action; it considers Tepe's death a mystery murder. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 13 14:14:57 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 13 Feb 1995 14:14:57 Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 PART 4B TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993 part 4b Source: U.S. Department of State From: kendal at nucst9.neep.wisc.edu (Kendal) Date: 4 Feb 1994 21:46:06 GMT Distribution: world d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile In order to take a person into custody, a prosecutor must issue a detention order, except in limited circumstances, as when a person is caught in the act of committing a crime. The detention period for those charged with common, individual crimes is 24 hours. Those detained for common, collective crimes may be held for 4 days, and the detention period may be extended for an additional 4 days. Under the CMUK, suspects are entitled to immediate access to an attorney and may meet and confer with the attorney at any time. In practice, attorney access under the CMUK improved for detainees charged with common crimes. Persons detained for individual crimes which fall under the Anti-Terror Law must be brought before a judge within 48 hours, while those charged with crimes of a collective, political, or conspiratorial nature may be detained up to 15 days in most of the country and up to 30 days in the 10 southeastern provinces under a state of emergency. There is no guaranteed attorney access under law. The decision concerning access to counsel in such cases is left to the independent prosecutor, who routinely denies access, usually with the explanation that it would prejudice an ongoing investigation. The Justice and Interior Ministries generally have not intervened in prosecutors' decisions or police actions denying access to counsel. Although the Constitution specifies the right of detainees to request speedy arraignment and trial, judges have ordered a significant number of persons detained indeterminately, sometimes for years. While many cases involved persons accused of violent crimes, it is not uncommon for those accused of nonviolent political crimes to be kept in custody until the conclusion of their trials. By law, a detainee's next of kin must be notified "in the shortest time" after arrest. Once formally charged by the prosecutor, a detainee is arraigned by a judge and allowed to retain a lawyer. After arraignment, the judge may release the accused if he presents an appropriate guarantee, such as bail, or order him detained if the court determines that he is likely to flee the jurisdiction or destroy evidence. The detention of large numbers of people occurred on several occasions in 1993, including the demonstrations on August 14 and 15 in Digor, Kars province, and Malazgirt, Mus province (see Section 1.a.). In most such cases, the majority of detainees are subsequently released without charges being filed. In the southeast there were several mass roundups of ethnic Kurds in the wake of a crime. For example, after a night watchman was killed in Adana in August, within 24 hours, police arrested large numbers of ethnic Kurds (estimates range up to 500). Police charged them under the Anti-Terror Law so the CMUK did not apply, enabling police to hold them in incommunicado detention for 15 days without access to a judge or lawyer (though they were released earlier). Some detainees alleged they were tortured. All were subsequently released without being charged. There is no external exile, and Turkey's internal exile law was repealed in 1987. In 1990, however, under decree 430, the Government granted the southeast regional governor the authority to "remove from the region," for a period not to exceed the duration of the state of emergency, citizens under his administration whose activities (whether voluntary or forced) "give an impression that they are prone to disturb general security and public order." Although there were no known instances of the use of this broad authority in 1993, human rights monitors and residents of towns in the southeast report credibly that officials continued to rely on "administrative transfers" to remove government employees thought liable to "create trouble." e. Denial of Fair Public Trial The judicial system is composed of general law courts, state security courts, and military courts. Three martial law courts also remained, remnants of the 1980 military coup. Most cases are prosecuted in the general law courts, which include the civil, administrative, and criminal courts. Appeals are heard either by the High Court of Appeals or the Council of State. There is a constitutional court as well. Provincial administrative boards established under the Anti-Terror Law decide whether cases in which state officials are accused of misconduct should be heard in criminal court. Military courts, with their own appeals system, hear cases regarding infractions of military law by members of the armed forces. In December the Military Court prosecutor ordered the arrest of two television journalists, who hosted a program on military deserters and draft dodgers on a private station, arrested for encouraging people to evade compulsory military service. The journalists, who stated that the views they presented were those of their guests, were being tried in military court as of the end of the year. This was the first time that civilians have been arrested on the order of a military prosecutor and tried in a military court while Turkey was under civilian rule. Eight state security courts, composed of five members--two civilian judges, one military judge, and two prosecutors--try defendants accused of crimes such as terrorism, drug smuggling, membership in illegal organizations, and espousing or disseminating ideas prohibited by law as "damaging the indivisible unity of the State." Their verdicts may be appealed only to a specialized department of the High Court of Appeals dealing with crimes against state security. The Constitutional Court examines the constitutionality of laws, decrees, and parliamentary procedural rules. However, it may not consider "decrees with the force of law" issued under a state of emergency, martial law, or in time of war. The Constitution requires that judges be independent of the executive in the discharge of their duties and provides for the security of their tenure. The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors, which is appointed by the President and includes the Minister of Justice, selects judges and prosecutors for the higher courts and is responsible for oversight of those in the lower courts. The Constitution also prohibits state authorities from issuing orders or recommendations concerning the exercise of judicial power. In practice, the courts generally act independently of the executive. Defendants normally have the right to a public trial, and, under the Constitution, can only be proven guilty by a court of law. By law, the bar association must provide free counsel to indigents who make such a request to the court. Costs are borne by the association, although the bar association complained in 1993 that the funds promised them by the State for the increased workload resulting from the CMUK's implementation had not been forthcoming. There is no jury system; all cases are decided by a judge or panel of judges. Defense lawyers generally have access to the independent prosecutor's files after arraignment and prior to trial (a period of several weeks). In cases involving violations of the Anti-Terror Law and a few others, such as insulting the President or "defaming Turkish citizenship," defense attorneys may be denied access to files which the State claims deal with national intelligence or security matters. In 1993 state security courts predominantly handled cases under the Anti-Terror Law. The State claims these courts were established to try efficiently those suspected of certain crimes. In fact, however, the law provides that those accused of crimes falling under the jurisdiction of these courts may be detained twice as long before arraignment as other defendants. These courts may hold closed hearings and may admit testimony obtained during police interrogation in the absence of counsel. According to government figures, 3,792 people were detained under the Anti-Terror Law, and 811 people are serving sentences for violations of its provisions. The Constitutional Court, upon examination of the constitutionality of several provisions of the Anti-Terror Law, (1) streamlined procedures and reduced the average fines imposed on the press from billions of Turkish lira to millions (approximately T.L. 14,000 to $1); (2) returned the assets and properties of the Turkish Confederation of Revolutionary Workers Unions (DISK) on January 27, 1993; (3) struck down a provision which had permitted the monitoring of meetings between prisoners involved in acts of violence and their lawyers; and (4) annulled a provision which limited to three the number of lawyers permitted to follow a given case in the state security court. In September the court struck down the law under which the Government was entitled to issue certain decisions by decree. Shortly thereafter, upon application of opposition parties, the Court annulled several government decrees, including one promulgated several weeks earlier to set up a human rights undersecretariat. In July the court closed the HEP on the charge that it advocated separatism (see Section 2.a). At the start of 1993, three Martial Law Courts remained of those established after the 1980 coup. They were engaged in completing old cases. On December 27, Parliament passed a bill which ended the Martial Law Courts and transferred their remaining cases to civilian courts. Figures provided by the Government indicate that 22 cases continued in the three martial law courts as of the end of September. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 2 18:32:23 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 02 Feb 1995 18:32:23 Subject: IFEX Communique #4-4 Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: IFEX Communique #4-4 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl --------- Forwarded from : ifex at web.apc.org (Int Freedom Expression ) ---------- **** ****** ****** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ***** ***** *** COMMUNIQUE # 4 - 4 ** ** ** ** ** **** ** ****** ** ** January 23, 1995 International Freedom of Expression eXchange Clearing House _________________________________________________________________ INDEX OF THIS WEEK'S NEWS: -TURKEY: "OZGUR ULKE" AND OTHER PAPERS CONFISCATED "A new form of censorship is being practised against non-mainstream publications in Turkey," says the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). On 6 January, the police and the courts began confiscating "separatist" newspapers and magazines before distribution. The pro-Kurdish daily "Ozgur Ulke", the right-wing weekly "Taraf", the left-wing weeklies "Gercek" and "Alinteri", and the pro-Kurdish weekly "Newroz" have all been confiscated in this systematic manner. According to the CPJ, these papers now publish a second version which omits separatist articles by the state prosecutor. They appear with blank spaces with the word "Censored" in place of the original article. CPJ says this is a form of "prior censorship," a practice which is banned by the Turkish Constitution. Article 28 of the Constitution states, "The press is free and cannot be censored." According to CPJ, "The new system openly gives state prosecutors the role and authority of `censorship boards' who can read material before it is published and take out things deemed `improper' for the state.' Reports from a variety of sources indicate that attacks on "Ozgur Ulke", including the detention, imprisonment and torture of its correspondents, have escalated in the past month. In a telephone call to the Canadian Committee to Protect Journalists (CCPJ), a representative of "Ozgur Ulke" urged freedom of expression organizations to send a delegation to Istanbul to observe firsthand the persecution being faced by the newspaper. ALERTS/ADVISORIES CARRIED THIS PAST WEEK BY THE CLEARING HOUSE 16/01/95 ALGERIA: Journalist Abdelmadjid Yahiaoui killed (RSF) - alert ALGERIA: CPJ says death of Yahiaoui brings toll of journalists killed in Algeria since May 1993 to 31 (CPJ) - alert update 17/01/95 CAMEROON: Satirical supplement "Le Messager Popoli" seized (RSF) - alert EGYPT: Five journalists on hunger strike for Adel Hussein (EOHR) - advisory update BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA: 4 Radio Zid journalists mobilised into Bosnian army (IFJ/FIEJ) - alert ALGERIA: ANSA correspondent Mohammed Zaas arrested (RSF) - alert TURKEY: "Ozgur Ulke" edition seized (A19) - alert CAMBODIA: 2 Khmer language newspapers suspended (RSF) - alert BRAZIL: 4 Journalists assaulted by military officers (IAPA) - alert ISRAEL: "Quds Press" raided by Israeli police (RSF) - alert TURKEY: "Ozgur Ulke" 6 January edition seized (RSF) - alert 19/01/95 TURKEY: "Ozgur Ulke" correspondents detained (CCPJ) - alert PERU: Canal 11 RBC television signal interrupted for 4 days (IPYS) - alert ANGOLA: "Imparcial Fax" Director, Ricardo De Mello, murdered (MISA) - alert BELARUS: Escalating attacks on the media -- censorship of 4 newspapers; dismissal of 2 editors; publishing rights denied (IFJ) - alert SIERRA LEONE: "New Breed" journalists released on bail (A19) - alert update 20/01/95 EGYPT: Journalist Adel Hussein released (EOHR) - advisory update CHINA: Detained journalist Gao Yu in poor health (RSF) - alert update ROMANIA: Paper mill shortages a form of censorship (CPJ) - alert TURKEY: Several newspaper seizures (CPJ) - alert NIGERIA: Ken Saro-Wiwa's trial postponed until February (Int PEN) -alert update ** ** ** The IFEX Communique is published weekly by the IFEX Clearing House, Toronto. The facility is operated by the Canadian Committee to Protect Journalists in partnership with the member organizations of the International Freedom of Expression eXchange (IFEX). Material may be submitted to the Communique at E-mail: ifex at web.apc.org; Fax: (1-416) 867-1034; or Tel: (1-416) 867-1638. Editors this week: Kristina Stockwood and Omar Cano. Subscriptions are available by e-mail and surface mail. ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 2 18:33:11 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 02 Feb 1995 18:33:11 Subject: IFEX Communique #4-5 Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: IFEX Communique #4-5 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl --------- Forwarded from : ifex at web.apc.org (Int Freedom Expression ) ---------- **** ****** ****** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ***** ***** *** COMMUNIQUE # 4 - 5 ** ** ** ** ** **** ** ****** ** ** January 30, 1995 International Freedom of Expression eXchange Clearing House _________________________________________________________________ INDEX OF THIS WEEK'S NEWS: -TURKEY: FREEDOM OF THE PRESS DETERIORATES FURTHER -ALGERIA: GIA THREATENS TO KILL ALGERIAN BROADCAST JOURNALISTS -VENEZUELA: LICENSING LAW PASSED INCLUDES PRISON SENTENCES -MEXICO: PRESS TRYING TO "SURVIVE THE CRISIS" -CHILE: COMMUNITY RADIO LIMITED BY LEGISLATION -SUDAN: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN ON RIGHTS ABUSES -MYANMAR: AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S SENTENCE EXTENDED INDEFINITELY -NEW ZEALAND: JOURNALISTS CRITICAL OF COPYRIGHT LAW -HUNGARY: PARLIAMENT PREPARES TO ADOPT BROADCAST LAW -AWARDS: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY AWARDS PRESS FREEDOM PRIZES -NIGERIAN PUBLISHER BAYO ONANUGA WINS 1994 ASTOR AWARD -PHOTOGRAPHER RECEIVES OVERSEAS PRESS CLUB AWARD POSTHUMOUSLY -OTHER NEWS FROM THE IFEX COMMUNITY: IAPA HOTLINE IN 4 COUNTRIES -INTERNATIONAL PEN TO HOST DISCUSSION ON "CENSORSHIP IN NIGERIA" -ALERTS/ADVISORIES CARRIED BY THE CLEARING HOUSE THIS PAST WEEK ** ** ** TURKEY: FREEDOM OF THE PRESS DETERIORATES FURTHER WRITER YASAR KEMAL DECRIES SELF-CENSORSHIP AND NATIONALISM OF PRESS Freedom of the press is only one of the human rights elements at risk of deteriorating further in Turkey, says a special report in the latest issue (#1 1995) of "Index on Censorship". The conflict between the government and the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) remains the source of many rights abuses in Turkey. Over 100 writers and intellectuals remained in jail by the end of 1994, writes Nicole Pope in "Letting Go", one of the "Index" articles, and "publications were banned or seized and death squads pursued their dirty business without ever being caught." News of the conflict is often distorted by the principle newspapers, which are nationalistic, says Pope, and the public must rely on private television stations for some semblance of the truth. In another article in "Index", Pope writes that although editorial writers may criticize the government on the Kurdish issue, "actual coverage of the fighting generally remains patchy and limited." In "The dark cloud over Turkey", journalist and author Yasar Kemal writes that the people of Turkey are deprived of the truth if they read the national newspapers. He suggests that the government might not need to censor information about the annihilation of the Kurds because the "press, with its sense of patriotism and strong nationalist sentiment, chose not to write about it assuming the world would neither hear nor see what was happening." Kemal says that while the international press has taken notice of the situation, "Our ostriches still bury their heads in the sand. The country is awash with blood and how can our illustrious media remove its head from the sand?" Pope writes that the mainstream national newspapers are prone to self- censorship possibly "because media owners often receive credits at favourable terms from state banks, although this has become so habitual it does not guarantee media compliance." Kemal writes, "Turkey's administrators have got so carried away that intellectual crimes have been regarded as among the most serious; people have rotted away in prison, been killed and exiled for such crimes." There are more than 200 people in prison who have been sentenced for "thought crimes." Kemal not only accuses the national papers of ignoring human rights crimes, but he blames them for perpetuating the hatred. "The sole reason for this war is that cancer of humanity, racism. If this were not so, would it be possible for right-wing, racist magazines and newspapers to declare that `The Turkish race is superior to every other'?" According to the Writers in Prison Committee (WiPC) of International PEN, Kemal, Turkey's "greatest living writer," will be prosecuted for "disseminating separatism" in connection with an article published in "Der Spiegel" on 10 January 1995. The Kurdish writer strongly criticizes the Turkish policy on the Kurds in "Campaign of Lies". Kemal, author of the acclaimed novel "Mehmet My Hawk" and the only Turkish author to have been shortlisted for the Nobel Prize for Literature, was officially charged under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law in court on 23 January. Some of Turkey's foremost writers and artists accompanied him to court. Kemal believes he was charged on the basis of the translation of excerpts from his article, which had been published in the Turkish press. Kemal has been imprisoned twice for "alleged communist sympathies." MAGHREB ALGERIA: GIA THREATENS TO KILL ALGERIAN BROADCAST JOURNALISTS The Armed Islamic Group (GIA) of Algeria has issued a statement saying it would impose the death penalty on television and radio journalists who do not cease the practice of journalism immediately, according to a report forwarded by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). On Sunday 22 January, "Al-Hayat", the London-based Arabic newspaper which obtained the statement, reported that the GIA referred to Algerian journalists as "hired media who justify the crimes and cover up the [government's] evils." The statement, which concluded with the slogan: "Those who fight us with the pen shall be fought with the sword," was signed by the Amir Abdulrahman Aminleader, the GIA leader. Federico Mayor, the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), said, "UNESCO cannot tolerate the use of blind and savage violence against journalists. These threats are a blow against freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and freedom of society as a whole. This is why we must rise against the tyranny of extremists whose sole aim is to incite hatred within the national community and to substitute violence and intolerance for freedom of expression and the press." Mayor concluded, "UNESCO salutes the courage of those women and men who face harassment daily and death threats because of their profession. The Organization further encourages the authorities to take every necessary step to restore conditions whereby journalists and media professionals may exercise their profession in freedom and in security." TUNISIA: JOURNALIST JAOUHARI SAHNOUN DIES IN CUSTODY On 25 January, journalist Jaouhari Sahnoun, 42, died of unknown causes while under arrest in Tunis, reported the Writers in Prison Committee (WiPC) of International PEN in an alert circulated by the IFEX Clearing House. Sahnoun worked for "al-Fajr", a newspaper supporting the Islamist al-Nahda movement, and was a former member of the board of directors of the Tunisian League of Human Rights. Sahnoun had been arrested on 23 March 1991 and allegedly tortured. WiPC reports that he was sentenced in the al-Nahda military trials in 1992 to 15 years in prison after being charged with "attempting to overthrow the state with violence." In early 1994, he reportedly suffered a nervous breakdown; and he was transferred to the 9 Avril prison in December 1994 for tests. He was moved to a Tunis hospital on 17 January, where he subsequently died. The circumstances of his death are unclear. AMERICAS VENEZUELA: LICENSING LAW PASSED INCLUDES PRISON SENTENCES On 22 December, President Rafael Caldera of Venezuela signed a licensing bill that includes penalties of three to six months in prison for journalists who do not join the national Journalist Guild. According to the November/December 1994 issue of the newsletter of the Inter American Press Association (IAPA), "IAPA News", the Venezuelan Congress approved legislation on 6 December "requiring journalists to belong to the national Colegio and to hold a university degree in journalism to practice their profession." There are currently 8,300 members of the Guild (or Colegio.) Licensing has been obligatory for journalists since 1972, but the legislation invoking sanctions is new. At the Summit of the Americas in Miami last December, IAPA urged Caldera to veto the bill. But IAPA reports that it received a letter from Caldera later in the month rejecting its veto request, in which he said that "the law could not reasonably be interpreted as a violation of freedom of expression." IAPA President Raul E. Kraiselburd warned that "Venezuela continues to move away from the principles of freedom of expression and the press." The Venezuelan Press Association is vigorously opposed to the legislation. MEXICO: PRESS TRYING TO "SURVIVE THE CRISIS" Many journalists in Mexico find their access to information limited, as happened with the recent devaluation of the peso, said a Mexican publisher at a panel discussion organized by the Freedom Forum on 24 January. "Mexico: Surviving the Crisis" was the topic of discussion for panellists Alejandro Carillo Castro, Secretary General of international affairs of the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), Mexico City; Alejandro Junco de la Vega, the publisher of Mexico's newest daily, "La Reforma" of Mexico City, and "El Norte" in Monterrey; and William Orme, the Executive Director of the Committee to Protect Journalists in New York. The panel was moderated by WUSA-TV reporter Miriam Hernandez. One of the issues the panel discussed was "the media's role in covering and anticipating the substantial drop in the value of the peso, which has severely threatened Mexico's economy." Junco said he thought the media had done a bad job covering the crisis, and that the crisis would not have been as severe if people could have seen it coming. He said, "There is a very serious problem in Mexico vis-a-vis getting information.... only a handful of people had access to that information.... Everywhere you look, there's a horror story on how information doesn't flow." Carillo said the government was "most interested not only in opening the economic system but also the political system, and that includes the press." Junco disagreed with Carillo on certain points and concluded by saying that, "In Mexico, we have not had a history of free speech." CHILE: COMMUNITY RADIO LIMITED BY LEGISLATION Community radio broadcasters in Chile "literally had the door slammed in their faces" when the government passed a bill that limits broadcasting to one watt, says the World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC) in the latest issue of its newsletter (Vol.6 No.3. 1994), "Interadio". AMARC says Chilean community radio broadcasters anticipated the law for four years, during which they agreed to suspend broadcasts for two years, in the hope that it would allow them the same rights as state or commercial radio stations. Instead, the government hit them with a bill which designates them as "minimum coverage radio" with a maximum power of one watt. Subsequently, most of the stations which applied for licenses did not qualify under these and other severe restrictions. According to Luis Gallegos, of the Asociacion Nacional de Radios Populares (ANARAP), "The authorities used technical requirements for discriminatory political purposes. Basically, we were not granted licenses simply because the authorities do not like what we do, politically speaking." In contrast, AMARC says a new law passed in Colombia last summer was welcomed by community radio broadcasters. Under the new law, up to 500 watts is allowed; and while community radio broadcasters are not pleased with the limit, "they do acknowledge that this is a great victory that may pave the way for future negotiations," says AMARC. In Paraguay, community radio broadcasters are working towards a bill that recognizes their medium so that "community radio can be heard all over Paraguay," says AMARC. In an editorial in "Interadio," Gallegos says, "The possibility that community radio may operate in a legal framework is important because it permits the legitimization of the right to free expression and supports attempts to gain a democratic space." AFRICA SUDAN: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL LAUNCHES CAMPAIGN ON RIGHTS ABUSES Journalists are among those arrested and tortured in "ghost houses" by the government in Sudan for suspected opposition activities, says a new report by Amnesty International (AI). AI called on the United Nations to create an international civilian human rights monitoring team as an initial step towards halting the abuses in both the government-controlled north and the war-torn south. "Having international monitors on the ground would make it more difficult for government and opposition forces to get away with the killings, torture and arbitrary detentions that have fractured Sudanese society and deepened political hatreds over the past five years," said Pierre Sane, AI Secretary General, at a press conference launching the campaign in Nairobi. AI noted that the government has prevented the UN's human rights expert on Sudan from entering the country and that the peace process is stalled. Thousands have been unlawfully detained and tens of thousands killed in Sudan since the 1989 coup. AI says, "Since coming to power, the Sudanese government has made torture and the detention of suspected opponents in so-called `ghost houses' -- the security forces' secret detention centres -- standard practice throughout the country as it crushes political opposition and attempts to mould society to its own version of a radical Islamist agenda. Many suspected government opponents -- trade unionists, activists in banned political parties, students, journalists, Southerners suspected of supporting armed opposition groups -- are arrested, tortured, held for short periods, released and then re-detained." AI's report "SUDAN: The Tears Of Orphans" (ISBN:#0-93994-95-X, $10.00); and briefing "SUDAN: What Future For Human Rights" (ISBN: #0-939994-96-8, $7.00) are available through AI USA, Publications Dept., 322 Eighth Ave, New York, NY 10001, and other AI offices worldwide. ASIA-PACIFIC MYANMAR: AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S SENTENCE EXTENDED INDEFINITELY The detention of democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in Myanmar was extended indefinitely last week, reported ARTICLE 19. ARTICLE 19 calls on the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) "to immediately end censorship and to free Aung San Suu Kyi and others imprisoned for exercising their right to free speech. There can be no meaningful dialogue about Burma's future without full respect for freedom of expression and basic human rights." Dr Frances D'Souza, ARTICLE 19's Executive Director, said, "The Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General, who has been mandated by the UN General Assembly to continue talks with the SLORC in order to `achieve national reconciliation,' should be dispatched to Burma immediately to try to halt the upsurge in fighting and to secure the immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi." On 22 January, Aung San Suu Kyi, under house arrest in Rangoon, dismissed the notion that she had made secret deals with the government at the expense of the democracy movement. In a statement released by her husband in Bangkok the following day, she writes, "It has always been the firm conviction of those working for democracy in Burma that it is only through meaningful dialogue between diverse political forces that we can achieve national reconciliation, which is the first and most vital requisite for a united and prosperous country. That the international community shares this view is evident from clause 5 of the General Assembly resolution of December 1994 which encourages the government of Burma to engage in `a substantive political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders, including representatives from ethnic groups, as the best means of promoting national reconciliation and the full and early restoration of democracy.'" Aung San Suu Kyi continues, "It was in full acceptance of this view and with genuine good will that I approached the meetings with members of the State law and Order Restoration Council on 20 September and 28 October 1994. There has not been and there will not be any secret deals with regard either to my release or to any other issue. I adhere to the principle of accountability and consider myself at all times bound by the democratic duty to act in consultation with colleagues and to be guided by the aspirations of those engaged in the movement to establish a truly democratic political system in Burma. I remain dedicated to an active participation in this movement." NEW ZEALAND: JOURNALISTS CRITICAL OF COPYRIGHT LAW New Zealand has changed its copyright law despite protests from members of the media and academics, reports the Commonwealth Press Union in the January edition of "CPU News". The Copyright Bill is consistent with international copyright laws and protects against pirating, says the CPU, but it "removes the traditional rights of print media journalists to have copyright over their work, in favour of newspaper owners." The vote was very close on the bill and CPU says "both Radio New Zealand and the Independent Broadcasters Association accused the Government of indecent haste in passing the bill." University chancellors also cited the enormous costs involved in conforming to the bill's regulations. In other news, an editor complained about political pressures on the media in New Zealand. "Probably what depresses editors most in my country lately have been political pressures or moves that interfere with press freedoms that we must preserve," said Geoff Adams, Editor of the "Otago Daily Times" and Chair of the New Zealand Section of the CPU. At CPU's Malta Conference last November, Adams said editors have reacted proactively, countering the government by distributing a booklet on freedom of the press. EASTERN EUROPE HUNGARY: PARLIAMENT PREPARES TO ADOPT BROADCAST LAW A broadcast law which would take control of the broadcast media out of the hands of the government is in the works in Hungary, says the Centre for Foreign Journalists (CFJ) in the January issue of the "CFJ Clearinghouse on the Central & East European Press". Parliament is "nearly ready to adopt" the law, says the CFJ, which would privatize the Hungarian national radio and television. The law would also license privately-owned independent national broadcast companies. According to the CFJ, "Media experts of the two parties in the governing coalition announced agreement on principles of a draft law." Some of the CFJ's sources remain sceptical that the new law would allow totally unfettered broadcasting, with one source predicting that "any law adopted will permit limited independent broadcasts while letting the government retain direct control of Hungarian TV and radio." AWARDS: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY AWARDS PRESS FREEDOM PRIZES Columbia University of New York has awarded the 1994 Maria Moors Cabot Prizes to four journalists for "the advancement of press freedom and inter-American understanding," according to the November/December 1994 issue of the newsletter of the Inter American Press Association (IAPA), "IAPA News". The winners were Oscar Jorge Serrat, a correspondent for The Associated press in Buenos Aires, Argentina; James B. Brooke, a correspondent for "The New York Times" in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; Carlos Mauricio Funes Cartagena, the Executive Producer and news anchor at Canal 12 de Television in San Salvador, El Salvador; and Susan Meiselas, a freelance news photographer with Magnum Photos in New York. NIGERIAN PUBLISHER BAYO ONANUGA WINS 1994 ASTOR AWARD Nigerian publisher Bayo Onanuga slipped out of his country to accept the 1994 Astor Award, reports the Commonwealth Press Union in the January edition of "CPU News". The award was presented to him at the opening of the CPU Conference in Malta last November. Onanuga is the founding Editor of the banned magazine, "The News", as well as "Tempo" magazine and "PM News", which are published in Lagos. He was previously Editor of "African Concord", a banned paper owned by Chief Moshood Abiola. The "Concord" was very critical of the government and Onanuga resigned rather than apologise when it cracked down on his paper. Onanuga was the first to publish an underground publication, "The News", in Nigeria. He then went on to publish "PM News", for which he has been detained a number of times. The Publisher noted that the bannings and shutdowns have resulted in a loss of $150 million and over 5,000 jobs for the press. "The decline of the economy and the high costs of newsprint are beginning to also affect the impact of the vigourous pro-democracy media," he warned. PHOTOGRAPHER RECEIVES OVERSEAS PRESS CLUB AWARD POSTHUMOUSLY Photographer Dan Eldon was given the President's award posthumously by the Overseas Press Club (OPC) at the 1994 OPC Awards Dinner, reported the last (fourth quarter) issue of "Press Review". Eldon's award was accepted by his mother, Kathy Eldon, who spoke about her son and the three other journalists who were murdered in Somalia on 12 July last year. According to Kathy Eldon, Dan Eldon, Hansi Kraus, Hos Maina and Anthony Macharia "were stoned and beaten to death following a UN bombing raid on a house thought to contain General Aideed's followers.... some 55 Somalis were killed and another 150 were wounded.... Dan and his colleagues were taken under protection to record the disaster. As they began to shoot the carnage for the world to see, the mob turned on them, enraged by the death and mutilation of so many innocent people and virtually tore the journalists apart." OTHER NEWS FROM THE IFEX COMMUNITY IAPA HOTLINE AVAILABLE IN FOUR COUNTRIES The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) has hotlines available for members of the media in four countries. Journalists abducted, attacked, arrested, or in any kind of trouble are advised to call the appropriate number. In the United States and Canada, call 1-800-542-3732; in Mexico, call 95-800-010-1794; and in Colombia, call 980-121-127. INTERNATIONAL PEN TO HOST DISCUSSION ON "CENSORSHIP IN NIGERIA" The Writers in Prison Committee of International PEN will host a discussion on "Censorship in Nigeria" on 31 January at the British Parliament. Speakers will be Adewale Maja-Pierce, writer and the Africa editor of "Index on Censorship"; journalist Patrick Wilmott; author Biyi Bandele-Thomas; and Omohan Ebhodaghe, writer and Publicity Secretary of the Association of Nigerian Authors. The subjects covered will include "censorship of individual writers such as Wole Soyinka and Ken Saro-Wiwa (whose trial is due to begin the week of 30 January) and the broader question of censorship against the press and in the publishing world," says the WiPC. The discussion, to be chaired by MP Diane Abbott, will take place from 11:00 to 12 noon in Committee Room 17 of the House of Commons. For information, contact Mandy Garner at tel: +44 71 253 3226. ALERTS/ADVISORIES CARRIED THIS PAST WEEK BY THE CLEARING HOUSE 23/01/95 TURKEY: "Ozgur Ulke" correspondent Salih Guler's detention extended; torture alleged (CCPJ) - alert update 25/01/95 ALGERIA: GIA threatens to kill Algerian broadcast journalists (CPJ) - advisory CHINA: Dissident Wei Jingsheng's secretary, Tong Yi, detained without trial; beaten in detention (HRW/Asia) - alert 26/01/95 PERU: Verdict overturned in the case of journalist Pedro Valdez Bernales; date for retrial imminent (IPYS) - alert update HONG KONG: Government responds to International PEN's concerns on repatriation of Vietnamese writers and journalists (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert update 27/01/95 BANGLADESH: Taslima Nasrin trial further postponed (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert update TURKEY: Kurdish writers released (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert update TURKEY: "Ozgur Ulke" correspondent Dogan Denizhan detained (AI) - alert TURKEY: Judge blames writer Aziz Nesin for provocation in Sivas arson attacks (Int PEN) - alert URUGUAY: Radio Panamericana CX 44 enters fifth month off the air (JSS) - alert update BURMA/MYANMAR: Army's latest attack threatens Burma's new "peacemaker" image; Aung San Suu Kyi's detention extended indefinitely (A19) - press release ALGERIA: UNESCO Director-General expresses outrage over death threats (UNESCO) - press release SYRIA: Journalists Nizar Nayyuf & Jadi Nawful enter fourth year in prison (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert TURKEY: Writer Yasar Kemal charged under Anti-Terror Law (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert POLAND: Editor of "Gazeta Wyborcza" sentenced to prison (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert TUNISIA: Journalist Jaouhari Sahnoun dies in custody (WiPC, Int PEN) - alert ALGERIA: Journalist Mohammed Rebah seriously injured (RSF) - alert MAURITANIA: Journalists attacked (RSF) - alert ** ** ** The IFEX Communique is published weekly by the IFEX Clearing House, Toronto. The facility is operated by the Canadian Committee to Protect Journalists in partnership with the member organizations of the International Freedom of Expression eXchange (IFEX). Material may be submitted to the Communique at E-mail: ifex at web.apc.org; Fax: (1-416) 867-1034; or Tel: (1-416) 867-1638. Editor this week: Kristina Stockwood. Subscriptions are available by e-mail and surface mail. ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- From NOZAD at PLEARN.BITNET Fri Feb 3 18:58:34 1995 From: NOZAD at PLEARN.BITNET (NOZAD at PLEARN.BITNET) Date: 03 Feb 1995 18:58:34 Subject: No Subject Line Message-ID: From: Kurdstan subscribe news HAWRI MAAROUF From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Fri Feb 3 21:21:56 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 03 Feb 1995 21:21:56 Subject: Istanbul court "outlaws" "Ozg"ur "U Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: Istanbul court "outlaws" "Ozg"ur "Ulke ______________________________ Forward Header __________________________________ Subject: Re: Re[4]: No Subject Line Author: aoturkey at gn.apc.org at AA_GRAPELINK Date: 2/3/95 2:07 PM Ismet Imset Ps: Today's development: Feb.3, 1995 *** U R G E N T *** Istanbul court "outlaws" Ozgur Ulke Newspaper continues to print despite ban Application made to higher court to return verdict Action-On-Turkey/London An Istanbul court on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the publication of the country's leading pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) and ordered the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against the sentence to a higher court on Friday but feared the daily could be closed down over the weekend despite all efforts. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city's prosecutors office, Thursday's verdict was signed by the judge of the Istanbul First Justice Court, practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. It claimed that according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke, it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court the previous year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdict signed by Judge Ilyas Tan said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of similar nature. Tan passed his verdict without a legal defense on part of the newspaper and said that under these circumstances, "it is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem and that according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680 it should be confiscated." O.Ulke attorneys said Friday that in practice the forementioned article could mean the complete outlawing of the newspaper, confiscation of each and every issue and prison sentences for its editorial board. An appeal was filed to a higher civilian court on Friday to return the verdict and/or postpone it until the verdict was ratified by that court. Urgent international action is now required to support the newspaper. Background: Thursday's decision comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On Nov.30, 1994, Prime Minister Tansu Ciller issued a secret decree for the "elimination"of the newspaper after which, on Dec.3, 1994, its four-story printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. Yet, Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from print" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law. As of Jan.6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a Prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected." Undesirable items, often some three to four pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each targetting a new report. Meanwhile, at least five reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office was raided once. Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship" often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign," 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by death squads and four reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. The latest campaign, however, is different in context and aims to close down the newspaper altogether. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Sat Feb 4 00:22:40 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 04 Feb 1995 00:22:40 Subject: UNITED NATIONS ESTABLISHES HUMAN RI Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: UNITED NATIONS ESTABLISHES HUMAN RIGHTS FAX HOTLINE IN GENA Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl UNITED NATIONS ESTABLISHES HUMAN RIGHTS FAX HOTLINE IN GENEVA The High Commissioner for Human Rights, Jose Ayala Lasso, has established a Human Rights Fax Hot Line in Geneva, a 24-hour fax line for victims of human rights violations, their relatives and non-governmental organizations. This will allow the UN Centre for Human Rights in Geneva to monitor and react rapidly to human rights emergencies, such as the crisis in Rwanda. The Hot Line Fax number is (41-22) 917-0092. The Centre for Human Rights will also create a Human Rights Database to gather information for use by special rapporteurs who are responsible for investigating questions such as religious intolerance, torture, racism and freedom of expression. The database will be accessible by modem to human rights rapporteurs and experts worldwide. ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From aoturkey at gn.apc.org Sat Feb 4 12:04:35 1995 From: aoturkey at gn.apc.org (aoturkey at gn.apc.org) Date: 04 Feb 1995 12:04:35 +0000 (GMT) Subject: Ozgur Ulke Closed Down! ACT NOW!! Message-ID: Ozgur Ulke Closed Down Feb.4, 1995 aoturkey at gn.apc.org ******************* *** U R G E N T *** ******************* OZGUR ULKE CLOSED DOWN! Turkey delivers new blow to freedom of expression Journalists fear extra-judicial killings may begin Action-On-Turkey/London Turkey's leading pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) was closed down on Friday and banned from further publication. The closure followed months of official persecution directed at the paper in the form of bombings, assassinations, confiscation and kidnapping of reporters and editorial personnel. Journalists working for the newspaper now fear they may be marked for further extra-judicial killings and call upon colleagues and international organizations to take URGENT ACTION in support of their guaranteed right to life and to collect, express and impart information. Friday's verdict for closure was passed by an Istanbul Justice Court in line with a decision of the National Security Council Coordination Board taken on Jan.5, 1995, to "eliminate" all dissident voices in Turkey "within the boundaries of law." "By closing down Ozgur Ulke, the state has delivered a serious blow to the freedom of expression in Turkey and silenced the only remaining opposition voice," Baki Karadeniz, the newspaper's editor-in-chief, said Saturday. The newspaper has been in print for nine months and was openly marked as a target "to be eliminated" by Prime Minister Tansu Ciller in a secret decree she sent to relevant government offices on Nov.30, 1994. Immediately after the decree, on Dec.3, 1994, Ozgur Ulke's four-floor printing facility in Istanbul, its editorial headquarters in the same city, and its main bureau in Ankara were blasted to pieces in a serial bombing campaign. Following this attack, police launched raids on Ozgur Ulke offices in different parts of the country and as of January 6, all issues of the newspaper were seized by police and censored. At least five reporters were tortured by the police in the same period. In the words of Karadeniz, "such ruthless censorship and persecution was not even witnessed after 1980, following the military coup." It is now the basic duty of journalists and writers throughout the world and international organizations working on human rights, press freedoms and the freedom of expression to: -Protest immediately the closure of Ozgur Ulke in violation of international laws and agreements -Express concern for the safety of its employees and monitor developments related to them -Support any new initiative in Turkey and/or abroad to resurrect Ozgur Ulke in any form SEND YOUR PROTEST/CONCERN MESSAGES TO RELATED TURKISH AUTHORITIES, TURKISH PRESS ORGANIZATIONS AND TURKISH NEWSPAPERS NOW! Background: Friday's closure verdict was passed after the 1st Justice Court in Istanbul on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the newspaper and ordering for the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against this sentence to a higher court on Friday but before any legal action could be taken, the 2nd Justice Court of the same city passed the closure decision. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city's prosecutors office, both verdicts were signed by judges of the Justice Courts, which are practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. They claimed that "according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke," it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court last year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdicts signed by two judges said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of similar nature. The newspaper was not invited, before the verdict was passed, to make a defense. The court order concluded that under the evidence obtained, "it is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem and under these circumstance, according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680 it should be confiscated." Policemen relaying the order to newspaper executives said this effectively "outlawed" the publication and if Ozgur Ulke continued to print, its editorial board would be placed under immediate arrest. Judicial authorities speaking to Ozgur Ulke executives said they would have preferred not to carry out the order but that they were under "high level pressure" and feared that if they failed to close the paper down, it would be dealt with "in extra-judicial ways." Attorneys for Ozgur Ulke said Friday that the arbitrary nature of the verdicts had not even allowed time for a higher court to look into the issue whereas the closure order could have been returned if they were allowed to voice their defense. Further Persecution: Friday's verdict comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On Nov.30, 1994, Prime Minister Ciller issued a secret decree (an authentic copy was later later obtained and published in the Turkish press) for the "elimination" of the newspaper after which, on Dec.3, 1994, its four-story printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. Yet, Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from print" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law. As of Jan.6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a Prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected." Undesirable items, often some three to four pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each targeting a new report. Meanwhile, at least five reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office and other offices were raided. Journalists were "kidnapped" by the police and tortured. Some were tortured to sign false "confessions" against the newspaper's editorial board! Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship" often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign," 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by "unidentified" death squads and four reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later after being tortured and shot. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. The latest campaign, however, is different in context and it was clear from the very beginning that it aimed to close down the newspaper altogether. >Item Ends From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 5 18:40:09 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 05 Feb 1995 18:40:09 Subject: TRKNWS-L News Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L News Subject: Turkey Defends Rights Record ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- The Turkish government on Friday called a U.S. State Department report on human rights violations ``one-sided'' but said it was pursuing reforms. The report, issued Wednesday, said the human rights situation worsened significantly in Turkey last year because of excessive use of force to suppress Kurdish terrorism. Foreign Ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman said in a statement that the report was largely based on accounts given by Turkey's non-governmental organizations. ``The report made the mistake of relaying on biased accounts, most of which are simply allegations, without confirming them,'' Ataman contended. However, he added that Turkey would continue reforms to improve human rights. The State Department cited Turkey for disappearances, forced evacuations or burning of Kurdish villages, violations of freedom of speech, oppression of the Kurdish population and harassment of journalists and human rights activists. Most of the allegations stem from Turkey's war against Kurdish guerrillas seeking autonomy in southeastern Turkey. More than 15,000 people have died in the fighting over the past 10 years. Subject: Turks Want Suspect Rearrested PARIS (AP) -- The Turkish government Friday asked France to recapture and rearrest the leader of the radical group Dev Sol, who is suspected of taking part in several murders. Turkey had expressed ``disappointment'' over the weekend that Dursun Karatas, 41, was released from prison by French authorities last week on condition he remain in France and report regularly to police. Karatas failed to check in with French police Thursday night, an official of the Turkish Embassy in Paris said. ``We have contacted all the ministries concerned to express our dissatisfaction with the probable escape from the country of this criminal, and to ask for his arrest,'' said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity. ``He was freed under `judicial control,' as his attorneys requested,'' the official said. ``But last night, he violated the conditions of his freedom.'' Karatas had been jailed since last September when he was arrested entering France on a forged Dutch passport. A man and a woman, also Dev Sol members, were arrested with Karatas, who was carrying a firearm, according to a diplomatic source in Paris. Karatas was charged with illegal entry to France, possessing forged documents, stolen goods and a weapon, and for contact with terrorist groups. Karatas is still considered the leader of Dev-Sol, ``pulling the strings'' in several murders, and Turkey has since been seeking his extradition since his arrest, said the source, who would not be further identified. Dev Sol (Revolutionary Left) claimed responsibility for several minor bomb blasts against U.S., British and French targets in Turkey during the 1991 Gulf War, and the assassinations of several retired Turkish policemen, army generals and a former prime minister. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 5 18:40:42 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 05 Feb 1995 18:40:42 Subject: TRKNWS-L Turkish Radio Hour News Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L Turkish Radio Hour News PRIME MINISTER TANSU CILLER DEFENDED HERSELF: "1995 WILL BE GOOD, 1996 WILL BE BETTER" 1/20/95, CUMHURIYET--Prime Minister Ciller answered the criticism aired on the TV program "Calling to Nation" concerning the recent increase in the inflation rate to 150 percent. She indicated the following in the beginning of her speech, "I know. Everybody is confused. The inflation rate is 150 percent. Some are asking where we are going. You are right." Inflation: "Today's inflation is the result of mistakes [in the economy] in past years. However, the inflation has started to decrease. We will soon leave three digit inflation behind us." Important surgery: "The Turkish economy just had a very important surgery. It is like after an appendectomy. If you give water to the patient right after the surgery, you would hurt the patient. We should not be in the position of taking back with a ladle what we gave with a spoon". Turkey is big: "1995 will be good and '96 will be better. The next years will be even better and better. Limiting Turkey will be impossible. Turkey is big and will grow gradually. Turkey will be an example to the world". Yesterday, Ciller met with President Demirel and informed him [about the state of affairs]. Later she accepted the "Star of the Year" award from Intermedia Group for the "decisiveness she showed in economical politics". Ciller said "I am accepting this award in the name of Turkish citizens who sacrifice much." 287 SIGNATURES FOR CONSTITUTION 01/20/95, SABAH--[First paragraph was difficult to translate.] A bill to change the 21 articles of the [Turkish] constitution is forwarded to the chairmanship of the parliament with 287 signatures [of the MPs]. In addition to the 21-article [change] package, [agreement on] a compromise [bill] that is being considered is left to January 28. This bill is proposed by the [religious fundamentalist] Welfare Party, and is to bring freedom of religion, remove articles 14 and 24 that bans certain things. "We did not find the republic on the streets": The President of the Grand Assembly, Cindoruk, in response to a journalist's comment, "You are not looking at MLP's [Motherland Party] and Welfare Party's motion about the 24th law of the constitution, stated: "We did not find the Republic on the streets." YILMAZ: THE WORST PERIOD IN SEVENTY YEARS 01/20/95, CUMHURIYET--MLP [Motherland Party] General President Mesut Yilmaz said that 1994, which the coalition leader [Prime Minister Ciller] evaluated as a successful period, had been the worst period in the seventy year history of the republic. Yilmaz said that citizens who earned a fixed income deserve an award, not the businessmen. He added, "Fixed income citizens finance Turkey. Turkey is not any more stable than it was on April 5th. It means that something is wrong." Yilmaz stated that the solution to the stabilization is not in the coalition government's politics. A LESSON TO GREEK JOURNALISTS FROM ECEVIT 01/20/95, MEYDAN--Democratic Left Party President Bulent Ecevit asked to a Greek journalist, "Do you know that Ocalan wrote his orders in Turkish?". Ecevit added that even if Kurds would be given political autonomy, the KWP [Kurdish Worker's Party] would not end the war. He held former President Turgut Ozal responsible for the Kurdish problem. U.N. GENERAL SECRETARY GHALI PRESENTING THE REPORT ON ARMS DECLARED BY FORTY COUNTRIES Ankara and Athens are purchasing the most arms 01/20/94, CUMHURIYET--According to the U.S. Congress U.S. sold 3.3 billion dollars worth of arms to Turkey. Ranking 7th among the countries that purchased the most arms, Turkey is giving primary concern to air and ground artillery for the southeast. Greece purchased 2.8 billion dollars worth of arms between 1990 and 1993 for the U.S.. Greece, the 8th largest arms purchaser after Turkey, is giving primary concern to ground and navy artillery and missiles. THREE CONDITIONS FOR POLITICAL SOLUTION 01/20/95, MILLIYET--ATIB [Association of Turkish Industrialists and Businessman] President Halis Komili proposed three conditions for a political solution. 1) Change the constitution. 2) A new election law. 3) Parliament agreement on economical/social consul. Loss of dignity: [ATIB] Supreme Consultative Council President Rahmi Koc asked both the right and left-wing parties to collaborate immediately. He compared [today's] Turkey with the one while he was president [of ATIB]. YOUR NEIGHBORS ARE SUPPORTING KWP [KURDISH WORKERS PARTY] 01/19/95, MILLIYET--Marc Grossman, U.S. Ambassador to Ankara, said that the KWP had been receiving support from some of Turkey's neighbors and the U.S. government had warned those countries at the top level. Ambassador Grossman said that the human rights issue had been both in the U.S. and Turkey's programs. That is because both countries are giving a special consideration to human rights issue. He stated, "We are advocating democracy in Turkey. Protection of human rights is the central belief of a democratic system". CILLER: "NINETY PERCENT OF THE PUBLIC IS AGAINST DEMOCRATIZATION" 01/21/95, HURRIYET--Prime Minister [Tansu] Ciller, in a European Custums Union summit organized yesterday, stressed that "ninety percent of society is against democratization." Ciller, in response to the question "[Turkey's entry] into the European Customs Union was postponed because no advances have been made towards democratization. Will any progress be made on this issue?" responded by saying, "We are currently preparing changes to the constitution. But ninety percent of our society is against more democratization. It does not look favorably on a number of questions regarding freedom of expression. It is necessary to enlighten the public. Public opinion is not behind this and for this reason the Parliament is not behind it." FOREIGN ORGANIZATIONS ARE ON THE SIDE OF THE KWP 01/21/95, MILLIYET--Unal Erkan, the extraordinary governor of the Hal province, stated that human rights organizations have remained witness to the massacres committed by the KWP in the south-east [of Turkey]. He said, "These [organizations] are on the side of the [KWP]." WHILE THE DIFFERENCES IN OPINION CONTINUE ON OTHER ISSUES, POLITICAL PARTIES COME TOGETHER ON THE ISSUE OF THE EUROPEAN CUSTOMS UNION 01/21/95, CUMHURIYET--National unity for the Customs Union. [Turkish] Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Murat Karayalcin stated that Turkey is ready for the Customs Union and said that those who claim otherwise do not know Turkey. Karayalcin, who spoke at a meeting organized by the Economic Development Endowment on the subject of "legal organization on the road to the Customs Union," said, "I do not subscribe to the point of view that one should be thrown in the sea in order to learn how to swim. Turkey has been swimming for 22 years. Today it is at the level to compete with Europe." Karayalcin, who estimated number of Turks living in Europe, stated that Turkey was literally in Europe and that the thing to do is decide to make it legal. Karayalcin said "Turkey's entry into the customs Union should not be linked to the Cyprus problem. Karayalcin, stating that there had been conciliatory proposals on the side of Denktas, the Prime Minister of Cyprus, that could bring peace, said, if the EU would not give signals to the opposing side, a solution to the Cyprus problems could be reached in a short amount of time." BOYNER TREATED LIKE A HEAD OF THE GOVERNMENT In his speech in Diyarbakir, the NDM [New Democracy Movement] leader stated that the parties have not been able to address the issues in an adequate manner. 01/22/95, CUMHURIYET--Cem Boyner, the NDM leader, was well received in Diyarbakir and was treated as though he is the head of the government. Boyner accused the existing political parties to be like the "political tradesmen" and being inadequate in addressing the issues of Turkey. He further made the statement that "Turkey's problems are interdependent and that the primary reason behind these problems turning into crises is the Kurdish issue. We did not come this far to put a bendade on the issue. If the government truly represented the people, there would not have been so many people killed, so many bullets fired, and so many people burried without proper funerals." MOSCOW: "KURDISH/KURDISTAN WORKERS PARTY (KWP) IS LEGAL." 01/23/95, MILLIYET--The Russian Interier Minister commented that the the KWP is a lawful organization, therefore, their operations should not be outlawed in Turkey. MENTESE IN MOSCOW: During his travel to Russia, the Interier Minister Mentese answered the news media's questions on the plane by stating that "the comparison between Chechnya as being Russia's internal problem and Kurds are Turkey's cannot be made." "Chechens are autonomous. A country called 'Chechnya' does exist. On the other hand, a country called 'Kurdistan' does not exist and has never existed during the history. However, the Russians have accepted Chechnya as an autonomous state." Mentese further elaborated that "it is impossible to positively accept the 'Kurdish Home' [in Moscow]." When asked "Do you think that Russia is playing the Kurdish card," Mentese replied by saying "I don't think so. Our interactions with Russia is currently going well. Our objective is not intefere with each others internal problems." From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sat Feb 11 20:19:58 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 11 Feb 1995 20:19:58 Subject: TRKNWS-L Turkish Radio Hour News References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L Turkish Radio Hour News SULEYMAN DEMIREL REPROACHES GREECE REGARDING ISKECE MUFTI: "I AM DISAPPOINTED" 01/29/95, CUMHURIYET--In a message sent to Greek President Constantine Karamanlis, [Turkish] President Suleyman Demirel stressed his "disappointment" due to the imprisonment of Iskece mufti [religious leader] Mehmet Emin Aga for "fulfilling his religious responsibilities." Demirel wanted Aga to be set free. According to the written explaination that was issued yesterday by the Office of the President, in the message that was sent to Karamanlis Demirel noted that the prevention of the muftis that are chosen by the Turks in western Thrace, from fulfilling their religious duties was in violation of international agreements. CILLER: "THE WEST SHOULD NOT MAKE A HISTORICAL MISTAKE" 01/29/95, CUMHURIYET--The main subjects of the meetings of [Turkish] Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, who is in Davos [Switzerland] to participate in a summit organized by the World Economic Forum, are the Customs Union agreement which will be made between Turkey and the EU along with the petrol pipeline. At a working breakfast held yesterday in the Seehof Hotel in Davos for certain presidents and ministers from European Union (EU) countries, Ciller, mentioning the meetings of the partnership commission regarding the subject of the Customs Union that will take place in Brussels on March 6 and 7, stressed that she "hoped that the west would not make a historical mistake." Ciller, who made clear that human rights and the Cyprus issue were not connected to the Customs Union, said, "the Customs Union is a technical subject. Human rights and the Kurdish issue have nothing to do with this." Prime Minister Ciller, who met with Uzbekistan President Islam Karimov for a while during lunch, later agreed to meet with Isreali Foreign Minister Simon Perez. It was announced that during the meeting, issues of the relations between the two countries and and peace in the Middle East were addressed. It was announced that in the near future a "European Summit" similar to the World Economic Forum in Davos, might be held. TURKEY EXPRESSES DISPLEASURE TO FRANCE 01/30/94, CUMHURIYET--Turkey expressed it displeasure to France for the release of the Revolutianary Left leader Dursun Karatas who had been under arrest for the past 4.5 months. [Revolutionary Left is an underground organization accused of masterminding many terrorist activities in Turkey.] Dursun Karatas, who had been arrested for entering France with a counterfeit passport, was released by the French authorities after appearing at court. Upon this the Turkish embassy in Paris contacted the French officials. It was learned that the officials [at the Turkish Embassy] drew attention to the problems of releasing Karatas, expressed the displeasure and the worry of the Turkish government, and said that "a government [French] which is very sensitive to terrorism should behave with the drawbacks of this [type of release of an alleged terrorist] in mind". NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL'S WARNING FOR PKK 01/26/95, TRH--Daily Hurriyet reports that during its meeting the National Security Council yesterday declared that the Kurdish Workers Party is preparing for plots to assasinate some of the celebrities. It was also said that KWP is benefiting from the clashes between Barzani's and Talabani's forces, and trying to regroup. ANKARA: "KWP CANNOT BE CONSIDERED A PARTY TO THE GENEVA CONVENTION" 01/26/95, TRH-- Daily Cumhuriyet reports that the spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ferhat Ataman told the reporters during his regular weekly press conference that technically the Kurdish Workers Party] cannot be represented in meetings as called for in the 1949 Geneva convention. The KWP claims that they are a national liberation movement and should be included in the Geneva convention governing the treatment of prisoners and civilians during a war. The Turkish government thinks that this is only a propaganda of a terrorist organization. GERMAN MINISTER: KURDS ARE NOT OPPRESSED 01/26/95, TRH--The Interior Minister for Baviera, Mr. Gunther Beckstein, told daily Hurriyet that Kurds are not under pressure in Turkey. He added that Germany will continue to deport Kurdish criminals starting from March. 01/27/95, TRH--The Anatolian News Agency informs that Mr. Ozdem Sanberk, the undersecretary for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told reporters that Turkey does not need to take any further steps regarding Cyprus in order to remove Greece's veto for the European Customs Union membership. He believes that the European Community is aware of the problems between Greece and Turkey and its possible complications. If the talks for the membership of Cyprus starts, as a consequence, talks for the integration of Turkey and the Northern Cyprus would also start. TURKEY IS ON EUROPE'S AGENDA 01/30/95, TRH--As described in the Turkish daily news Aksam, The European Parliament will discuss their upcoming one week long meetings. The Parliament will discuss the Cyprus issue and the current situation with Turkish representatives. General Secretary of the European Parliament Daniel Trhys, who has visited Turkey, will present his report about Turkey at the meetings which start today in Strasbourg. In the meetings, the Cyprus issue, human rights issues and topics dealing with democracy will be discussed. In addition, the issue of temporarily suspending Turkey's membership in the European Parliament, which has 12 representatives, will be discussed. It has been stated that Trhys's report would convince the opposition of Turkey to support the Turkish representatives. BRAVO KOYLUOGLU 01/31/95, TRH---Claude Roth, European Parliament Greens Commission President, visited state minister Azimet Koyluoglu, who is responsible for human rights on Prime Minister Ciller's cabinet, and obtained information concerning human rights. As described in the newspaper Turkiye, Koyluoglu, who said that there was no problem concerning human rights in Turkey before September 12th 1980, stated: "Now the Turkish Armed Forces commanders are in favor of more democracy." He further stated that there was a genuine respect for human rights in Turkey but the West was applying a double- standard on human rights issues. He lectured Claude Roth, "Don't we see this double-standard on human rights issue? We are not myopic like the West." EUROPEAN COUNCIL: ENOUGH 01/31/95, TRH--As reported in Milliyet, the European Council has had a big conflict over Turkey. European Council president Martinez and other members of the Council claimed "eliminating Turkey is not a solution" while socialist groups said "enough" and wanted to temporarily suspend the membership of Turkey. Moderation Call: Martinez asserted that the council should continue to play the "pushing power" role in aiding Turkey in developing more democratic principles. Meanwhile Berg defined that Islamic fundamentalism is a threat in addition to the Kurdish workers Party and a stoppage in dialog with Turkey would harm both Turkey and Europe. He said, "we should give Turkey a new opportunity". The head of the Turkish representatives in the European council Kemal Mimaroglu stated that improvements in Turkey are not enough, but there is good faith and determination. TURKEY SHOULD BE A NEGOTIATOR 01/31/95, TRH---As described in Hurriyet, Jalal Talabani, the head of Kurdistan Patriotic Front, demanded that Turkey should be a negotiator to stop the severe fighting between the two biggest Kurdish groups in Northern Iraq. The spokesman for Barzani, the opposition Kurdish leader, Sami Abdurrahman, however, says that Talabani wants to draw the Kurdish workers Party into the conflict. BIG BOSSES WARN PUBLIC ABOUT A SOCIAL OUTBURST Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen Association: "We can not take it anymore" 01/31/95, TRH---In a TIBA (Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen Association) the conjecture report, which appeared in Cumhuriyet, which evaluated the economy of 1995, it has been stated that there was a decrease in the buying power of salaries and layoffs prevented bankruptcies. The report further stated that this year immunity of people against new shocks in economy had been weakened and social problems would grow. TIBA suggested that the government should bring down the inflation rate by decreasing the growth rate in the economy. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Sun Feb 5 22:47:12 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 05 Feb 1995 22:47:12 Subject: Ozgur Ulke Closed Down! -- Urge Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: Ozgur Ulke Closed Down! -- Urgent Distribution Please Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl Feb.4, 1995 aoturkey at gn.apc.org ******************* *** U R G E N T *** ******************* OZGUR ULKE CLOSED DOWN! Turkey delivers new blow to freedom of expression Journalists fear extra-judicial killings may begin Action-On-Turkey/London Turkey's leading pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) was closed down on Friday and banned from further publication. The closure followed months of official persecution directed at the paper in the form of bombings, assassinations, confiscation and kidnapping of reporters and editorial personnel. Journalists working for the newspaper now fear they may be marked for further extra-judicial killings and call upon colleagues and international organizations to take URGENT ACTION in support of their guaranteed right to life and to collect, express and impart information. Friday's verdict for closure was passed by an Istanbul Justice Court in line with a decision of the National Security Council Coordination Board taken on Jan.5, 1995, to "eliminate" all dissident voices in Turkey "within the boundaries of law." "By closing down Ozgur Ulke, the state has delivered a serious blow to the freedom of expression in Turkey and silenced the only remaining opposition voice," Baki Karadeniz, the newspaper's editor-in-chief, said Saturday. The newspaper has been in print for nine months and was openly marked as a target "to be eliminated" by Prime Minister Tansu Ciller in a secret decree she sent to relevant government offices on Nov.30, 1994. Immediately after the decree, on Dec.3, 1994, Ozgur Ulke's four-floor printing facility in Istanbul, its editorial headquarters in the same city, and its main bureau in Ankara were blasted to pieces in a serial bombing campaign. Following this attack, police launched raids on Ozgur Ulke offices in different parts of the country and as of January 6, all issues of the newspaper were seized by police and censored. At least five reporters were tortured by the police in the same period. In the words of Karadeniz, "such ruthless censorship and persecution was not even witnessed after 1980, following the military coup." It is now the basic duty of journalists and writers throughout the world and international organizations working on human rights, press freedoms and the freedom of expression to: -Protest immediately the closure of Ozgur Ulke in violation of international laws and agreements -Express concern for the safety of its employees and monitor developments related to them -Support any new initiative in Turkey and/or abroad to resurrect Ozgur Ulke in any form SEND YOUR PROTEST/CONCERN MESSAGES TO RELATED TURKISH AUTHORITIES, TURKISH PRESS ORGANIZATIONS AND TURKISH NEWSPAPERS NOW! Background: Friday's closure verdict was passed after the 1st Justice Court in Istanbul on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the newspaper and ordering for the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against this sentence to a higher court on Friday but before any legal action could be taken, the 2nd Justice Court of the same city passed the closure decision. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city's prosecutors office, both verdicts were signed by judges of the Justice Courts, which are practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. They claimed that "according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke," it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court last year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdicts signed by two judges said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of similar nature. The newspaper was not invited, before the verdict was passed, to make a defense. The court order concluded that under the evidence obtained, "it is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem and under these circumstance, according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680 it should be confiscated." Policemen relaying the order to newspaper executives said this effectively "outlawed" the publication and if Ozgur Ulke continued to print, its editorial board would be placed under immediate arrest. Judicial authorities speaking to Ozgur Ulke executives said they would have preferred not to carry out the order but that they were under "high level pressure" and feared that if they failed to close the paper down, it would be dealt with "in extra-judicial ways." Attorneys for Ozgur Ulke said Friday that the arbitrary nature of the verdicts had not even allowed time for a higher court to look into the issue whereas the closure order could have been returned if they were allowed to voice their defense. Further Persecution: Friday's verdict comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On Nov.30, 1994, Prime Minister Ciller issued a secret decree (an authentic copy was later later obtained and published in the Turkish press) for the "elimination" of the newspaper after which, on Dec.3, 1994, its four-story printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. Yet, Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from print" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law. As of Jan.6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a Prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected." Undesirable items, often some three to four pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each targeting a new report. Meanwhile, at least five reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office and other offices were raided. Journalists were "kidnapped" by the police and tortured. Some were tortured to sign false "confessions" against the newspaper's editorial board! Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship" often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign," 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by "unidentified" death squads and four reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later after being tortured and shot. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. The latest campaign, however, is different in context and it was clear from the very beginning that it aimed to close down the newspaper altogether. >Item Ends ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- From kendal at nucst11.neep.wisc.edu Sun Feb 5 22:54:24 1995 From: kendal at nucst11.neep.wisc.edu (kendal at nucst11.neep.wisc.edu) Date: 05 Feb 1995 22:54:24 Subject: WWW server, Kurdish Information Net Message-ID: From: kendal at nucst11.neep.wisc.edu Subject: WWW server, Kurdish Information Network update KURDISH INFORMATION NETWORK: http://nucst11.neep.wisc.edu KURDS and KURDISTAN : Facts and Figures: Land and Ecology Race Geopolitics Society People Language Religion Demographic Trends Maps HISTORY : Exploring Kurdish Origins by Mehrdad R. Izady Qaleh-i Yazdigird-cultural treasure of the Kurdish past by Mehrdad R. Izady. The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925 by Robert Olson. Kurdistan, Where Credit is Due By Mehrdad R. Izady. ARTICLES RELATED TO THE KURDS: My Memoirs by Musa Anter The Cave. My Father's Death and My Mother. The Politics of Green and Yellow by Azad Sulaiman (Key words: Talabani, Barzani, 'Safe Hell'). Kurdbu'ya Be' Ziman Ji Weki Iskeleta Be' Gos,t e' by Nedret Bilici (in Kurmanji). Ismail Besikci by Lale Yalcin Kurdish Poetry and Iraq's Totalitarianism by S. Salar An Introductory Course on Kurdish Language [Bahdinani dialect] (Kurdish-Turkish) by Burhan Dinler : Lesson 1 Lesson 2 Lesson 3 Lesson 4 WWW Home Pages Related to the Kurdish Language: Association for Persian Logic, Language and Computing ANNOUNCEMENTS : Help Establish a Kurdish National Archive Sharafnama Soc.Culture.Kurdish And lots of colorful pictures from Kurdistan.... -- Kendal KIN: http://nucst11.neep.wisc.edu From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 11:59:29 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 11:59:29 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 1 Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: KURD-A News Updates: February 1-3, 1995 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl KURD-A News Updates February 1-3, 1995 Turkish security forces, which were carrying out house searches in the Obernbeyhat region between the cities of Mardin and Sirnak, were attacked by guerrillas firing rockets. In the attack, 1 sergeant and 5 soldiers were killed, 6 others were wounded. The guerrillas retreated without suffering any losses. (01.02.95) 14 village guards from the village of Col (Siirt), where a Turkish army operation has been underway for quite some time, fled to their relatives in the city of Siirt. One of the village guards, Abdulvahap Calli, reported that the men had fled from state oppression. (01.02.95) A bus carrying village guards struck a mine which had been planted by guerrillas. In the explosion, 3 village guards were killed and another 5 were wounded. The wounded were taken to the state hospital in Mardin. (01.02.95) The inhabitants of the village of Dibildirave in the Omeryan region near Mardin were forced by the state to become village guards. In December 1994, 14 families fled from the area to the city of Mardin to escape from state repression. (01.02.95) The brothers Kemal and Yassir Koknal from Viransehir near Urfa were abducted by two men claiming to be police officers and were later found dead in the road in Ceylanpinar. The Koknal brothers, who were arrested on January 30, 1995 at around 9:00pm by police in the Yukari section Sirnak had been arrested previously on charges of giving assistance to guerrillas and detained for several months. A witness to the murder of the Koknal brothers, Hamit Keskin, told our journalists: "My house is next to my brother's house. On the evening of January 30 at around 9:00pm, I heard a noise in the street and I saw my brother on the street. He said there were police. He was taken away in a model Taunus car, which I had previously seen village guards near Sippe Bucak using." (02.02.95) The bodies of Hulusi Adiguzel and Hamza (we don't know his last name) were found tossed in the road near the village of Alaca. Both Kurds had been arrested in June of last year during an army operation. Villagers from Alaca reported that they saw the bodies being tossed out of a helicopter on January 17. (02.02.95) A military barracks in the small city of Meydan in the region of Gabar was attacked by guerrillas. When the guerrillas fired rockets on the barracks, just to cause a scare, the soldiers began running outside. Guerrillas then attacked from three sides and burned down the barracks, killing 20 soldiers. During this successful guerrilla action, 2 freedom fighters were wounded. Guerrillas also captured 2 M-27 weapons, 7 hand grenades, 7 B-7 rocket launchers, and 4 bags of military supplies. (02.02.95) It is reported that Turkish army operations in the cities of Sason and Kozluk are still continuing. (02.02.95) Mehmet Damar, a doctor at the state hospital in Silvan near Diyarbakir, was arrested by police. He was then taken to police headquarters for interrogation. During an operation by state security forces in Diyarbakir, Nusret Balkiran was arrested. Witnesses spoke to our correspondents and said that they are also worried about the life of Mehmet Bakir, who was dragged from his home by soldiers during an army operation. (03.02.95) Two brothers from the village of Minedike in Kozluk (Batman) were arrested during an operation by Turkish state security forces. The villagers said that the two brothers, who were arrested on January 31, are being severely tortured. (03.02.95) The Turkish military burned down a mosque during an attack on the village of Huseynik in Sice near Diyarbakir. Soldiers from the military barracks at Ergul searched several houses and destroyed peoples' belongings. There were also 25 donkeys and 6 dogs killed during the raid. (03.02.95) Turkish soldiers and village guards carried out a joint operation in Suruc near Urfa. Many villagers were taken into custody. During the operations on January 1 in the villages of Sose and Bublik, the following Kurds were dragged away: Celal Ercan and Kevser Ercan from Sose, and Muslum Sahin, Bazan Yildiz, and Ali Aydeniz from Bublik. (03.02.95) Abdullah Dag, HADEP chairman in the coastal city Icel, gave a public statement about attacks on Kurds in major Turkish cities. He stated that the state is strengthening its attacks and is trying to find a legal basis for its illegal military actions. (03.02.95) Translated by: Arm The Spirit P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada E-mail: ats at etext.org Berxwedan jiyane! ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 12:05:50 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 12:05:50 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 1 References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: KURD-A News Updates: February 1-3, 1995 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl KURD-A News Updates February 1-3, 1995 Turkish security forces, which were carrying out house searches in the Obernbeyhat region between the cities of Mardin and Sirnak, were attacked by guerrillas firing rockets. In the attack, 1 sergeant and 5 soldiers were killed, 6 others were wounded. The guerrillas retreated without suffering any losses. (01.02.95) 14 village guards from the village of Col (Siirt), where a Turkish army operation has been underway for quite some time, fled to their relatives in the city of Siirt. One of the village guards, Abdulvahap Calli, reported that the men had fled from state oppression. (01.02.95) A bus carrying village guards struck a mine which had been planted by guerrillas. In the explosion, 3 village guards were killed and another 5 were wounded. The wounded were taken to the state hospital in Mardin. (01.02.95) The inhabitants of the village of Dibildirave in the Omeryan region near Mardin were forced by the state to become village guards. In December 1994, 14 families fled from the area to the city of Mardin to escape from state repression. (01.02.95) The brothers Kemal and Yassir Koknal from Viransehir near Urfa were abducted by two men claiming to be police officers and were later found dead in the road in Ceylanpinar. The Koknal brothers, who were arrested on January 30, 1995 at around 9:00pm by police in the Yukari section Sirnak had been arrested previously on charges of giving assistance to guerrillas and detained for several months. A witness to the murder of the Koknal brothers, Hamit Keskin, told our journalists: "My house is next to my brother's house. On the evening of January 30 at around 9:00pm, I heard a noise in the street and I saw my brother on the street. He said there were police. He was taken away in a model Taunus car, which I had previously seen village guards near Sippe Bucak using." (02.02.95) The bodies of Hulusi Adiguzel and Hamza (we don't know his last name) were found tossed in the road near the village of Alaca. Both Kurds had been arrested in June of last year during an army operation. Villagers from Alaca reported that they saw the bodies being tossed out of a helicopter on January 17. (02.02.95) A military barracks in the small city of Meydan in the region of Gabar was attacked by guerrillas. When the guerrillas fired rockets on the barracks, just to cause a scare, the soldiers began running outside. Guerrillas then attacked from three sides and burned down the barracks, killing 20 soldiers. During this successful guerrilla action, 2 freedom fighters were wounded. Guerrillas also captured 2 M-27 weapons, 7 hand grenades, 7 B-7 rocket launchers, and 4 bags of military supplies. (02.02.95) It is reported that Turkish army operations in the cities of Sason and Kozluk are still continuing. (02.02.95) Mehmet Damar, a doctor at the state hospital in Silvan near Diyarbakir, was arrested by police. He was then taken to police headquarters for interrogation. During an operation by state security forces in Diyarbakir, Nusret Balkiran was arrested. Witnesses spoke to our correspondents and said that they are also worried about the life of Mehmet Bakir, who was dragged from his home by soldiers during an army operation. (03.02.95) Two brothers from the village of Minedike in Kozluk (Batman) were arrested during an operation by Turkish state security forces. The villagers said that the two brothers, who were arrested on January 31, are being severely tortured. (03.02.95) The Turkish military burned down a mosque during an attack on the village of Huseynik in Sice near Diyarbakir. Soldiers from the military barracks at Ergul searched several houses and destroyed peoples' belongings. There were also 25 donkeys and 6 dogs killed during the raid. (03.02.95) Turkish soldiers and village guards carried out a joint operation in Suruc near Urfa. Many villagers were taken into custody. During the operations on January 1 in the villages of Sose and Bublik, the following Kurds were dragged away: Celal Ercan and Kevser Ercan from Sose, and Muslum Sahin, Bazan Yildiz, and Ali Aydeniz from Bublik. (03.02.95) Abdullah Dag, HADEP chairman in the coastal city Icel, gave a public statement about attacks on Kurds in major Turkish cities. He stated that the state is strengthening its attacks and is trying to find a legal basis for its illegal military actions. (03.02.95) Translated by: Arm The Spirit P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada E-mail: ats at etext.org Berxwedan jiyane! From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 12:02:35 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 12:02:35 Subject: Women's Army In Kurdistan Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: Women's Army In Kurdistan Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl --------------- Forwarded from : Arm The Spirit ---------------- Women's Army In Kurdistan By Deryagul Beran We have received word from Kurdistan that for some time a women's army has been in existence among the guerrillas there. We spoke to a representative of the Free Women's Movement of Kurdistan (TAJK), who has herself taken part in the guerrilla struggle, about this development. Why was it necessary to set up this army? What was the position of women among the guerrillas up to now? The structure of Kurdish society is in part also reflected in the life of the guerrillas. So relations between men had women and the roles played by the sexes were determined along traditional lines. Men and women were kept strictly segregated, as if by a wall. They were brought up so that the women always had to obey the man while the man dominated the women in his capacity as the one who gave the orders. The strong patriarchal oppression of Kurdish women in Kurdistan is also a consequence of the despotism perpetrated by the colonialists. Kurdish women see their fight for freedom reinforced by Kurdistan's liberation movement. As the struggle has developed the number of women involved has grown continually. Of course, here too they were confronted with the classical social problems. Many of them were still in the grip of tradition and patriarchy. The encounter of these two different worlds influences life among the guerrillas. Our party, and especially our General Secretary, Abdullah Ocalan, analysed this problem at the very beginning of the liberation struggle and has taken important steps towards resolving it. Resolving the question of women, of women's rights then, can only take place if it is viewed as a "revolution inside the revolution". Accordingly, in the guerrilla army, women are learning about their own significance for Kurdistan's liberation. They live with the knowledge that without their revolutionary struggle for freedom there can be no revolution in Kurdistan. The women have been politicised as a result of this awareness. Of course this process also develops among the male guerrillas, for the liberation movement of Kurdistan does not see the question of women's rights as a matter merely for women. It is a social problem historically connected with the occupation of Kurdistan in way that is scientifically verifiable. I should like to try and explain the collision between the two worlds of guerrillas by using some examples. Female commanders rarely found that the role they played was an acceptable one in the eyes of either men or women. Some men still found it difficult to take orders from women commanders. Equally, at first they did not receive respect from women either. The inferiority complex of women resulting from social conditioning was the decisive reason for this failure to accept women commanders. At the same time the fact that a woman could become a commander could be a source of self-confidence for women. The growing number of women in the guerrilla struggle made a special organisation necessary, because the men inhibit the independent development of the women's abilities. His presence is embarassing. In order to gain full recognition in Kurdish society and among the guerrillas, a military mode of organisation has to be introduced alongside the political one. In this way women have the possibility of developing independently, freely and to stand on their own feet, without feeling themselves to be mere shadows of the men. Each free practical step taken on her own accustoms the woman to build confidence in herself. The achievement of the "revolution" can only come to fruition via a women's army. For a radical social revolution in this area of culture, the founding of the women's army is the beginning of such a new epoch for our society just as was the 15 August 1984 (the beginning of armed struggle). Is it in any way different from the men's army? It is not correct to think in terms only of men's and women's armies. Alongside the women's army which consists of about 2,000 women, many fight in mixed units. Both the women's army and the regular army are subordinate to the same command structure. Both fight according to the same plans and objectives. The only difference is that the women's army concentrates on the development of the personality of the individual woman. In addition, it has been found that strength at all levels of struggle is not a monopoly of any particular sex. One can say however that women in struggle adapt more quickly because they are constantly aware of their thousands of years of slavery. So the intention of winning freedom is much stronger among them than among men. Most of the women understand that freedom is possible now, or never. A sharp separation between men and women is not intended, simply because male guerrillas are more experienced than we are. And so it is necessary to work together. Could you give us some example of women who have developed particularly far as a result of the struggle? There are countless examples of this kind. I will talk about some women of whom I have personal knowledge. Sozdar came from the countryside, where she received the traditional and backward upbringing of peasants. So she had not had the chance to go to school. After she got to know the guerrillas, she joined them. There she has rediscovered everything that she, like millions of male and female Kurds, had lost because of colonisation. Sozdar is learning to come to grips with her national and sexual identity and she is overcoming all the old structures step by step. From a women guerrilla she is turning into a commander. Another example, Zelal became engaged in Dersim and was supposed to get married in the Federal Republic of Germany later on. Previously in Dersim she had become acquainted with the guerrillas a short time before her trip to Germany. As she put it herself, Zelal wanted freedom. She lacked any conception of how to achieve it. In Germany she came into contact again with the liberation movement and joined it there some time later. In order to break the traditional fetters she had her fiancee come to Germany so she could tell him she wanted to become a part of the movement completely. She did not want an engagement in the classical sense and she made him an offer; they could both wage the struggle, or else break the engagement. After he rejected her offer, she separated from him and after a lengthy period of political activity in Germany, went to Kurdistan. Today she is a commander there. You are a representative of the Free Women's Movement (TAJK). What connection does the TAJK have to the women's army? We women of TAJK consider ourselves generally as part of the liberation movement of Kurdistan. Without it we would not exist. Both politically and materially we support the women's movement in Kurdistan. According to the aims we envisage, political support is not simply the task of Kurdish women like ourselves but non-Kurdish women should also engage in this task. For example the experiences we have had with the women's army and through our practical politics, can serve as a new perspective on the road to liberation from patriarchy. This is our common desire. Therefore powerful solidarity should be developed. Through our work in Europe, through publications, discussions and demonstrations, we are trying to make our presence felt. So our work has the aim of bringing attention to the future, we are optimistic about every aspect of our work in Europe. For example, our international women's conference in Cologne was a great success for us, achieved by the efforts of a great many friends from many lands. (Translated by Steve Kaczynnski. Reprinted from Kurdistan Report #20 - January/February 1995) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Mon Feb 6 19:07:59 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 06 Feb 1995 19:07:59 Subject: Ozgur Ulke Close Down! ACT NOW!! Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: Ozgur Ulke Close Down! ACT NOW!! Feb.4, 1995 aoturkey at gn.apc.org ******************* *** U R G E N T *** ******************* OZGUR ULKE CLOSED DOWN! Turkey delivers new blow to freedom of expression Journalists fear extra-judicial killings may begin Action-On-Turkey/London Turkey's leading pro-Kurdish daily Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) was closed down on Friday and banned from further publication. The closure followed months of official persecution directed at the paper in the form of bombings, assassinations, confiscation and kidnapping of reporters and editorial personnel. Journalists working for the newspaper now fear they may be marked for further extra-judicial killings and call upon colleagues and international organizations to take URGENT ACTION in support of their guaranteed right to life and to collect, express and impart information. Friday's verdict for closure was passed by an Istanbul Justice Court in line with a decision of the National Security Council Coordination Board taken on Jan.5, 1995, to "eliminate" all dissident voices in Turkey "within the boundaries of law." "By closing down Ozgur Ulke, the state has delivered a serious blow to the freedom of expression in Turkey and silenced the only remaining opposition voice," Baki Karadeniz, the newspaper's editor-in-chief, said Saturday. The newspaper has been in print for nine months and was openly marked as a target "to be eliminated" by Prime Minister Tansu Ciller in a secret decree she sent to relevant government offices on Nov.30, 1994. Immediately after the decree, on Dec.3, 1994, Ozgur Ulke's four-floor printing facility in Istanbul, its editorial headquarters in the same city, and its main bureau in Ankara were blasted to pieces in a serial bombing campaign. Following this attack, police launched raids on Ozgur Ulke offices in different parts of the country and as of January 6, all issues of the newspaper were seized by police and censored. At least five reporters were tortured by the police in the same period. In the words of Karadeniz, "such ruthless censorship and persecution was not even witnessed after 1980, following the military coup." It is now the basic duty of journalists and writers throughout the world and international organizations working on human rights, press freedoms and the freedom of expression to: -Protest immediately the closure of Ozgur Ulke in violation of international laws and agreements -Express concern for the safety of its employees and monitor developments related to them -Support any new initiative in Turkey and/or abroad to resurrect Ozgur Ulke in any form SEND YOUR PROTEST/CONCERN MESSAGES TO RELATED TURKISH AUTHORITIES, TURKISH PRESS ORGANIZATIONS AND TURKISH NEWSPAPERS NOW! Background: Friday's closure verdict was passed after the 1st Justice Court in Istanbul on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the newspaper and ordering for the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against this sentence to a higher court on Friday but before any legal action could be taken, the 2nd Justice Court of the same city passed the closure decision. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city's prosecutors office, both verdicts were signed by judges of the Justice Courts, which are practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. They claimed that "according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke," it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court last year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdicts signed by two judges said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of similar nature. The newspaper was not invited, before the verdict was passed, to make a defense. The court order concluded that under the evidence obtained, "it is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem and under these circumstance, according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680 it should be confiscated." Policemen relaying the order to newspaper executives said this effectively "outlawed" the publication and if Ozgur Ulke continued to print, its editorial board would be placed under immediate arrest. Judicial authorities speaking to Ozgur Ulke executives said they would have preferred not to carry out the order but that they were under "high level pressure" and feared that if they failed to close the paper down, it would be dealt with "in extra-judicial ways." Attorneys for Ozgur Ulke said Friday that the arbitrary nature of the verdicts had not even allowed time for a higher court to look into the issue whereas the closure order could have been returned if they were allowed to voice their defense. Further Persecution: Friday's verdict comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On Nov.30, 1994, Prime Minister Ciller issued a secret decree (an authentic copy was later later obtained and published in the Turkish press) for the "elimination" of the newspaper after which, on Dec.3, 1994, its four-story printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. Yet, Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from print" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law. As of Jan.6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a Prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected." Undesirable items, often some three to four pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each targeting a new report. Meanwhile, at least five reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office and other offices were raided. Journalists were "kidnapped" by the police and tortured. Some were tortured to sign false "confessions" against the newspaper's editorial board! Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship" often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign," 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by "unidentified" death squads and four reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later after being tortured and shot. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. The latest campaign, however, is different in context and it was clear from the very beginning that it aimed to close down the newspaper altogether. >Item Ends From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 19:08:41 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 19:08:41 Subject: TURKEY'S KILLING MACHINE: THE C Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: Re: TURKEY'S KILLING MACHINE: THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA FORCE (PART B) The Turkish government's murderous policy toward the Kurds is carried out by the huge, well-equipped army. The U.S. and other NATO allies are responsible for the arms build-up by the Turkish military and therefore indirectly responsible for the atrocities being committed against the Kurds. I am examining this situation in a taskforce on European security at the U of Washington. At a time when NATO is redefining itself and its criteria for admission of E.European countries(of which treatment of ethnic minorities will be of great importance-at least on paper), Turkey is an important case-study. If a NATO member can behave like Turkey, with the ort of its allies, it seems potential members will not take the criteria of minority rights seriously. And what does the lack of democracy in Turkey mean for these potential members and the whole restructuring of the security institutions in Europe? Any thoughts and resourcesz would be gretaly appreciated. Thankyou. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 19:08:42 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 19:08:42 Subject: TURKEY'S KILLING MACHINE: THE CONTR Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TURKEY'S KILLING MACHINE: THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA FORCE (PART B) Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force (part B) From: David Davidian From: aforum at moose.uvm.edu (Arm the Spirit) Sender: news at emba.uvm.edu Organization: University of Vermont -- Division of EMBA Computer Facility Date: Tue, 1 Mar 1994 22:31:44 GMT ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force By Serdar Celik Special Warfare Department And Paramilitary MHP During the 1970s the struggle for democracy was developing in Turkey. In Kurdistan the struggle for national liberation was growing. With the help of the MHP (National Action Party), which was brought onto the scene in the 70s, hundreds of students, workers, intellectuals, trades unionists and educationalists were murdered: the president of DISK (the Federation of Revolutionary Trades Unions) Kemal Turkler, the journalist Abdi Ipekci, Professor Dr Bedri Karafakiroglu, professors Umit Doganay and Cavit Orhan Tutengil, Umit Kaftancioglu, State Counsel Dogan Oz, security chief Cevat Yurdakul, University Professor Orhan Yavuz, Bedrettin Comert, Server Tanilli (who survived but remained disabled), Chair Adana Chamber of Agricultural Engineers Akin Ozdemir and hundreds more. In 1974 in Maras they massacred inumerable Kurdish and Alevi people - children, women and old folk and men. This preplanned act of genocide opened the way for the military coup of September 12, 1980. It is know from the experiences of various countries that the CIA works together with the police to organize paramilitary groups in the tactics of irregular warfare. William Colby wrote: "To prevent Turkey from falling into the hands of the communists, the CIA gave support to anti-communist institutions". (13) Retired general Sezsi Orkunt, ex-chief of the General Staff said: "The Turkish armed forces were more worried about the Left than the Right. The Right was organised in the MHP and its leader Turkes was helped on his way". (14) When the MHP's Ankara headquarters were searched at the time of the 1980 coup, the "Contra-Guerrilla Assignment 31/15 on the Model Plan for Underground Cells" was found there. (15) The MHP had obtained this plan from Colonel Mehmet Alanyuva of the Agents Section of the Special Warfare Department, the MHP's militants, who were organised in accordance with this plan, went on to perpetuate a veritable massacre against innocent people from the opposition. The CIA also employed the MHP militants for terrorist plots on an international level. For example, the murderer of the journalist Abdi Ipekci was the same man who in 1991 carried out the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul. The MHP is also organised in Europe, and particularly in Germany. Until 1976 it was organised there under the same title. After that in Europe they took on the title Avrupa Ulkucu Dernekleri Federasyonu (Federation of National Associations in Europe). The MHP's organisation in Germany maintains connections with the German Secret Service. The journalist Ugur Mumcu, who was assassinated in 1993, wrote: "These connections were set up in Cologne by a German named Kannabin". (16) The MHP has another patron in Germany - Rudi Nazar. He is a CIA agent who was for many years active in Ankara and was later transferred to Bonn. Jurgen Roth went into this matter in detail in his book "Criminals Incorporated" and came to the conclusion, based on information from a president of one of the republics of the former Soviet Union, that the MHP is also involved in the heroin trade in Germany. General Haydar Saltik, one of those responsible for the September 12, 1980 coup, later left the army and became Consul in the Turkish consulate in Berne. He renewed his contacts with the Turkish nationalists and sent 15,000 officers and MHP militants, who came under the Special Warfare Department and had already had a hand in many attacks against the Armenians, to Azerbaijan. After their training, these militants were sent to Baku. The attacks on the Kurdish population in Antalya and other Turkish towns during the past year were also carried out by the MIT and the MHP. The MHP is still the paramilitary wing of the Special Warfare Department. This time, however, it was more effective, since the entire state with all its constituent parts has grown into an even more racist, anti-Kurdish and paramilitary organisation. The Operations Of The Turkish Contra-Guerrillas The bloody work of the Special Warfare Department is so wide- ranging that we can not go into everything here. We will, therefore, go straight over to Kurdistan, where the contra- guerrillas are employed in the front line against the national liberation struggle. First, however, we would like to recount some of the decisive points of the decisive points of the contra- guerrillas' activities prior to 1980: Agents from the Special Warfare Department threw a bomb into the house in Thessallonika in Greece which was used as the Mustafa Kemal Museum, and blamed this act on the Greek police. Consequently, on the 6 and 7 of September 1955, fanatical groups fired up by the contra-guerrillas wrecked Greek homes and businesses in Istanbul. The most important actions of the Special Warfare Department were the three military coups. This Department was responsible for the coup of May 27, 1967 and above all for the last two coups of the March 12, 1971 and September 12, 1980. The then Foreign Minister Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, who was invited to Teheran a few days before March 12, 1971, learned from the Shah of Iran that there was going to be a coup in Turkey. (17) The then commander of the Turkish airforce, Muhsin Batur, went the the USA just before the coup of September 12, 1980. Again the then airforce commander Tahsin Sahinkaya flew to the USA and the coup took place two days after his return. Carter, who was at the opera when he heard about the coup, called Paul Henze, the CIA agent responsible for Turkey, and told him: " Your people have just made a coup". (18) The torture chambers which opened in 1971 gave the contra- guerrillas an important opportunity to gain practical experience. The contra-guerrilla generals who took people to the torture chambers in Ziverbay in Istanbul told their victims for the first time that they were prisoners of the contra-guerrillas. The interrogations were carried out by contra-guerrilla specialists called EBU (Correct Information Officers). A team of interrogation specialists called the DAL (Deep Investigation Laboratory) was set up by the political police in Ankara. These torture specialists murdered or caused permanent damage to hundreds of people. Later on, these teams were dispatched all over Turkey and especially Kurdistan. In 1971 the contra-guerrillas' torture was directed by General Faik Turun, Turgut Sonap and Memduh Unluturk. (*7) The invasion of Cyprus was an action of the Special Warfare Department. In 1955 the Department set up a secret organisation called the Turk Mukavemet Hareketi (Turkish Resistance Movement). This organisation carried out systematic provocations in Cyprus in order to prepare the conditions for the 1974 coup. To prepare for the occupation of Cyprus, teams directed by Hiram Abbas and the Special Warfare Department established themselves in Beirut, from where they could organise activities in Cyprus. The Cyprus invasion was organised by the then chief of the Special Warfare Department Kemal Yemek. Cyprus was the first serious test for the Turkish contra-guerrillas. After 1980 Kurdistan took the place of Cyprus in this respect. The State Security Courts are a product of the Special Warfare Department and they are assigned the task of restructuring the judicial process to fit the demands of the contra-guerrillas. In accordance with a directive of the contra-guerrillas, the the State Security Courts aim "not to condemn the defendants according to the punishments set out for the political crimes, but to administer punishments as severe as those set out for murder and other crimes against the person". (19) The detainees were severely tortured and then came before a contra-guerrilla court. Most of the judges have come from the military and are therefore tools of the Special Warfare Department. The murders and terrorist acts committed by the MHP were actions of the Special Warfare Department. Their purpose was to intimidate the opposition and prepare the conditions for a coup. The Special Warfare Department was successful in this task: on September 12, they carried out the military coup d'etat. This coup was the most important action of the contra-guerrillas. All arms of the state were reorganised on paramilitary lines. The Special Warfare Department gained control over the underworld (the Turkish mafia), the press, commerce, the judicial system, parliament, the universities and all other areas of society. All administrative organs and laws were restructured along the same lines. Sources: 1. Interview with the President of the Turkish General Staff Dogan Gures, "Milliyet" 5/6 September 1992 2. "Hurriyet" 26 November 1992 3. "Milliyet" 28 November 1990 4. "Cumhuriyet" 17 November 1990 5. "Directive ST 31/15 for Operations Against Irregular Forces" 6. "The Contra-Guerrillas and the MHP" Vol 1, Aydinlik Yayinlari, p19 and Talat Turhan "The Contra-Guerrilla Republic", p19 7. "The Contra-Guerrillas and the MHP", p16 8. " The American Military Doctrine, Report of the Rockerfeller Foundation", p356 9. "The Age of Imperialism", Harry Magdorff (translated by M. Emin Doger., "CIA, Contra-Guerrillas and Turkey"), p104 10. ibid. p122 11. McNamara, 1967 (US State Department of Defense) 12. Franco Salinas, "State of Emergency", pp82-88 13. "Cumhuriyet" 21 November 1990 14. "Hurriyet" 19 November 1990 15. "Gunes" 17 November 1990 16. Ugur Mumcu "Pope-Mafia-Agca" p143 17. Cuneyit Arcayurek "Coups and the Secret Services" p160 18. ibid. p190 19. "Directive ST 31/15 for Operations Against Irregular Forces" Notes: *1 The "Super-NATO" organisation was set up under the control of the CIA in all the NATO countries. The headquarters of this organisation was in Brussels and was named the Allied Coordination Committee (ACC). Secret meetings were held annually in which delegates from all the member countries took part. The official purpose of the organisation is "to organise resistance using irregular warfare methods in case of a communist occupation". The organisation has at its disposal special funds and weapons depots. It is not answerable for its activities under the laws of the individual member states. The organisation's branch in Italy was called "Gladio", in Germany "Anti-Communist Assault Unit", in Greece " Hide of the Red Buck", in Belgium "Glavia". The "Super- NATO" also set up branch organisations in non-NATO countries such as Austria and Switzerland. *2 Referring to contra-guerrilla warfare conducted by the USA, former U.S. Secretary of State McNamara explained that "partisan wars call for a change in our understanding of warfare. In regions where partisan war has broken out, what is needed is not a great number of military units and weapons, but rather small units who have been well trained in guerrilla and counter-guerrilla tactics and armed with special weapons".(8) The American Delta Forces, the British Special Air Service (SAS), the Italian Special Forces Section and the German GSG-9 are units of this type. The former U.S. President Johnson declared in 1964 that 344 contra-guerrilla units had been trained by the USA in 49 countries of the world. *3 In the 70s the following persons, among others, who still occupy important positions today, were members of the Turkish police and secret service: Sekru Balci, Ilgaz Aykutlu, Kenan Koc, Umit Erdal, Hiram Abbas (who was killed in 1990 [by militants of the armed communist organization Devrimci Sol, was in the 70s one of the three most influential persons in the MIT), Mehmet Aymur (Abbas' right-hand man in the MIT), Hayri Kozakcioglu (who was trained by Scotland Yard and in 1987 made Governor with Special Powers), Unal Erkan (at that time Kozakcioglu's successor as "Supergovernor" in diyarbakir). *4 Divided among the 55 million people of the Turkish and Kurdish population, this means 949 Turkish Lira per head that every Turk and Kurd have to pay in order to finance the "work" of spying, torture and murder of this gang of killers. *5 Professors Abdulhaluk Cay, Ibrahim Kafescioglu, Bahattin Ogel, Ertugrul Zekai Okte, Aydin Yalcin, among others. *6 "In 1967 the CIA's budget for the funding of 'useful friends and elements' abroad was raised to 10 million U.S. dollars per year. Most of these funds flowed through our trade unions, student unions and special institutions into foreign institutions. The use of our trade unions and associations as a sort of screen prevented it from becoming known that the source of these funds was in reality the CIA". (Fron the book "CIA, Secret Services and Democracy" by the former CIA chief Stanfield Turner). *7 Faik Turun became an MP for the AP (Justice Party) in 1977. Turgut Sunalp became a minister in parliament in 1982 as a member of the MDP (National Democratic Party). The retired Memduh Unluturk was killed by militants of the organization Devrimci Sol -+- + Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0) ============================================================================= From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Mon Feb 6 21:18:27 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 06 Feb 1995 21:18:27 Subject: AI: Turkey bulletin Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: AI: Turkey bulletin Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ---------- Forwarded from : Ray Mitchel ---------- +------------------------------------------------------+ + AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL URGENT ACTION BULLETIN + + Electronic distribution authorised + + This bulletin expires: 20 March 1995. + +------------------------------------------------------+ EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: EUR 44/27/95 Distr: UA/SC 6 February 1995 Further information on UA 450/94 (EUR 44/157/94, 22 December 1994) - and follow-up(s): EUR 44/04/95, 6 January 1995; EUR 44/12/95, 13 January 1995 - Prisoners of Conscience TURKEY Mahmut Sakar, lawyer, secretary of Diyarbakir branch of the Turkish Human Rights Association (HRA) Nimetullah Gunduz, lawyer, board member of Diyarbakir HRA Abdullah Cager, lawyer, board member of Diyarbakir HRA Melike Alp (f), board member of Diyarbakir branch of HRA On 13 February 1995 the trial of seven leading officials of the Turkish Human Rights Association branch in Diyarbakir is to begin. Four of the defendants - Mahmut Sakar, Nimetullah Gunduz, Abdullah Cager and Melike Alp - are in prison and are considered prisoners of conscience, while three (unnamed) are still wanted by the police. The three lawyers Mahmut Sakar, Nimetullah Gunduz, and Abdullah Cager were arrested on 16 December 1994 and are now in Diyarbakir E-type Prison. Melike Alp was arrested on 30 December and is now in Diyarbakir Central Closed Prison. All seven officials of the Diyarbakir branch of the HRA were initially imprisoned for publishing a report on human rights violations in southeast Turkey, and charged under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law with "separatist propaganda". However, the indictment subsequently drawn up now also contains the charge of membership of the illegal Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), under Article 168 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC). Prison sentences of up to 15 years are being sought by the prosecution, as well as the closure of the branch of the HRA in Diyarbakir. This branch is the last still functioning in the 10 provinces under emergency legislation. Moreover, the three imprisoned lawyers have acted as defence counsel in many political cases. Having studied the indictment, Amnesty International believes that the seven HRA officials are being prosecuted because of their human rights work and considers those imprisoned to be prisoners of conscience. BACKGROUND INFORMATION Sources of information on human rights abuses in southeast Turkey are being systematically stifled. Scrutiny of the rapidly deteriorating human rights situation by outside agencies is becoming increasingly difficult. In its attempts to conceal the true extent of human rights violations in Turkey the government is prosecuting Turkish human rights defenders, closing down branches of the Turkish Human Rights Association and taking other measures to curtail the freedom of opposition press and political organizations. In September 1994, Amnesty International's researcher on Turkey was refused permission to enter the country. ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Wed Feb 15 23:18:51 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 15 Feb 1995 23:18:51 Subject: AI: Turkey bulletin References: Message-ID: From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl (Tabe Kooistra) Subject: Re: AI: Turkey bulletin Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ---------- Forwarded from : Ray Mitchel ---------- +------------------------------------------------------+ + AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL URGENT ACTION BULLETIN + + Electronic distribution authorised + + This bulletin expires: 29 March 1995. + +------------------------------------------------------+ EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: EUR 44/32/95 Distr: UA/SC UA 38/95 Possible "disappearance" 15 February 1995 / Fear for safety TURKEY Osman Kundes, Kurdish trade unionist, father of six There is grave concern for the safety of Osman Kundes, who has not been seen or heard of since 6 February 1995 when he was abducted in front of his house in Batman, southeast Turkey. He is the President of the Municipality Workers' Union's (Belediye-Is Sendikasi) branch in Batman. At 4.30pm on 6 February, Osman Kundes came home from his office in his trade union car. His 16-year-old son saw him arrive and went outside to greet his father. The son then witnessed two men aged between 20 and 25 approach his father and ask him to come with them on some urgent business. Osman Kundes told them that he was hungry and would prefer to talk after the evening meal or the following day, but they insisted that it was urgent. So Osman Kundes asked his son to come with them. The son went briefly inside the house to get his coat, but minutes later, when he came back outside, his father and the two men had gone. A woman who had observed the scene, later said that she saw Osman Kundes sitting in the front passenger seat of his trade union car, while one of the men drove and the other sat in the back. A second car was following. The trade union car was found abandoned the following day about 70 kilometres away on the road between Batman and Kozluk. The family's inquiries with the authorities for information about Osman Kundes's whereabouts have so far been unsuccessful. BACKGROUND INFORMATION The conflict in southeast Turkey between government forces and guerrillas of the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK) has claimed more than 14,000 lives since it began in August 1984. Police operations against suspected PKK supporters and other Kurdish activists are being carried out all over Turkey. A state of emergency remains in force in 10 provinces in the east and southeast including Batman. Any person suspected of supporting the PKK is at serious risk of torture, "disappearance" or extrajudicial execution. In 1994 there were more than 50 reported "disappearances", and more than 400 people were killed in unclarified circumstances. In most cases the victims were shot by unidentified assailants in the streets of cities in the southeast such as Batman, where a member of parliament was shot in 1993. Relatives believe that they have been killed for political reasons by agents of the state. Reports indicate that eight people became victims of unclarified murders in Batman in January 1995. In February 1993, a cross-party parliamentary commission was established to investigate these "murders by unknown persons", but two years later, when the total death toll has risen to well over 1,200, the commission has still not submitted a final report nor proposed any concrete measures to put a halt to the murders. +-----------------------------------------------------------+ + Supporters of Amnesty International around the world are + + writing urgent appeals in response to the concerns + + described above. If you would like to join with them in + + this action or have any queries about the Urgent Action + + network or Amnesty International in general, please + + contact one of the following: + + + + Ray Mitchell, rmitchellai at gn.apc.org (UK) + + Scott Harrison, sharrison at igc.apc.org (USA) + + Guido Gabriel, ggabriel at amnesty.cl.sub.de (Germany) + + Marilyn McKim, aito at web.apc.org (Canada) + +-----------------------------------------------------------+ ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- From ats at etext.org Mon Feb 6 23:19:29 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 06 Feb 1995 23:19:29 Subject: KURD-A: ARGK Balance Sheet For Janu Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: KURD-A: ARGK Balance Sheet For January 1995 Kurdistan Committee of Canada 2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203 Ottawa, Ontario K1V 8B9 Canada Tel: (613) 733-9634 Fax: (613) 733-0090 KURD-A Documentation February 5, 1995 "69 Soldiers, 49 Village Guards, And 7 Counter-Guerrillas Killed" The press office of the ARGK in Botan has released press statement #46, stating: "Our party, which held its 5th Congress in 1994, which we called the Victory Congress, will reach its highest point of victory by becoming a popular force in the liberated areas." The ARGK press office also released the following balance sheet for January 1995: - In January 1995, a total of 56 different military actions were carried out. During these actions, a total of 69 soldiers (including 11 higher officers) were killed and 52 (including 2 higher officers) were wounded. (This does not include casualty figures kept secret by the government.) The number of village guards killed was 49 with 24 village guards wounded. 7 counter- guerrillas were killed. - In January 1995, 29 ARGK guerrillas were killed and 7 were wounded. The wounded persons were treated as best as possible. - During guerrilla actions in January 1995, the following military hardware was confiscated from the Turkish army and village guards: 7 Kalaschnikovs, 5 hunting rifles, 2 G3 rifles, 1,200 rounds of G3 ammunition, 6 mortar shells, 20 rounds of BKC ammunition, 11 Kalaschnikov munition loaders, 7 GE munition loaders, 6 hand grenades, 5 B7-rockets, 1 60-rocket, 2 MG3 additions, 1 battery, 10 bags of military supplies, 9 military tents, 4 military vests, 1 tank of fuel, and various other military items. Furthermore, 250 letters written by Turkish soldiers were confiscated. - In January, 10 military transporters, 1 jeep, 1 digger, 2 tractors, 2 helicopters, 1 bus, and 2 armoured cars were destroyed by our guerrillas. There were also 3 pipelines, 1 power pylon, and 7 telephone poles completely destroyed. - 90 collaborators, who realized their own treason after the actions of ARGK guerrillas, put down their weapons and surrendered. From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Tue Feb 7 02:28:11 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 07 Feb 1995 02:28:11 Subject: KURD-A: ARGK Balance Sheet For Janu References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: KURD-A: ARGK Balance Sheet For January 1995 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl --------------- Forwarded from : Arm The Spirit ---------------- Kurdistan Committee of Canada 2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203 Ottawa, Ontario K1V 8B9 Canada Tel: (613) 733-9634 Fax: (613) 733-0090 KURD-A Documentation February 5, 1995 "69 Soldiers, 49 Village Guards, And 7 Counter-Guerrillas Killed" The press office of the ARGK in Botan has released press statement #46, stating: "Our party, which held its 5th Congress in 1994, which we called the Victory Congress, will reach its highest point of victory by becoming a popular force in the liberated areas." The ARGK press office also released the following balance sheet for January 1995: - In January 1995, a total of 56 different military actions were carried out. During these actions, a total of 69 soldiers (including 11 higher officers) were killed and 52 (including 2 higher officers) were wounded. (This does not include casualty figures kept secret by the government.) The number of village guards killed was 49 with 24 village guards wounded. 7 counter- guerrillas were killed. - In January 1995, 29 ARGK guerrillas were killed and 7 were wounded. The wounded persons were treated as best as possible. - During guerrilla actions in January 1995, the following military hardware was confiscated from the Turkish army and village guards: 7 Kalaschnikovs, 5 hunting rifles, 2 G3 rifles, 1,200 rounds of G3 ammunition, 6 mortar shells, 20 rounds of BKC ammunition, 11 Kalaschnikov munition loaders, 7 GE munition loaders, 6 hand grenades, 5 B7-rockets, 1 60-rocket, 2 MG3 additions, 1 battery, 10 bags of military supplies, 9 military tents, 4 military vests, 1 tank of fuel, and various other military items. Furthermore, 250 letters written by Turkish soldiers were confiscated. - In January, 10 military transporters, 1 jeep, 1 digger, 2 tractors, 2 helicopters, 1 bus, and 2 armoured cars were destroyed by our guerrillas. There were also 3 pipelines, 1 power pylon, and 7 telephone poles completely destroyed. - 90 collaborators, who realized their own treason after the actions of ARGK guerrillas, put down their weapons and surrendered. ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Tue Feb 7 21:17:34 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 07 Feb 1995 21:17:34 Subject: ANTHOLOGY OF KURDISH POETRY IN ENGL Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: ANTHOLOGY OF KURDISH POETRY IN ENGLISH ANTHOLOGY OF CONTEMPORARY KURDISH POETRY IN ENGLISH Foreword by Harold Pinter, introduction by Sheri Laizer, edited by Estella Schmid, Sheri Laizer and Kamal Mirawdeli, with photographs by Ed Kashi, Richard Wayman, Carolyne Austin, Martin Pope, Peter Grant and Mark Campbell. A first Anthology of Contemporary Kurdish Poetry in English was published on 17 December 1994 by the Kurdistan Solidarity Committe and Yashar Ismail with the additional assistance of a grant from the London Arts Board. The anthology features poets from all four parts of divided Kurdistan, including contributions by well-known poets from Iraqi Kurdistan like Sherko Bekas and Rafiq Sabir, and young poets like Rabun Belengaz and Adar Jiyan from Kurdistan of Turkey. Other poets include: Azad Dilzar, Marif Omar Gut, Latif Halmat, Mohammed Khaki, Kamal Mirawdeli, Abdullah Pashwer, Farhad Shakely and Shahin B. Sorekli. The Anthology of Contemporary Kurdish Poetry is available from the Kurdistan Solidarity Committee (KSC). Price 3.50 Pounds sterling (+50 p for postage) [=$10.00 including postage and handling]. For further details and copies of the book contact: Kurdistan Solidarity Committee (KSC) 44 Ainger Road London NW3 3AT tel/fax 071 586 5892 ------------------adapted from: KURDISTAN REPORT 20 (Jan-Feb 1995)-------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 17:28:15 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 17:28:15 Subject: Turkey hunger strikers in hospi Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: Turkey hunger strikers in hospital, police arrests Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ---- Forwarded from : nyt at nyxfer.blythe.org (NY Transfer News Collective) ------ Turkey hunger strikers in hospital, police arrests ISTANBUL, Feb 3 (Reuter) - Ten Turkish prisoners, who have been on hunger strike for almost five weeks to press for better conditions, are in hospital, an official of the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) said on Friday. ``We don't know exactly what is wrong with them but there are other people on the hunger strike who can't even stand up anymore,'' Dervis Altun, an official with the Izmir branch, told Reuters. The 10 prisoners, sent to hospital on Thursday, are part of a group of 300 -- many of them Kurds -- living on only water, salt and sugar to protest against prison conditions, including alleged torture and routine beatings. About 150 of them started their fast on December 21 while others, including the 10 in hospital, joined later. Police later on Friday detained 93 people, including many women, for illegally occupying a local government building in Izmir to demand the prisoners' conditions be met, IHD said. The prisoners on hunger strike are all sentenced or are on trial for being members of separatist Kurdish guerrilla groups or illegal leftist organisations. IHD officials said some of the strikers, from two prisons near the Aegean port city Izmir, could be near death. Altun said negotiations among prison officials, the prisoners' lawyers and others were continuing but there was no word whether Friday's meeting would resolve differences. Negotiations have stalled over demands that doors to the prisoner wards be open during the day so prisoners can mingle, and each political faction be allowed to elect its own ward representative, lawyers said. Officials from the justice ministry could not be reached for comment. The prisoners have a list of 50 demands and complaints. They say they are beaten when taken in and out of cells, special dietary needs are ignored and there are no curtains or doors to give them privacy in showers and toilets. REUTER Reut11:24 02-03 Reuter N:Copyright 1995, Reuters News Service . -- + 212-675-9690 NY TRANSFER NEWS COLLECTIVE 212-675-9663 + + Since 1985: Information for the Rest of Us + + e-mail: nyt at blythe.org info: info at blythe.org + ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 17:29:27 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 17:29:27 Subject: Pro-Kurdish paper published des Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: Pro-Kurdish paper published despite court order Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ---- Forwarded from : nyt at nyxfer.blythe.org (NY Transfer News Collective) ------ Pro-Kurdish paper published despite court order By Aliza Marcus ISTANBUL, Feb 3 (Reuter) - Turkey's leading pro-Kurdish newspaper hit the streets on Friday despite court orders to confiscate copies for alleged separatist propaganda. The daily Ozgur Ulke's editor-in-chief Baki Karadeniz told Reuters the court's decision on Thursday and again on Friday opened the way for the paper to be shut down completely but under Turkey's press laws this could not happen immediately. Karadeniz said the court's ruling was an attempt to silence the newspaper -- whose staff complain of frequent harassment by police -- because of its close coverage of the 10-year Kurdish guerrilla war for control of southeast Turkey. ``Their aim right now is just to put as many obstacles in our path and our readers' path,'' he said. The court's rulings were based on a decision that Ulke, which started up last April, was a continuation of a previous pro-Kurdish paper, Ozgur Gundem, closed down by the state security court last April for separatist propaganda, according to a copy faxed to Reuters. The court's rulings so far have been issued too late to stop actual distribution of the newspaper, Mustafa Ayzit, a lawyer for Ulke, told Reuters. ``They may be worried that if they shut the paper completely international reaction will be harsh, so instead they try to block it like this because it looks less harsh,'' he said. Turkey's human rights record is being watched closely by Western countries, especially after the December sentencing of eight Kurdish MPs to up to 15 years in prison largely on the basis of statements critical of Turkey's Kurdish policies. Dismay over the sentencing, in addition to repeated allegations of torture and forced evacuations of Kurdish villages in the southeast, helped Greece veto a proposed customs pact between Turkey and the European Union. The issue will be discussed next month. The court's decision to confiscate Ulke was criticised by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. ``Whether or not Ozgur Ulke is a successor of Ozgur Gundem is not the issue,'' executive director William Orme said. ``The fact is that a newspaper has been ordered confiscated because it disagrees with the government on a sensitive issue. It is yet another example of how the Turkish government has gotten tougher on the opposition press,'' he said. Over 100 writers, intellectuals, lawyers and trade unionists are in prison in Turkey on charges of separatist propaganda stemming from written or verbal statements contrary to official Turkish views on the country's Kurdish minority. REUTER Reut08:06 02-03 Reuter N:Copyright 1995, Reuters News Service . -- + 212-675-9690 NY TRANSFER NEWS COLLECTIVE 212-675-9663 + + Since 1985: Information for the Rest of Us + + e-mail: nyt at blythe.org info: info at blythe.org + ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 17:31:58 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 17:31:58 Subject: Ambargoyu delip gOnderiyoruz Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: Ambargoyu delip gOnderiyoruz VOA, 4 saat kadar sonra yayImlanmak Uzere, biraz Once $u haberi geCti: date=2/7/95 /// eds note: Embargoed until 00:01 GMT Wednesday /// Intro: The human rights group, Amnesty International, has released a scathing report on abuses in Turkey. The London-based group says torture and disappearances occur on a daily basis, and these actions are masked by a government policy of outright denial. VOA's Christine Furnell reports from London. Text: Amnesty says Kurdish villagers are suffering the brunt of human rights abuses committed by both government forces and guerrillas of the Kurdish Workers' Party, the PKK. There has been unrest in the mainly Kurdish provinces of east and southeastern Turkey for many years, and the area is under a state of emergency. Amnesty researcher Jonathan Sugden, says the Kurdish villagers are used as pawns in the conflict between the government and the PKK. /// Sugden act /// Kurdish villages are constantly being evacuated and burned down. Normally, what happens is the government asks them to join the system of government-appointed village guards. They get arms and money and then, they are supposed to oppose the PKK entering the village. If they refuse to join the village guard system, then their village is very often burned or demolished using explosives and the villagers are forced to move on. These sort of operations are often carried out with a good deal of ill treatment, sometimes torture, and also many villagers have also disappeared during village destructions. However, if they join (the government sponsored units) they may be subjected to attack by the PKK. /// end act /// Mr. Sugden says between one-thousand and two thousand villages have been destroyed in this way. During intense military operations against the PKK in the Tunceli area last year, Amnesty says dozens of villages were forcibly evacuated and burned, and several villagers disappeared while others were found dead. Amnesty says that despite testimony from dozens of eyewitnesses to the contrary, the Turkish government insisted the atrocities were carried out by PKK guerrillas disguised as government troops. But Amnesty also says government abuses have been matched by the PKK, which has also carried out summary executions and killed civilians believed to support the government. // opt // The group says human rights abuses are not restricted to the political arena. It says common criminals or those suspected of petty crimes are often tortured. Amnesty is urging Turkey to implement safeguards against this practice including shortening the detention period and allowing immediate access to medical and legal aid. // end opt // // opt // Amnesty International accuses the Turkish government of also attempting to conceal the scale of the violations by targetting human rights defenders in the country. The group says branches of the Turkish Human Rights Association have been closed down and measures curtailing press freedom and political opposition organizations have been implemented. // end opt // Among its recommendations, Amnesty urged countries that export goods to Turkey to ensure that transfers of military equipment do not exacerbate the rights violations. The group said it has received reports that imported armored vehicles, helicopters and other aircraft have been used in security operations in the Kurdish southeast. /// Sugden act /// Governments have a duty to monitor the use of the equipment that they are selling. They should take an interest in what is going on, how this equipment is being used. They should make visits to the country, they should take statements from villagers or people in the area when there are allegations that this sort of equipment has been used. They must get to the bottom of it and only when they are satisfied that their equipment is not being used to commit violations should they continue to issue licenses for the export. /// end act /// Amnesty says in recent years there has been a growing tide of concern over Turkey's human rights record and urges the international community to take action through such organizations as the United Nations and the European Union. The Turkish Embassy in London had no comment on Amnesty's findings. (signed) /// eds note: Do not use this before 00:01 GMT Wednesday /// Source: Voice of America From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Thu Feb 9 21:16:51 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 09 Feb 1995 21:16:51 Subject: ANNOUNCING NEW BOOK ON YEZIDISM Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: ANNOUNCING NEW BOOK ON YEZIDISM Dear friends, I am extremely happy to announce the publication on a new book on the Yezidis by Philip Kreyenbroek of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London. It is entitled YEZIDISM: ITS BACKGROUND, OBSERVANCES AND TEXTUAL TRADITION (Lewiston, NY : The Edwin Mellen Press, 1995) Please apply directly to the publisher with order requests: The Edwin Mellen Press, PO Box 450, Lewiston, NY 14092, USA tel. (716) 754-2788 [in the USA and Canada] (44-0570) 423 356 [in the UK] From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Thu Feb 9 23:20:36 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 09 Feb 1995 23:20:36 Subject: Turkey: balance-sheet of humanright Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Turkey: balance-sheet of humanrights violations in 1994 Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl Turkey: balance-sheet of humanrights violations in 1994 Source: IHD Arrests: 1209 Arrests without warrant; temporarily 14473 Disappeared (probably killed) during detention 328 Murders by "unknown perpetuators" (contra's) 292 Killed by torture while detained 1000 Stateforces attacks aimed at civilians: 458 Killed and 5.574 injured Killed in armed fights 5000 Destroyed and burned down villages 1500 Burned forrest areas 31 Forbidden unions, organisations and publications 123 Attacks at organisations, unions, parties and publishers 119 Bombattacks at organisations, Parties, unions buildings of publishers 191 Prison-sentences and fines 553 Years and 5 months and 55 billion, 725 million TL People imprisoned for expression of their opinion 100 From ats at etext.org Sat Feb 11 14:41:50 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:41:50 Subject: ERNK Statement Concerning Amnesty I Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: ERNK Statement Concerning Amnesty International ERNK Statement Concerning Amnesty International On Wednesday, January 8, 1994, Amnesty International published a report concerning human rights abuses in Turkey and Kurdistan. The National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) has a positive opinion of this report, but the report was not sufficient nor was it complete. The situation in our country is one of total war wherein the Turkish Republic is carrying out unlimited state terror. The fact that Amnesty International equates the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) - which is struggling for the national and democratic rights of the Kurdish people - with the Turkish government has more to do with Amnesty International's political worries rather than objectivity. In order to lessen the reactions from the Turkish side, which are not justified, Amnesty follows this line. There can be no talk whatsoever of actions by the PKK aimed at civilians. In this sense, the report names a few teachers and villagers without seeking a closer explanation. We would like to emphasize the following: Turkey pays certain teachers to gather intelligence material to be passed on to the secret service and the army. Despite this fact, the PKK came and issued several warnings. But some of these people were members of the MIT (Turkish intelligence agency) who were involved in murder attacks against out people. The number of these people killed is very limited. Also, the "village guards", who are armed and paid by the state to carry out tasks for the army, should be considered as legitimate targets. To refer to these people as civilians means to mislead the international public opinion. Village guards, who use their homes as the front lines, are responsible for the burning of villages and the deaths of hundreds of villagers and guerrillas. The Turkish state is responsible for all of this by making the villages targets in military actions. In January 1995, the PKK sent a communique to the Swiss government and to the International Red Cross stating the party's willingness to adhere to international accords such as the Geneva Convention of August 12, 1949 and the First Protocol of 1977. Turkey, in addition to its violations against the Convention, is not even a signatory to the First Protocol of 1977. According to preparations which have been made, it looks as though the war will become even worse in 1995. Our party would like to state once again its desire to end this dirty war and to search for a democratic and political solution to this question. Ali Sapan, ERNK European Spokesperson February 8, 1995 From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Sat Feb 11 14:42:13 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:42:13 Subject: soc.culture.kurd FINAL REMINDER (if Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: soc.culture.kurd FINAL REMINDER (if you voted, disregard) Dear friends, the call for votes (CFV) for soc.culture.kurdish is started PLEASE SEND IN YOUR VOTE FOR ESTABLISHING BY FEBRUARY 13 !!!!! Below is the complete text of the CFV, it can also be seen on the Newsnet on different groups, eg. news.groups,news.announce.newgroups,soc.cult ure.iranian, soc.culture.turkish, soc.culture.arabic,alt.politic s.ec,soc.culture.greek,talk.politics.mideast,sci.anthropology,talk.politics.sovi et *******************************CFV******************************** FIRST CALL FOR VOTES (of 2) unmoderated group soc.culture.kurdish Newsgroups line: soc.culture.kurdish People from Kurdistan and Kurds around the world. Votes must be received by 23:59:59 UTC, 13 February 1995. This vote is being conducted by a neutral third party. For voting questions only contact rdippold at qualcomm.com. For questions about the proposed group contact A.Stam . CHARTER This newsgroup will be established as a forum for sharing ideas and information about the culture, history, social and political devolepments in Kurdistan or related to Kurdistan. This newsgroup will provide open discussions on the issue of Kurdish Question, that is shared by different countries where Kurds currently live. This news group will also be accessable for other people from Kurdistan and others who believe that they have any kind of relationship with Kurdistan. The discussions will be in English or in different dialects of Kurdish (languages within Kurdish family). RATIONALE Periodically, interest in a group to discuss the Kurdish issue has been expressed. Questions concerning Kurdish problem have been posted in various newsgroups. It is widely felt that due to its context (the Kurdish problem) the other groups like soc.culture.turkish are inadequate for this purpose, not only because of different languages but also for the reason that just only one part of Kurdistan shares some common background with Turkey. So it is felt that a seperate newsgroup is suitable. This Newsgroup will virtually connect the vast scattered people from Kurdistan and hopefully it might contribute to bring the seperated dialects of Kurdish to a single national language. HOW TO VOTE Send MAIL to: voting at qualcomm.com Just Replying should work if you are not reading this on a mailing list. Your mail message should contain one of the following statements: I vote YES on soc.culture.kurdish I vote NO on soc.culture.kurdish You may also ABSTAIN in place of YES/NO - this will not affect the outcome. Anything else may be rejected by the automatic vote counting program. The votetaker will respond to your received ballots with a personal acknowledge- ment by mail - if you do not receive one within several days, try again. It's your responsibility to make sure your vote is registered correctly. One vote counted per person, no more than one per account. Addresses and votes of all voters will be published in the final voting results list. ***************************END OF THE CFV********************************* From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Sat Feb 11 14:42:25 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:42:25 Subject: NOTE:>CFV:soc.culture.kurdish Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: NOTE:>CFV:soc.culture.kurdish Dear friends, I have to make two announcements. 1) The closing time on voting for soc.culture.kurdish is 13 February 1995 (23:59:59 UTC). Those who have voted, but did not receive any acknowledgment mail, within four days (or until now), from rdippold at qualcomm.com should vote again. 2) I have tried to place a note on certain groups that was related to soc.culture.kurdish, an example of this note could be seen on the following USENET groups: soc.culture.iranian, soc.culture.arabic, soc.culture.turkish, soc.culture.greek, soc.culture.europe, soc.culture.bulgaria, soc.rights.human, alt.religion.zoroastrianism, alt.politics.ec, alt.politics.europe.misc, eunet.politics, alt.society.revolution, talk.politics.mideast, talk.politics.soviet, talk.religion.misc, sci.anthropology, sci.archaeology. You can make a copy of this note and put it on other related groups (but do not go overboard, since this may cause flames). THANKS, KOCERO From ats at etext.org Sat Feb 11 14:42:50 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:42:50 Subject: ARGK: Balance Sheet For January 199 Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: ARGK: Balance Sheet For January 1995 KURD-A Documentation February 5, 1995 "69 Soldiers, 49 Village Guards, And 7 Counter-Guerrillas Killed" The press office of the ARGK in Botan has released press statement #46, stating: "Our party, which held its 5th Congress in 1994, which we called the Victory Congress, will reach its highest point of victory by becoming a popular force in the liberated areas." The ARGK press office also released the following balance sheet for January 1995: - In January 1995, a total of 56 different military actions were carried out. During these actions, a total of 69 soldiers (including 11 higher officers) were killed and 52 (including 2 higher officers) were wounded. (This does not include casualty figures kept secret by the government.) The number of village guards killed was 49 with 24 village guards wounded. 7 counter- guerrillas were killed. - In January 1995, 29 ARGK guerrillas were killed and 7 were wounded. The wounded persons were treated as best as possible. - During guerrilla actions in January 1995, the following military hardware was confiscated from the Turkish army and village guards: 7 Kalaschnikovs, 5 hunting rifles, 2 G3 rifles, 1,200 rounds of G3 ammunition, 6 mortar shells, 20 rounds of BKC ammunition, 11 Kalaschnikov munition loaders, 7 GE munition loaders, 6 hand grenades, 5 B7-rockets, 1 60-rocket, 2 MG3 additions, 1 battery, 10 bags of military supplies, 9 military tents, 4 military vests, 1 tank of fuel, and various other military items. Furthermore, 250 letters written by Turkish soldiers were confiscated. - In January, 10 military transporters, 1 jeep, 1 digger, 2 tractors, 2 helicopters, 1 bus, and 2 armoured cars were destroyed by our guerrillas. There were also 3 pipelines, 1 power pylon, and 7 telephone poles completely destroyed. - 90 collaborators, who realized their own treason after the actions of ARGK guerrillas, put down their weapons and surrendered. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sat Feb 11 14:43:10 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:43:10 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 6-8, Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 6-8, 1995 KURD-A News Updates February 6-8, 1995 Turkish security forces stationed in the region of Habizbina near Mardin were attacked by ARGK guerrillas early in the morning on February 5 after they had left their barracks. During the fighting, which lasted until evening, 5 soldiers were killed. Guerrillas also attacked other Turkish army posts in Mardin-Raha. We have no more details concerning these attacks at this time. (06.02.95) A large Turkish army operation is presently underway in the Omeryan region near Mardin. According to our correspondents, soldiers and village guards have attacked villages and mistreated the villagers. (06.02.95) According to a neutral military observer, there will be major Turkish army operations in North Kurdistan this spring. The Kurdish New Year's celebration, Newroz, which is banned in Turkey, has in the past years led to confrontations between the population and the Turkish security forces. The big army operations are designed to stop this. The spring offensive will also try to prevent attacks from Kurdish guerrillas. This offensive will largely be directed against the Kurdish population. (06.02.95) According to KURD-A correspondents, these has been heavy fighting for several days between ARGK guerrillas and Turkish army units in the mountain region near Silopi. The number of solider and guerrilla casualties is not known. But some inhabitants have reported a high number of soldiers killed. (07.02.95) Our correspondents have uncovered evidence of cooperation between Turkish security forces and counter-guerrilla terrorists in the Bingol-Solhan region. These people, whose names are known, were directly involved in murder, interrogation (torture), and the burning of villages. Some of these names are: Huseyin Tekdemir, Ayhan Adar, Hasan Balcik, and Mehmet Yazicioglu. (07.02.95) Osman Kuntas, a city worker in Batman, was kidnapped by two "unknown persons" on February 7. He was grabbed outside of his home and driven away in his own car. Osman Kuntas' car was later found abandoned in the road between Batman and Kozluk. There is no trace of Osman Kuntas. The Kuntas family is afraid that he has been kidnapped by the counter-guerrilla and they fear for his life. (08.02.95) The Erzincan correspondent for the pro-Kurdish newspaper Ozgur Ulke disappeared on February 7 when he went to pick up a package. The correspondent, Bulent Kaya, received a package slip from an unknown shipping company. He went to pick it up and has not been seen since. Bulent Kaya's friends have told our correspondents in Erzincan that he had received many threatening letters and calls recently. (08.02.95) Various news agencies have reported that 18 PKK guerrillas were killed during fighting in Dersim-Hozat province on February 6-7. But according to our correspondents in the region, and according to the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan), the guerrillas killed were not ARGK fighters but rather members of a different, smaller organization. (08.02.95) On February 6, there was a fight between ARGK guerrillas and Turkish security forces in the village of Siremek in the Sason region. During the fighting, 2 soldiers were killed. After the guerrillas retreated, Turkish soldiers tortured the village inhabitants and killed 2 people. (08.02.95) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sat Feb 11 14:43:28 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 11 Feb 1995 14:43:28 Subject: 'Ozgur Ulke' Banned! Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: 'Ozgur Ulke' Banned! Ozgur Ulke Closed Down! Turkey Delivers New Blow To Freedom Of Expression Journalists Fear Extra-Judicial Killings May Begin Turkey's leading pro-Kurdish daily newspaper Ozgur Ulke (Free Country) was closed down on Friday, February 3 and banned from further publication. The closure followed months of official persecution directed at the paper in the form of bombings, assassinations, confiscation, and the kidnapping of reporters and editorial personnel. Journalists working for the newspaper now fear they may be marked for further extra-judicial killings and call upon colleagues and international organizations to take urgent action in support of their guaranteed right to life and to collect, express, and impart information. Friday's verdict for closure was passed by an Istanbul Justice Court in line with a decision of the National Security Council Coordination Board taken on January 5, 1995, to "eliminate" all dissident voices in Turkey "within the boundaries of law". "By closing down Ozgur Ulke, the state has delivered a serious blow to the freedom of expression in Turkey and silenced the only remaining opposition voice," Baki Karadeniz, the newspaper's editor-in-chief, said Saturday. The newspaper has been in print for nine months and was openly marked as a target "to be eliminated" by Prime Minister Tansu Ciller in a secret decree she sent to relevant government offices on November 30, 1994. Immediately after the decree, on December 3, 1994, Ozgur Ulke's four-storey printing facility in Istanbul, its editorial headquarters in the same city, and its main bureau in Ankara were blasted to pieces in a serial bombing campaign. Following this attack, police launched raids on Ozgur Ulke offices in different parts of the country, and as of January 6, all issues of the newspaper were seized by police and censored. At least 5 reporters were tortured by the police during the same period. In the words of Karadeniz, "Such ruthless censorship and persecution was not even witnessed after 1980 following the military coup." It is now the basic duty of journalists and writers throughout the world and international organizations working on human rights, press freedoms, and the freedom of expression to: - Protest immediately the closure of Ozgur Ulke in violation of international laws and agreements; - Express concern for the safety of its employees and monitor developments related to them; - Support any new initiative in Turkey and/or abroad to resurrect Ozgur Ulke in any form; Send messages of protest/concern to Turkish authorities, Turkish press organizations, and Turkish newspapers - now! Background Friday's closure verdict was passed after the First Justice Court in Istanbul on Thursday issued a verdict effectively banning the newspaper and ordering for the confiscation of all of its copies. Newspaper attorneys said they had appealed against this sentence to a higher court on Friday, but before any legal action could be taken, the Second Justice Court of the same city passed the closure decision. Unlike previous routine orders for seizure issued by the city prosecutor's office, both verdicts were signed by judges of the Justice Courts, which are practically the lowest level judicial authority in such cases. They claimed that "according to evidence compiled against Ozgur Ulke" it was determined that this newspaper was a continuation of the pro-Kurdish newspaper Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) which was closed down by a State Security Court last year. Citing that 24 separate orders for closure had been passed against Ozgur Gundem, the verdicts signed by the two judges said Ozgur Ulke operated out of the same facilities of the defunct newspaper, that its telephone and fax numbers were identical, that 102 of its writers were the same, and that the page layout and contents of reporting and cartoons were also of a similar nature. The newspaper was not invited, before the verdict was passed, to make a defense. The court order concluded that under the evidence obtained, "It is obvious that Ozgur Ulke is a continuation of Ozgur Gundem, and under these circumstance, according to paragraph 2/2 of Press Law article 5680, it should be confiscated." Policemen relaying the order to newspaper executives said this effectively "outlawed" the publication and if Ozgur Ulke continued to print, its editorial board would be placed under immediate arrest. Judicial authorities speaking to Ozgur Ulke executives said they would have preferred not to carry out the order but that they were under "high-level pressure" and feared that if they failed to close the paper down, it would be dealt with "in extra-judicial ways". Attorneys for Ozgur Ulke said Friday that the arbitrary nature of the verdicts had not even allowed time for a higher court to look into the issue, whereas the closure order could have been returned if they were allowed to voice their defense. Further Persecution The February 3, 1995 verdict comes after a massive crackdown against Ozgur Ulke. On November 30, 1994, Prime Minister Ciller issued a secret decree (an authentic copy was later obtained and published in the Turkish press) for the "elimination" of the newspaper, after which, on December 3, 1994, its four-storey printing facility and headquarters in Istanbul and its Ankara bureau were bombed. One person was killed and 18 others were injured in the explosions. But Ozgur Ulke continued to print in other facilities. In the first week of January 1995, the National Security Council took a decision to "prevent the newspaper from printing" but emphasized that this should be done "within the boundaries of law". As of January 6, 1995, policemen started to wait outside printing facilities to confiscate the paper as soon as it was printed. Copies of the paper were then taken to a prosecutor working around the clock and "inspected". Undesirable items, often some 3 to 4 pages of the paper devoted to human rights, were censored and it had to reprint with blank spots. In several cases, the same issue of the newspaper was re-censored three times, each time targeting a new report. Meanwhile, at least 5 reporters were detained and tortured by the police while its Diyarbakir office and other offices were raided. Journalists were "kidnapped" by the police and tortured. Some were tortured to sign false "confessions" against the newspaper's editorial board! Ozgur Ulke and its alleged predecessor Ozgur Gundem have been a major target for Turkish "censorship", often taking the form of violent attacks. Prior to this recent "campaign", 20 Ozgur Ulke reporters and distributors were killed by "unidentified" death squads and 4 reporters were kidnapped. The mutilated body of one of the reporters was found weeks later after being tortured and shot. At least 35 journalists and workers of the newspaper have been imprisoned and 238 issues have been seized. This latest campaign, however, is different in context and it was clear from the very beginning that it aimed to close down the newspaper altogether. (Source: Action-on-Turkey/London) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sat Feb 11 21:16:20 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 11 Feb 1995 21:16:20 Subject: Human Rights Abuses In Turkey 1994 Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Human Rights Abuses In Turkey 1994 Turkey: Balance Sheet Of Human Rights Violations In 1994 Arrests: 1,209 Arrests without warrant; temporarily detained: 14,473 Disappeared (probably killed) during detention: 328 Murders by "unknown assailants": 292 Killed by torture while detained: 1,000 Civilians killed in state attacks: 458 Civilians wounded in state attacks: 5,574 Killed in armed fights: 5,000 Villages destroyed and burned down: 1,500 Forest areas burned down: 31 Unions, organisations, and publications banned: 123 Attacks aimed at unions, organisations, parties, and publications: 119 People imprisoned for expression of their opinion: 100 Years sentenced to prison for expression of their opinion: 553 years, 5 months Fine for expression of their opinion: 55,725,000,000.00 TL (Source: Turkish human rights association, IHD) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sun Feb 12 19:08:53 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 12 Feb 1995 19:08:53 Subject: Kurdish Family Clans: An Introducti Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Kurdish Family Clans: An Introduction Kurdish Family Clans: An Introduction Recently, the governor of Yuksekove and the regional army commander attempted to convince the leaders of the Oramar and Doski families to abandon their neutral position with regards to the PKK and to support the Ankara government and the army in their fight against the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan). After the Oramar and Doski families stated that they would not change their position, Turkish army units carried out acts of retaliation in several villages, especially those inhabited by members of the Oramar clan. What makes Kurdish family clans so important that the Turkish authorities and an entire NATO army are so dependent on their support in Kurdistan? There are more than 120 family clans in north-west Kurdistan, that is, in Turkish state territory. As a result of the historical, social, and political changes of the past 70 years, since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the family clans have lost a great deal of their power. In the 19th century, the power of the clan leader was unlimited. In regions under his control, he was responsible for almost all social functions: he was a land owner, judge, religious leader, and controller of social life. Kurdish rebellions against Ottoman domination in the 19th century were less prompted by thoughts of forming a nation-state, as was happening at that time in Europe, rather they were expressions of self-determination in the face of increasing Ottoman control and regulation. The Kemalist Republic, which the West viewed as modernization, actually represented rigid Turkish assimilation politics. After the Kurdish uprisings were suppressed, the family clans lost a great deal of their power and significance. The more remote a region was, the harder it was to control, and in these areas the clan leaders were able to retain more of their power. Poverty and labour migration to the major cities of western Turkey and Europe lead to a further breakdown in family associations. But still, the clans today - like the Doski and Oramar families - can number as many as 25,000 adults. When the PKK launched its armed struggle in 1984, the situation of the family clans was changed even more, due to the fact that the party enjoyed support from increasingly broader segments of the society, and because larger regions of the country were coming under the control of the ARGK guerrillas. Some clans, like the Guyiler family from Uludere and the Batuyanlar family from Cizre and the Mala Agaye Sabe family from Sirnak, supported the PKK from the beginning. Today, many clans, such as the Oramar, supply guerrillas for the ARGK, which now has close to 35,000 fighters. The largest "family contingents" are provided by the Kicalan family from Idil and the Pinyaniler family from Cukurcu. Because of the PKK's socialist program and its clear accentuation of womens' emancipation, many clan leaders have lost their authority in regions controlled by the guerrillas. Reports indicate that some clans have even disbanded themselves entirely. Day to day life is now organized by the PKK. Other clan leaders, under the influence of the egalitarian philosophy propagated and practiced by the PKK, have given up their title as "Agha". Some Kurdish family clans have played a significant role in the Turkish government's war against the PKK for about a decade now. Certain families, which were previously both historically and politically insignificant, like the Bucak family from Siverck, for example, have become state-paid paramilitary village guards. Tolerated by the Turkish authorities, these approximately 60,000 armed village guards wage maffia-style little wars to control land and merchandise. Since they have increasingly come into the sights of the guerrilla, many village guard families are starting to distance themselves from their employer, the Turkish government, and lay down their arms. On the other hand, reports also indicate that hard-core village guard clans are now working closely together with the Turkish nationalist party MHP. (KURD-A - November 2, 1994) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sun Feb 12 19:10:40 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 12 Feb 1995 19:10:40 Subject: Kurdish Women Condemn Germany's War Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Kurdish Women Condemn Germany's War Against The Kurds Kurdish Women Condemn Germany's War Against The Kurds The Free Women's Movement of Kurdistan (TAJK) and the Federation of Kurdish Associations in Germany (YEK-KOM), both legal organisations, organised a long march from Mannheim to Strasbourg, seat of the European Council. The march took place under the motto: "For a free Kurdistan and against the dirty war of the Turkish state!" This is their statement on the confrontations in Mannheim, issued on October 10, 1994: On Monday, September 26, 1994, 400 people, of whom 300 were Kurdish women, assembled at the previously-announced starting place of the march, the Paradeplatz in Mannheim. Shortly after the start of the women's protest march, they were attacked by the police. The women tried to protect themselves by forming a human chain but were dispersed by the police who used all kinds of equipment: water cannons, truncheons, and police dogs. Several women, some of them pregnant, received injuries, including severe injuries, and over 330 people (200 women and 130 men) were arrested. By their action, the Federal Republic of Germany, in addition to its recent open military support, has now given Turkey direct and active assistance in Germany itself, more openly than ever before. The genocide in Kurdistan is no longer the sole responsibility of the Turkish state. At the moment, repression against Kurds are not limited to Kurdistan, but happen wherever Kurds openly support an independent and free Kurdistan. The orchestrated, brutal, and well- planned attack on Kurdish women by German policemen in Mannheim is a result of Germany's anti-Kurdish politics and its close relationship with the Turkish terrorist state. Tens of thousands of Kurds are fleeing to Germany to escape from the dirty and criminal war that the Turkish state is waging against them. They flee in the hope that they will be able to live here in peace, but instead they face persecution, arrests, and police assaults. All the human rights violations against Kurds in Germany are done in the name of a democratic country with a constitution that ostensibly guarantees justice. The anti-democratic actions of the federal government must not be accepted in silence by the public in Germany. The Germans should know from their history, from their past experience with National Socialism, that racism and repression against other groups of people will achieve nothing. After the murder of the Kurdish boy Halim Dener by the police it should have been assumed that no more Kurdish blood would ever flow again in Germany. But from their recent actions, the German police seem utterly indifferent to the consequences of their brutality. By means of police repression, the federal government has taken away the right of freedom of speech, the right of free assembly, and the right of freedom of organisation from the Kurds living in Germany. As the ban of the 3rd International Kurdistan Festival in Hannover has shown, the Kurds are allowed neither political nor cultural self-expression. Conscious of the fact that Kurdistan is at this moment being depopulated and eliminated from the map of the world with the support of German military and economic aid, and that millions of Kurds are being turned into fugitives in their native country, the Kurdish people have again and again stressed their intention to find a peaceful political solution to end the war. They have shown this in protest marches, events, and festivals. Thus, the Kurdish Women's March was intended to help focus public attention on the war in Kurdistan, to appeal for solidarity in Europe, and to make a formal accusation against the Turkish state and its war of extermination in front of the European Council. The way the German media reported these incidents, however, was far removed from any journalistic objectivity. Instead of providing information about the aims and background of the march, they followed their recently established tradition of public misrepresentation. The media has deliberately tried to criminalise Kurdish women by falsely and maliciously claiming that "the Kurdish women were allegedly throwing molotov cocktails". This is an attempt to legitimise the violence of the police and the special units. This kind of press coverage creates a provocative atmosphere and practically amounts to a public campaign of hatred. The German media have recently made it very clear from their selective coverage of Kurdistan-related subjects that they are on the side of the war of extermination an are working to legitimise German politics in that matter. While there is no coverage of important political and cultural events like the 3rd International Kurdistan Festival and the participation of 120,000 Kurds and their guests by world-wide invitation, the Kurdish Women's March is now being represented as an act of violence against German state organs. We are convinced that neither war nor its methods of public campaigns of hatred and provocation will promote friendship between peoples and nations. Today, the Kurdish people are fighting against the extermination policy of the Turkish state. In Kurdistan, this fight is by necessity an armed fight, determined by the historic position of Turkey. Even when faced with the reality of death, the Kurds have always sought a political solution. In contrast, the Turkish state speaks the language of violence and terror so clearly revealed when Kurdish MPs were arrested and Kurdish institutions and political parties were banned. Turkey is responsible for ten years of dirty war, the deaths of more than 20,000 people, and a colossal destruction of Kurdish property. The Kurds called upon Turkey to end the war, first by a unilateral ceasefire in March 1993, and then again in March 1994 at the international conference on north-west Kurdistan in Brussels. They have appealed to the world, and especially the European countries who are involved in this war themselves, to mediate in the conflict. But the answer from European countries like France and Germany has been repression and police violence against peaceful Kurdish public protests. These countries demonstrate their hostility against the Kurdish people and their legitimate and elementary rights of independence and freedom. The Kurdish women unequivocally condemn the brutality of the German authorities and appeal to all national and international organisations, human rights associations, and political parties to support our campaign against the policy of criminalisation and repression by these countries. (From: Kurdistan Report #20 - January/February 1995) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Sun Feb 12 19:12:27 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 12 Feb 1995 19:12:27 Subject: German Guerrillas In Kurdistan Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: German Guerrillas In Kurdistan German Guerrillas In Kurdistan The daily newspaper Ozgur Gundem (Free Agenda) recently carried an interview with four German internationalists - two men and two women - who are now in Kurdistan fighting as members of the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan) guerrilla forces. The four Germans, who have all taken Kurdish war names, made it clear that they were not on some adventure holiday but were totally dedicated to the cause and determined to carry on with the struggle for as long as it takes. The four had come to know of the Kurds and their struggle in the course of their anti-imperialist and anti-racist activities in Germany. Instead of believing everything they were told in the media, they made the effort to find out for themselves the truth about Kurdistan and the PKK. All of them had taken the practical step of learning to speak Kurdish or Turkish. It was only after a long period of cultural and solidarity work and political discussion with Kurdish people in Germany that they took the decision to devote themselves to the tough and dangerous guerrilla struggle. They were impressed by the PKK's adherence to the ideals of socialism while so many voices are declaring it to be dying or dead. Haki explained: "When a massive hate campaign started against the PKK in Germany in 1987, I began to analyze the PKK. The more I investigated, the better I liked them. The better I got to know them, the more my sympathy for them grew and I made up my mind to join them in their struggle. The best place to do that is here. I wanted to join the guerrillas." What they have seen since arriving in Kurdistan has further strengthened the determination of these young internationalists. Cedkar, who had previously served in the coffee harvest brigades in Nicaragua, described his experience: "The sight of the burned and demolished villages in Kurdistan made a deep impression on me. In one village I saw burned children's shoes. There were bullet holes in the houses and it made me really angry. Seeing all this convinced me that the only way to end this barbarity is by armed struggle. I don't think the Kurdish people can win their independence without the PKK. I joined the ARGK guerrilla army because it is defending human dignity." The spartan life of a guerrilla fighter is, of course, a hard test for the young Germans, but they say that living in the midst of Kurdistan's natural beauty is a considerable compensation. Haki contrasted it with the urban wastelands of his home country: "German cities are becoming more and more like deserts - people there are becoming brain-dead. Don't get me wrong, there are good and bad people everywhere, but the system warps people. In our so-called democracy people are turned against one another and that is how they keep the system in place." Haki continued: "The struggle of the PKK in this turbulent period is an advance for all humankind. The struggle in this region has a special significance for me. It is not only a struggle for the Kurds - it is a struggle which is producing new humanitarian values." He concluded: "The fact that no one can live in the midst of this great natural beauty, on this fertile soil, because it is being constantly bombed makes me very sad and has bound me even closer to the guerrillas... I call on those people who slander this movement to come here and see the situation for themselves. It is only then that they can decide on the legitimacy of the struggle." A lesson perhaps for some of the armchair socialists in this country whose only act of 'solidarity' has been to denounce armed struggle and to slander the PKK. (From: Kurdistan Report #16 - October/November 1993) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 12 23:21:30 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 12 Feb 1995 23:21:30 Subject: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT ON TUR Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT ON TURKEY Amnesty International Report on Turkey Amnesty International International Secretariat 1 Easton Street London WC1X 8DJ United Kingdom 14 January 1994 TURKEY: SECURITY OFFENSIVE CLOAKED BY INFORMATION BLACKOUT - TORTURE, "DISAPPEARANCE" AND EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTION IN THE SOUTHEAST PROVINCE Amnesty International is gravely concerned that measures introduced by the Turkish Government in November 1993 are contributing to the appalling events currently taking place in Turkey. On 4 November 1993 the the Turkish Prime Minister Tansu"iller announced on TRT (Turkish Radio and Television) a series of measures, including intensified security operations, intended to deliver a fatal blow to Kurdish separatism and a propaganda offensive both "inside and outside the country". Reports indicate that the country's southeastern provinces and their mainly Kurdish population are the target of a collaborative effort by the government, the police and armed forces, and prosecutors and the courts to crush the illegal armed Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK) together with all manifestations of Kurdish separatism. It appears that the operations, which are of an unprecedented ferocity, have been timed in anticipation of the local elections scheduled for 27 March. It is possible that further electoral successes will then be achieved by the pro-Kurdish Democracy Party (DEP). Since many of DEP's stated aims echo those of the PKK, it is possible the authorities fear a big vote for DEP candidates would be perceived as a popular endorsement for the PKK. The military element of the offensive includes security raids on settlements which refuse to participate in the village guard system, a civil defence corps armed and paid by the government to fight the PKK guerrillas. Villagers are often reluctant to become village guards, because this would expose them to attacks by the PKK. However, refusal to participate means that the village will be subject to frequent security raids. There is considerable evidence that these raids involve flagrant human rights violations against the area's mainly Kurdish population. The Prime Minister called for a major reinforcement of the Special Teams, which are a heavily armed, highly mobile force attached to the police. The Special Teams are trained for close combat with guerrillas, but also participate in operations against villages, often masked, and have allegedly been involved in human rights violations, including extrajudicial execution. The Prime Minister stated that the new Special Team recruits would be trained to use methods resembling those of the guerrillas, although, as Amnesty International has reported in the past, the methods of PKK guerrillas have included the committing of atrocities. The first group of reinforcements went into action at the beginning of January. During raids, the village inhabitants are usually assembled and subjected to threats, insults, destruction of property and livestock, and in many cases torture. Men, and sometimes women and children too, are made to stand or lie down, often in subzero conditions, while searches are carried out. In recent months it appears to have been routine for all or most of the houses to be burned in what amounts to forcible eviction. There have also been many reports of extrajudicial executions and "disappearances". A typical operation is that which has been taking place into the area west of Eruh in Siirt province since 6 January. Following clashes between security forces and guerrillas, gendarmerie, village guards and Special Teams have raided the villages of Taskonak, Demirbogaz, Geliosman, etinkaya, elik and Payamli. According to reports from villagers who contacted Amnesty International, Hizni Yilmaz, brother of the head man of Taskonak, was taken from a cave in the village where he had taken refuge, summarily shot and his body thrown into the flames of a burning building. Mumtaz Kaar (f), a member of a nomad group tending flocks in the Taskonak district, reportedly attempted to intervene while the gendarmes were killing her animals, and was shot dead. A local shepherd, Mehmet Sait Timurtas was also killed in similar circumstances. "Disappearances" are now regularly reported in the context of such operations. Following a raid on 23 November on the village of Agilli (Kurdish name: Birik), near Bismil in Diyarbakir province, in which villagers were beaten and one shot dead, 16 villagers were detained and taken to the local gendarmerie headquarters for interrogation. zeyir Kurt, one of those taken, was never seen again and the authorities deny holding him. Ahmet akici "disappeared" reportedly after being detained in an operation at his village of itlibahe, near Hazro, in Diyarbakir province on 8 November 1993. Huseyin Ugurlu of the town of Altinova, near Mus, father of eight children who was beaten severely by gendarmerie, in front of dozens of townspeople, and then taken away for interrogation on 18 November 1993. Exhaustive efforts by his family have failed to establish his whereabouts, and it is feared that he may have died under torture. The freedom of the press to report on such atrocities has been under constant attack from the government. Journalists have to face torture, detention, prosecution and the confiscation of journals. zgr Gndem (Free Agenda) is almost the only newspaper which has consistently reported human rights violations in the State of Emergency provinces in the southeast. During the 18 months of its existence, six of the newspaper's journalists have been killed in circumstances that suggest security force involvement, and a female staff journalist has "disappeared" in Istanbul. Orders for the temporary closure of zgr Gndem on the grounds that it had published "separatist propaganda" were passed by Istanbul State Security Court in December and January but have not yet been confirmed by the Appeal Court. Any person who advocates separatism, even when they have in no way advocated violence may face prosecution under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law resulting in prison sentences of two to five years. Dozens of the newspaper's staff were detained in December and the General Publishing Manager Fahri Ferda etin alleges that while he was held in incommunicado detention at Istanbul Police Headquarters he was suspended by the arms, and given electric shocks to his sexual organs and feet, that his testicles were twisted and that he was hosed with ice-cold water. The Adana correspondent Haci etinkaya made similar allegations. Ten members of the newspaper's Diyarbakir staff were rearrested on 12 January - including Necmiye Aslanoglu who reported that, during detention in November, she had been stripped of her clothes and beaten, dragged by the hair and suspended by the arms while she was given electric shocks through her navel and toes during November. A further element of the propaganda offensive appears to be an attempt to inhibit the work of defence lawyers and human rights activists. Sixteen lawyers were detained in November and interrogated while being held incommunicado for four weeks in Diyarbakir Gendarmerie Headquarters. The lawyer Meral Danis Bestas, secretary of the Diyarbakir Branch of the Turkish Human Rights Association (HRA), reported that during interrogation she was slapped, kicked, subjected to crude sexual insults, stripped of her clothes and hosed with freezing cold water. Tahir Eli, a lawyer in Cizre who has represented local villagers in numerous official complaints concerning human rights violations, was also detained. He reported that the police told him that if he continued to report human rights violations and research the emptying of villages and "disappearances" he would be killed. He reported that he was stripped naked and that his testicles were twisted in Cizre Police Headquarters and later in Diyarbakir Gendarmerie Headquarters; another lawyer was present when he was being hosed for several hours with cold water. Seven of the lawyers were formally arrested for assisting the PKK, and possession of forbidden publications. Amnesty International, which is investigating the circumstances of their arrest, believes that the true reason for their imprisonment may be their activities as defence counsel and their work on human rights. Many human rights activists have fled the southeast after constant intimidation, threats, and killings of members and officials of the Human Rights Association (HRA). Only one of the 13 HRA branches in the area are working at full strength. Amnesty International is concerned that the drastic measures of the Turkish authorities' propaganda offensive are designed to achieve a blackout on information from the Emergency Region, so that security forces can pursue their activities uninhibited by scrutiny from lawyers, journalists and human rights workers. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 12 23:22:11 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 12 Feb 1995 23:22:11 Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Insan HaklarI Raporu, 2 RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing Political murders and extrajudicial killings attributed to Government authorities and terrorist groups continued at the relatively high 1993 rates. Government authorities were responsible for the deaths of detainees in official custody; suspects in houses raided by security forces; and other types of civilian deaths in the southeast. The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRF), a Turkish nongovernmental organization which documents the human rights situation, claimed that government security forces were responsible for 33 extrajudicial killings in the first 10 months of 1994. A substantial number of "mystery killings," in which the assailant's identity was unknown, also occurred. Human rights organizations also maintain that security forces were complicit in a number of these "mystery killings." The Government maintains that the Hizbullah, an Islamic terrorist group, carried out 107 "mystery killings" in the first 9 months of 1994. The number of "mystery killings" remained high during the first 10 months of 1994 and, according to the HRF, 316 civilians were assassinated by unknown attackers, mostly in the east and southeast of the country. Many were leaders or prominent members of the Kurdish community, physicians, human rights monitors, local politicians, and members of the Democracy Party (DEP). In the past 2 years, at least 26 members of the DEP and its successor, the People's Democracy Party (HADEP), have been murdered. A parliamentary committee, which commenced its investigation in 1993, continued to investigate mystery murders which have occurred since 1970, but had issued no report by year's end. The HRF reported that 18 persons died under suspicious circumstances while in official custody in the first 9 months of 1994, some as a result of torture. Of these, officials claimed that at least five committed suicide, a claim they have made frequently in past cases of deaths in custody. In one such case, Can Demirag, detained by Istanbul police in connection with a murder, was found dead on August 23 in his cell in the Kadikoy security directorate where he was being interrogated. Police claimed Demirag had committed suicide by hanging himself with a sheet on the iron grating of the ventilation window in the cell; the Istanbul prosecutor's office opened an investigation into his death, but by year's end had not released any information. By law, authorities are obliged to investigate all deaths in custody, but prosecutions of security force members for such deaths are rare. In one case, however, in September, the Istanbul Beyoglu district prosecutor's office brought murder charges against police officer Abdullah Bozkurt on the grounds that in March he shot to death university student Vedat Han Gulsenoglu in the Istanbul Kasimpasa district police station. The prosecution requested a 30-year sentence for murder. In the southeast there were a number of murders of persons who, according to the authorities, had been released or were not in custody, but whose families were certain they were being held. For example, the Diyarbakir State Security Court (SSC) took Necati Aydin into custody in March. On April 4, the judge signed a release for Aydin, but he never emerged to meet his waiting family. On April 9, the bodies of Aydin and a friend, Mehmet Ay, were found buried to their necks near a river along the Diyarbakir/Silvan road. The Government states that the Diyarbakir Third State Security Court released Aydin and Ay on their own recognizance, and that they later turned up dead. In April, five village guards (a government-employed paramilitary force in the southeast) abducted Diyarbakir tradesman Serif Avsar in broad daylight. Avsar's family followed them to a Jandarma station, yet authorities denied they were holding Avsar. He was found dead on May 7. The village guards and an informant are on trial for Avsar's murder. The Government maintains the murder resulted from an interclan dispute. Regarding other ongoing cases, in the death in detention of Vakkas Dost, the policeman Nurettin Ozturk is still at large, and the trial is continuing. The trial in the case of Yucel Ozen in continuing. The trial of the 11 police officers in the Basalak case is ongoing. Human rights groups and parliamentarians continued to accuse Turkish security forces of carrying out extrajudicial killings and using excessive force during raids on alleged terrorist safe houses rather than trying to arrest the occupants. During the first 10 months of 1994, 27 people died in such raids, according to human rights groups. In Istanbul, two trials were started against police who had participated in two Dev Sol (Devrimci Sol, a Marxist terrorist group) safe house raids in November 1993 in which three persons died. In another case stemming from a May 1991 safe house raid in Istanbul in which 2 died, 12 security officers were acquitted. In an April 1993 shoot-out in Tunceli, 12 Dev Sol militants were killed. No investigation was initiated; according to security forces, an investigation was unnecessary since it was an armed clash. Prominent credible human rights organizations, Kurdish leaders, and local Kurds asserted that the Government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the murders of civilians. Government officials appeared to be investigating more of the reported murders than in past years. Some victims had previously been detained, abused, or threatened by security forces. Human rights groups reported the widespread and credible belief that a counterguerrilla group associated with the security forces had carried out at least some "mystery killings." The Government maintains that two factions of the Hizbullah committed most "mystery killings." In June the Diyarbakir SSC prosecutor's office launched the first trial against 35 members of Hizbullah's Menzil faction, claiming that the defendants were responsible for 39 armed attacks, resulting in 25 deaths and 32 injuries. A second trial against members of Hizbullah's Ilim faction began at the Diyarbakir SSC in July. On September 4, 1993, unknown persons fatally shot Mehmet Sincar, a DEP member of Parliament (MP) from Mardin, in the city center of Batman. Twelve persons were arrested in connection with the murder, and the case is currently being tried. Sincar's widow has accused government forces of committing the murder and has brought the case before the European Human Rights Commission. Four members of the HADEP, successor party to the banned DEP (see Section 2.b.), were assassinated in the southeast during September. No evidence as to the identity of the perpetrators has been brought to light, and no arrests were made in these cases. Faik Candan, former Ankara provincial Chairman of DEP predecessor HEP, was found dead on December 14, shot four times in the head, neck, and chest, according to press reports. In contrast to 1993, there were no assassinations of journalists in 1994, but at least one journalist disappeared (see Section 1.b.). A distributor of the pro-PKK newspaper Ozgur Ulke was killed in the explosion that ripped through the paper's Istanbul building on the night of December 3. Moreover, as of October, none of the five murders of journalists committed in 1993, nor those previously, had been solved. Although terrorists carried out political murders primarily in rural southeast Anatolia, they also launched several deadly attacks during 1994 in urban areas. On January 14, bombs killed three on intercity buses in central Turkey, and on February 12, an explosion at Istanbul's Tuzla train station killed 5 cadets and wounded 26. The PKK claimed responsibility for the Tuzla incident, but did not publicly claim responsibility for the bus explosion, although most people believe it was responsible. Killings perpetrated by the PKK included those of state officials (Jandarma, local mayors, imams, and schoolteachers), state-paid paramilitary village guards and their family members, young villagers who refuse to be recruited, and PKK guerrillas-turned-informants. On January 1, the PKK intercepted two buses on the Diyabakir-Elazig highway, took eight people into a field and shot them. On July 30, the PKK killed seven village guards in an attack on Konalga village in Van province. The PKK publicly claimed to have killed "179 village guards, including a leading village guard and 32 of his relatives" and "66 collaborators, agents, counterguerrilla organization members, (and) police officials," during the month of June. Teachers continued to be a main target of terrorist activities. During the year the PKK killed 20 teachers. b. Disappearance Disappearances continued in 1994, while most of those reported in 1993 and earlier remained unsolved. Some disappeared after witnesses reported that security forces had taken them into custody. In March, Nazim Babaoglu, Urfa correspondent for the pro-Kurdish daily, Ozgur Gundem, disappeared. The Government maintains that Abdulvahap Timurtas, who disappeared in August 1993 in Yenikoy village, Sirnak province, was not taken into custody, and that a village by that name does not exist. His father accuses the security forces of abducting him. His brother Tevfik Timurtas died under torture on January 5, 1991, in Cizre, according to the HRF. The Government says it received 28 claims of missing relatives in the first 9 months of 1994. The Government, human rights organizations, and the media report that the PKK routinely kidnaps young men or threatens their families as part of its recruiting. PKK terrorists continued their abductions of local villagers, teachers, journalists, and officials in the southeast. For example, on January 26 the PKK kidnaped two journalists and held them for 4 months. The PKK again kidnaped two foreign tourists during the summer and eventually released them unharmed. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Despite the Constitution's ban on torture, Turkey's accession to the U.N. and European Conventions Against Torture, and public pledges of successive governments to end torture, the practice continued. Human rights attorneys and physicians who treat victims of torture state that most persons charged with, or suspected of, political crimes usually suffer some torture during periods of incommunicado detention in police stations and Jandarma headquarters before they are brought before a court. The HRF and private attorneys reported that there was no indication of either the amelioration of treatment of those charged under the Anti-Terror Law or an overall decrease in the incidence of torture in 1994. In 1994 women again charged sexual abuses while under official detention by security officials. Although the implementation of the CMUK on December 1, 1992, facilitated more immediate attorney access to those arrested for common crimes, its provisions of immediate attorney access do not apply to those detained in the state of emergency region nor to those detained under the Anti-Terror Law. Some attorneys in the southeast reported that some common criminals are booked on political charges, thereby depriving them of access to or by an attorney. The CMUK's allowable, maximum prearraignment detention periods still exceed Council of Europe maximums. Human rights observers report that the system whereby the arresting police officer is also responsible for interrogating the suspect is conducive to torture because the officer seeks to obtain a confession that would justify the arrest. According to those familiar with Turkish police operations, in petty criminal cases, the arresting officer is responsible for following up on the case, whereas in major cases such as murder and political or terrorism-related crimes, "desks" responsible for the area in question are responsible for the interrogation. Commonly employed methods of torture reported by the Human Rights Foundation's Torture Treatment Centers include: high-pressure cold water hoses, electric shocks, beating on the soles of the feet, beating of the genitalia, hanging by the arms, blindfolding, sleep deprivation, deprivation of clothing, systematic beatings, and vaginal and anal rape with truncheons and, in some instances, gun barrels. In southern Turkey, a security official boasted of having deprived a suspect of sleep for 6 days to obtain a confession. In a case in Istanbul in July, Yelda Ozcan, a former representative of the HRF, stated to several human rights organizations that a chief commissioner at the Beyoglu security directorate had stripped and beaten her. She obtained a medical report and lodged an official complaint against the commissioner. In another case, in April a 17-year-old female student stated she had been beaten, hosed with pressurized water, and raped with a truncheon by police at Istanbul's Bahcelievler station, then released without charges having been filed. Although the Government asserted that medical examinations occur once during detention and a second time before either arraignment or release, former detainees asserted that some medical examinations took place too long after the event to reveal any definitive findings. According to the HRF, practice varies widely: In some cases proper examinations are conducted; in others, doctors sign papers handed to them; some examinations are cursory, some are done in the presence of police officials, and some doctors are at times under pressure to submit false or misleading medical certificates, denying evidence of torture. Credible sources in the human rights and legal communities estimate that judicial authorities investigate only about one-half of the formal complaints involving torture and prosecute only a small fraction of those. Under the Anti-Terror Law, officials accused of torture or other mistreatment may continue to work while under investigation and, if convicted, may only be suspended. Special provincial administrative boards, rather than regular courts, decide whether to prosecute in such cases, and suspects' legal fees are paid by their employing agencies. Under the state of emergency, any lawsuit directed at government authorities must be approved by the regional governor. Because approval is rare, this blocks legal pursuit of torture allegations. Under the Administrative Adjudication Law, an administrative investigation into alleged torture cases is conducted under the civil service adjudication law to determine if there is enough evidence to bring a law enforcement officer to trial. Under the CMUK, while prosecutors are empowered to initiate investigations of police officers or Jandarma suspected of torturing or maltreating suspects, in cases where township security directors or Jandarma commanders are accused of torture, the prosecutor must obtain permission to initiate an investigation from the Ministry of Justice because these officials are deemed to have a status equal to that of judges. According to the Government, in the first 9 months of 1994, prosecutors considered 963 complaints of torture or maltreatment. Of those, 314 cases were opened, 355 were in preparation, 187 were dropped, in 25 cases the court decided it did not have the authority to pursue the case, and in 47 cases the court referred the case to another court. There were 11 convictions, 22 acquittals; in one case the complaint was withdrawn. Most of these cases were in Istanbul and Ankara; few were in the southeast. In the few instances in which law enforcement officers are convicted of torture, sentences tend to be light. In July Ekrem Guner, a noncommissioned officer, was convicted of torturing two persons in Ordu in 1989, sentenced to 2 years in prison, suspended from duty for 5 months and 15 days, and fined TL 375,000 (roughly $12). In July the Ankara administrative court ordered the Interior Ministry to pay Mediha Curabaz TL 10 million (roughly $300) in compensation for torture she sustained in August 1991 by the Adana police. The Adana provincial administrative commission had refused to try the police officers involved on charges of rape and torture, despite a medical report which confirmed the charge of rape. The trial of six security officers accused of torturing Baki Erdogan (who died in custody) in Soke district of Aydin province in August 1993 began in May and was continuing at year's end. In April the torture conviction of two officers and two noncommissioned officers in the 1985 torture and death of schoolteacher Siddik Bilgin was overturned on appeal, and the officers were acquitted on retrial.. The case of Nazli Top, a nurse (pregnant at the time) who alleged she was tortured and raped with a truncheon in April 1992 before police released her without charge, came to trial in December 1993. The trial continues. As Turkey recognizes the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Commission of Human Rights, Turkish citizens may file applications alleging violations of the European Convention on Human Rights with the Commission. Some 250 cases are currently before the Commission. In February the Government promised the Commission to pay compensation to the villagers of Yesilyurt in Cizre province whom Jandarma troops forced to eat human excrement in January 1989. A total of 300,000 French francs in compensation is to be paid. In January authorities sent a Prime Ministerial circular to the Ministries of Justice, Interior, and Foreign Affairs, directing that police prepare monthly reports on the incidence of ill- treatment and torture and ensure that medical examinations are carried out carefully to provide accurate forensic evidence. While statistics generally have been submitted as required, there is no evidence that the reporting requirement has had any effect on the incidence of torture. As of September, 4,149 applications claiming torture, maltreatment, or arbitrary detention had been filed with the parliamentary Human Rights Commission, since its September 1991 inception. In each case, the Commission had written to the offices of the public prosecutor, the governor's office, and the security directorate general, and there is no indication that these communications have had any effect or that the Commission has followed up on these cases. The HRF's torture rehabilitation centers in Ankara, Izmir, and Istanbul reported that, within the first 6 months of 1994, they had received a total of 196 applications for treatment. Police continue to force women in custody and others to undergo virginity testing even though the state minister in charge of women's affairs condemned the practice in 1992. The tests are imposed particularly on women who file a criminal complaint alleging a sexual crime. Although legally only a court or a prosecutor may order them, police continue to impose the tests to on female detainees. Though women may refuse the exams, they are rarely informed of that right. Prison conditions remained another problem area in 1994. As recently as early November, the Justice Ministry announced plans to build new prisons and upgrade old ones to deal with the increase in the number of inmates convicted of terrorist crimes. The refurbished Eskisehir Prison and four others were to reopen by the end of the year. As in 1993, groups of inmates carried out hunger strikes to protest poor conditions and their treatment by prison guards, and one inmate was killed and several injured in an October riot at Diyarbakir Security Prison. The Government promised prison reform in 1993, but at the end of 1994 Parliament had not enacted it. Torture in prisons has decreased in the last few years, but continues to occur. d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile In order to take a person into custody, a prosecutor must issue a detention order, except in limited circumstances such as when a person is caught in the act of committing a crime. The detention period for those charged with common, individual crimes is 24 hours. Those detained for common, collective crimes may be held for 4 days, and the detention period may be extended for an additional 4 days. Under the CMUK, suspects are entitled to immediate access to an attorney and may meet and confer with the attorney at any time. In practice, this access continued to improve for detainees charged with common crimes. Persons detained for individual crimes which fall under the Anti-Terror Law must be brought before a judge within 48 hours, while those charged with crimes of a collective, political, or conspiratorial nature may be detained for up to 15 days in most of the country and up to 30 days in the 10 southeastern provinces under a state of emergency. There is no guaranteed attorney access under law for persons whose cases fall under the jurisdiction of the state security courts; these include those charged with smuggling and with crimes under the Anti-Terror Law. Attorneys and human rights organizations affirm that this lack of access is a major factor in the continuing, widespread use of torture by police and security forces. The decision concerning access to counsel in such cases is left to the independent prosecutor, who generally denies access, usually with the explanation that it would prejudice an ongoing investigation. The Justice and Interior Ministries generally have not intervened in prosecutors' decisions or police actions denying access to counsel. Although the Constitution specifies the right of detainees to request speedy arraignment and trial, judges have ordered a significant number of persons detained indefinitely, sometimes for years. While many cases involved persons accused of violent crimes, it is not uncommon for those accused of nonviolent political crimes to be kept in custody until the conclusion of their trials. By law, a detainee's next of kin must be notified "in the shortest time" after arrest. Once formally charged by the prosecutor, a detainee is arraigned by a judge and allowed to retain a lawyer. After arraignment, the judge may release the accused upon receipt of an appropriate guarantee, such as bail, or order him detained if the court determines that he is likely to flee the jurisdiction or destroy evidence. Authorities detained large numbers of people on several occasions in 1994, including the detention in February of 100 people at the funeral of Cengiz Arguc, a Communist militant, in Adana (all but 5 were released within a day); and the detention during Nevroz (Kurdish New Year) of 200 persons in Diyarbakir after a celebrant reportedly shot at a police car. In most such cases, the majority of detainees are subsequently released without charges being filed; many have reported being tortured during such detentions. In the southeast there were several roundups of ethnic Kurds in the wake of a crime. For example, after 5 PKK militants killed 1 policeman and wounded 5 near Igdir in April, police reportedly captured the 5 militants and claimed that "175 PKK supporters" were captured in the ensuing security operations. There is no external exile, and Turkey's internal exile law was repealed in 1987. In 1990, however, under decree 430, the Government granted the southeast regional governor the authority to "remove from the region," for a period not to exceed the duration of the state of emergency (now in its eighth year), citizens under his administration whose activities (whether voluntary or forced) "give an impression that they are prone to disturb general security and public order." There were no known instances of the use of this broad authority in 1994. Human rights monitors and residents of towns in the southeast report that officials continued to rely on "administrative transfers" to remove government employees thought liable to "create trouble." e. Denial of Fair Public Trial The judicial system is composed of general law courts, state security courts (SSC), and military courts. There is also a Constitutional Court. Most cases are prosecuted in the general law courts, which include the civil, administrative, and criminal courts. Appeals are heard either by the High Court of Appeals or the Council of State. Provincial administrative boards established under the Anti-Terror Law decide whether cases in which state officials are accused of misconduct should be heard in criminal court. Military courts, with their own appeals system, hear cases regarding infractions of military law by members of the armed forces. In 1993 and 1994, the military court tried several cases of civilians charged with speech that purportedly discouraged military service (see Section 2.a.). Eight state security courts composed of five members--two civilian judges, one military judge, and two prosecutors--try defendants accused of crimes such as terrorism, drug smuggling, membership in illegal organizations, and espousing or disseminating ideas prohibited by law as "damaging the indivisible unity of the State." Their verdicts may be appealed only to a specialized department of the High Court of Appeals dealing with crimes against state security. The Constitutional Court examines the constitutionality of laws, decrees, and parliamentary procedural rules. However, it may not consider "decrees with the force of law" issued under a state of emergency, martial law, or in time of war. The Constitution requires that judges be independent of the executive in the discharge of their duties and provides for the security of their tenure. The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors, which is appointed by the President and includes the Minister of Justice, selects judges and prosecutors for the higher courts and is responsible for oversight of those in the lower courts. The Constitution also prohibits state authorities from issuing orders or recommendations concerning the exercise of judicial power. In practice, the courts generally act independently of the executive. Defendants normally have the right to a public trial, and, under the Constitution, can be proven guilty only by a court of law. By law, the bar association must provide free counsel to indigents who make such a request to the court. Costs are borne by the association. There is no jury system; all cases are decided by a judge or panel of judges. Defense lawyers generally have access to the independent prosecutor's files after arraignment and prior to trial (a period of several weeks). In cases involving violations of the Anti-Terror Law and a few others, such as insulting the President or "defaming Turkish citizenship," defense attorneys may be denied access to files which the State asserts deal with national intelligence or security matters. In 1994 state security courts predominantly handled cases under the Anti-Terror Law. The State claims these courts were established to try efficiently those suspected of certain crimes. In fact, the law provides that those accused of crimes falling under the jurisdiction of these courts may be detained twice as long before arraignment as other defendants, and the heavy caseload often means that cases drag on for years. These courts may hold closed hearings and may admit testimony obtained during police interrogation in the absence of counsel. According to government figures, 1,277 persons were tried under the Anti-Terror Law, and 8,682 people are serving sentences for terrorist crimes. The trial of 12 Diyarbakir lawyers charged with acting as couriers for the PKK continues at the Diyarbakir State Security Court. The attorneys were released on their own recognizance in December 1993 and January 1994. The trial of nine Erzurum lawyers, charged with similar crimes, began on November l6. In law and in practice, the legal system does not discriminate against either minorities or women, with the following two caveats: (1) as legal proceedings are conducted solely in Turkish, and the quality of interpreters varies, some Kurdish-speaking defendants may be seriously disadvantaged; and (2) although women receive equal treatment in a court of law, some discriminatory laws remain on the books, although most have been rendered inoperative by a constitutional court decision. Under the civil code, the husband is the head of the household and determines the legal domicile of the family. Draft civil rights legislation which would have eliminated all existing legal inequalities between men and women has been stalled in Parliament since 1993. In 1994, civil service security clearance procedures were changed, which should allow numerous professors who were blackballed in the late 1970s to be reemployed. Human rights monitors hesitate to estimate the number of persons in custody who might reasonably be considered political prisoners. They estimate only that "thousands" have been detained. According to government statistics, 1,277 persons were charged under the Anti-Terror Law though October 1, 1994. Many are charged for attempting peacefully to exercise their right of freedom of speech, association, or some other internationally recognized human rights. f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 12 23:23:54 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 12 Feb 1995 23:23:54 Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Insan HaklarI Raporu, 4 ve son Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights A nongovernmental Human Rights Association (HRA), officially approved in 1987, has branches in 50 provincial capitals, but at year's end 13 had been closed, all of them in the east and southeast. It claims a membership of about 20,000. In 1990 the HRA established its companion Human Rights Foundation (HRF) which, in addition to operating torture rehabilitation centers in Ankara, Izmir, and Istanbul, serves as a clearinghouse for human rights information. Other nongovernmental organizations include the Ankara-based Turkish Democracy Foundation, the Istanbul-based Helsinki Citizens Assembly, and human rights centers at a number of universities. Government agents have increasingly harassed human rights monitors, as well as lawyers and doctors involved in documenting human rights violations. Some have reported receiving death threats from unknown parties. At least one human rights monitor was killed. A number have been aggressively prosecuted as well. In December, a SSC trial opened against Yavuz Onen, President of the HRF, and Fevzi Argun, head of the HRF'S Documentation Center, for allegedly separatist language in the booklet "File of Torture." They were acquitted in January along with four defendants from the HRA who had been indicted for their publication of "A Cross-Section of Burned-Down Villages." In December three members of the board of the Diyarbakir HRA were arrested on charges of separatism and four others were being sought for their 1992 publication of "Report On The State Of Emergency Region, 1992." Some government officials, including some prosecutors and police, punitively apply various laws to restrict the HRA's activities. For example, officials ordered various branches of the HRA closed for periods of weeks or months generally on charges that they had violated the associations law through publication of a press statement or allegedly separatist material (see Section 2.b.). An HRA president in southern Turkey said he and his board remained under surveillance, and one in eastern Turkey noted that many board members had left the city or resigned because they were concerned about their personal safety. The president of the Siirt HRA, who was arrested on February 26, 1993, and detained for 3 months on charges of giving aid and comfort to the PKK, was again arrested on January 21, 1994, after which the local branch closed. He was released in October, but charges against him have not been dropped. Sedat Aslantas, chairman of the Diyarbakir HRA branch and vice chairman of the Turkish HRA, was arrested on May 13 by the Ankara SSC on charges related to a joint press statement issued in May 1993 by Diyarbakir union and association leaders. That trial continued as of the end of the year. On December 5, he was imprisoned for 3 years based on an earlier case involving his speech during an HRA congress in October 1992. The HRA representative in the town of Derik, Mardin province, who was detained six separate times in 1993, has moved away, and the local HRA office is closed. Muhsin Melik, founder of the Sanliurfa branch of the HRA and former president of the DEP branch office, was shot and killed on June 2. Before his death, he identified his assailants as police officers. There have been no arrests in connection with this case. Other HRA offices closed for similar reasons include those in Sirnak, Nusaybin, Tunceli, Dogubeyazit, and Cizre. Many of these investigations and prosecutions, as well as many arrests of human rights monitors, stemmed from alleged violations of the law on associations or the holding of illegal demonstrations. Surveillance and harassment of HRA members in the southeast continues on a regular basis. Since 1991, Parliament has had a Human Rights Commission. The Commission is authorized to oversee Turkey's compliance with the human rights provisions of Turkish law and international agreements to which Turkey is a signatory, investigate alleged abuses, and prepare reports. Claiming it is underfunded and lacks the necessary powers to subpoena witnesses or documents, the Commission has been inactive and ineffective. In August the State Minister in charge of human rights announced the establishment of a human rights advisory department connected to the Prime Ministry would be established to investigate allegations of human rights violations and monitor international human rights developments. While representatives of diplomatic missions who wish to monitor the state of human rights in Turkey are free to speak with private citizens, security police may place such visitors in the southeast and the east under surveillance, and the presence of security officials may have an intimidating effect upon those interviewed. Access to government officials or facilities has been restricted at times, although in 1993 and 1994 high-level visitors obtained most of the appointments they requested, including access to detention facilities. However, in August a delegation from Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was unable to obtain the cooperation of the Regional Super Governor's office to investigate PKK human rights abuses outside of Diyarbakir. In September Amnesty International's principal researcher for Turkey was declared persona non grata. Also in September, the Foreign Minister announced his intention to restrict foreign visitor access to judges and prosecutors. Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status The Constitution proclaims Turkey to be a secular state, regards all Turkish citizens as equal, and prohibits discrimination on ethnic, religious, or racial grounds. The Government officially recognizes only those religious minorities mentioned in the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), which guarantees the rights of Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, and Jewish adherents. Despite constitutional provisions, discrimination remains a problem in several areas. Women Traditional family values in rural Turkey place a greater emphasis on advanced education for sons than for daughters. Far fewer girls than boys continue their education after primary school. The illiteracy rate for women is approximately 29 percent, some 10 percent higher than for the population as a whole. Turkey's civil code, which prohibits granting gender-based privileges or rights, retains some discriminatory provisions concerning marital rights and obligations. Because the husband is the legal head of household, the wife automatically acquires the husband's surname with marriage; the husband is authorized to choose the domicile and represents the conjugal unit. As parents, husband and wife exercise their rights jointly, but when they disagree, the husband's view prevails. Women's groups have lobbied to change this provision. Divorce law requires that the divorcing spouses divide their property according to property registered in each spouse's name. Because in most cases property is registered in the husband's name, this can create difficulties for women who wish to divorce. With regard to inheritance laws, a widow generally obtains one-fourth of the estate. Although spousal abuse is a serious and widespread problem, it is still considered an extremely private matter, involving societal notions of family honor. Few women go to the police, who in any case are reluctant to intervene in domestic disputes and frequently advise women to return to their husbands. Turks of either sex may file civil or criminal charges but rarely do. A combination of laws and ingrained societal notions make it difficult to prosecute sexual assault or rape cases. By law, penalties may be reduced if a woman was not a virgin prior to a rape. Penalties may also be reduced if a judge deems the woman to have acted provocatively. There are several shelters for battered women, and at least two consultation centers, Istanbul's the Purple Roof Foundation and Ankara's Altindag Center. In a 1-year period, 400 women applied to one major city shelter. Particularly in urban areas, women are improving their position overall, including in the professions, business, and the civil service, although they continue to face discrimination to varying degrees. Numerous women have become lawyers, doctors, and engineers since the 1960's. In March a woman for the first time was elected chief justice of a court of appeals. Women comprise about 36 percent of the work force; approximately 80 percent of working women are employed in agriculture. They generally receive equal pay for equal work in the professions, business, and civil service jobs, although a large percentage of women employed in agriculture and in the trade, restaurant, and hotel sectors work as unpaid family help. The arbitrary barrier to women becoming governors and subgovernors (government-appointed positions) has been breached, and women may now take the examination required to become a subgovernor. Several have been appointed subgovernors, and one governor is a woman. Independent women's and women's rights associations exist, but the concept of lobbying for women's rights has not gained currency. Children The Government is committed to furthering children's welfare and is working to expand opportunities in education and health, including further reduction of the infant mortality rate. Children have suffered greatly from the cycle of violence in southeastern Anatolia. School closings and the migration of many families, forced or voluntary, have uprooted children to cities which are hard pressed to find the resources to extend basic, mandatory services, such as schooling. The Government is establishing regional boarding schools in the southeast to help combat this problem but not enough to meet the need. The HRF claims that 78 children were subjected to torture between January 1989 and July 1994. National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities The Constitution, following the Treaty of Lausanne, does not recognize the Kurds in Turkey as a national, racial, or ethnic minority. Many human rights abuses are targeted at Kurds who insist on publicly or politically asserting their Kurdish ethnic identity, and their supporters. Kurds who are long-term residents in industrialized cities in western Turkey have been, for the most part, assimilated into the political, economic, and social life of the nation. Kurds who are currently migrating westward (including those displaced by the conflict in the southeast), bring with them their Kurdish culture and village identity; many simply are not prepared for urban life. Most parliamentary representatives from southeastern Turkey are ethnic Kurds, but representatives of Kurdish ethnic origin have been elected from districts far removed from the southeast. Several Cabinet Ministers, more than 25 percent of M.P.'s and other government officials claim an ethnic Kurdish background. The increasing violence of the fighting in the southeast is polarizing ethnic Turks and Kurds and creating a climate of intolerance. Particularly in cities such as Adana and Mersin, which have witnessed a large influx of Kurds fleeing the violence in the southeast, tensions continue to rise. With PKK bombings in Aegean resort towns and Istanbul, tensions have also spread westward, making it difficult, for example, for some otherwise qualified new migrants to find work in the western cities. The 1991 repeal of the law prohibiting publications or communication in Kurdish legalized some spoken and printed Kurdish communications. Under the political parties law, however, all discussion that takes place at political meetings must be in Turkish. Kurdish may be spoken only in "nonpolitical communication." Court proceedings (and all government functions, including public education) continue to be conducted in Turkish, disadvantaging those Kurdish-speaking defendants who have to rely on court-provided translators. Moreover, materials dealing with Kurdish history, culture, and ethnic identity continue to be subject to confiscation and prosecution under the "indivisible unity of the State" provisions of the Anti-Terror Law. The Roma population is extremely small, and there were no reported incidents of public or government harassment directed against Roma during 1994. People with Disabilities To date legislation dealing with the disabled is piecemeal, and there is little legislation regarding accessibility for the disabled. Certain categories of employers are required to hire disabled persons as 2 percent of their employee pool, although there is no penalty for failure to comply. Section 6 Worker Rights a. The Right of Association Most workers have the right to associate freely and form representative unions. Exceptions are schoolteachers (both public and private), civil servants, the police, and military personnel. Upon taking office in June 1993, the Government of Prime Minister Ciller renewed the pledge to bring Turkish labor legislation into conformity with the standards of the International Labor Organization (ILO), and its intention to grant trade union rights to civil servants (including teachers). In early 1994, the Government introduced in Parliament a bill to grant to civil servants the legal right to form unions, which includes some collective bargaining rights. The draft law would also allow the Government to determine whether to permit a particular strike by civil servants. In May a combination of center-right and Islamist-right political party deputies voted against the draft in parliamentary committee. The Government and Parliament must now reconcile their differences on this legislation. Permission for civil servants to form trade unions and for unions to engage in political activity will require amendments to the Constitution --a procedure further complicated by the need to gain support among the opposition parties in order to secure the requisite two-thirds majority. The law states that unions and confederations may be founded without prior authorization based on a petition to the governor of the province where the union's headquarters are to be located. Although unions are independent of the Government and political parties, they must have government permission to hold meetings or rallies and must allow police to attend conventions and record the proceedings. The Constitution requires candidates for union office to have worked 10 years in the industry represented by the union. Some 14 percent of the total civilian labor force (aged 15 and above) are unionized. There are three confederations of labor unions in Turkey: the Turkish Confederation of Workers Unions (Turk-Is), the Confederation of Turkish Real Trade Unions (Hak-Is), and the Confederation of Revolutionary Workers Unions (DISK). There are also some independent unions. Unions and their officers have a statutory right to express views on issues directly affecting members' economic and social interests, but the Constitution prohibits any union role in party politics (such as organic or financial connections with any political party or other association). In practice, unions have been able to convey clearly in election and referendum campaigns their support for, or opposition to, given political parties and government policies. In May the Government proposed a "democratization" package. One of its proposals would allow unions and other groups (women and students, for example) to have formal links to political parties. Prosecutors may request labor courts to order a trade union or confederation into liquidation based on alleged violation of specific legal norms. The Government, however, may not summarily dissolve a union. The right to strike, while guaranteed in the Constitution, is partially restricted. For example, workers engaged in the protection of life and property and those in the mining and petroleum industries, sanitation services, national defense, and education do not have the right to strike. Collective bargaining is required before a strike. The law specifies the series of steps a union must take before it may strike or an employer may engage in a lockout. Nonbinding mediation is the last of those steps. In sectors in which strikes are prohibited, disputes are resolved through binding arbitration. A party that fails to comply with these steps forfeits its rights. The struck employer may respond with a lockout but is prohibited from hiring strikebreakers or using administrative personnel to perform jobs normally done by strikers. Article 42 of Law 2822, governing collective bargaining, strikes, and lockouts, prohibits the employer from terminating workers encouraging or participating in a legal strike. Unions are forbidden to engage in secondary (solidarity), wildcat, or general strikes. The Government also has the statutory power to suspend strikes for 60 days for reasons of national security or public health and safety. Unions may petition the Council of State to lift such a suspension, but if this appeal fails the strike is subject to compulsory arbitration at the end of the 60-day period. Some 24 strikes, involving about 1,800 workers, took place in the first 10 months of 1994. The Government did not suspend any strikes in 1994. With government approval, unions may and do form or join confederations and international labor bodies, as long as these organizations are not hostile to Turkey or to freedom of religion or belief. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) approved DISK as an affiliate in December 1992. Turk-Is is a longstanding member. Hak-Is applied for ICFTU affiliation in 1993. The application remains pending with the ICFTU. In June the Parliament reapproved ILO Convention 158 (termination of employment at the initiative of the employer), a measure which the late President Ozal had vetoed in 1992 after the Parliament had passed it. President Demirel signed the measure. As mentioned in Sections 2.a. and 2.b. above, in some instances labor union members have been the subject of government limits on freedom of speech and assembly. b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively All industrial workers have the right to organize and bargain collectively, and most industrial activity and some public sector agricultural activities are organized. The law requires that, in order to become a bargaining agent, a union must represent not only 50 percent plus one of the employees at a given work site but also 10 percent of all the workers in that particular industry. This 10-percent barrier has the effect of favoring established unions, and particularly those affiliated with Turk-Is, the confederation that represents nearly 80 percent of organized labor in Turkey. The ILO has called on Turkey to rescind this 10-percent rule. Both Turk-Is and the Turkish employers' organization favor retention of the rule, however, and the Government has not until now pursued a change. However, the government representative informed the ILO Committee on the Application of Standards that the Ministry of Labor and Social Security now proposes to remove the 10-percent numerical restriction, and that its proposal had been communicated to the social partners. The law on trade unions stipulates that an employer may not dismiss a labor union representative without rightful cause. The union member may appeal such a dismissal to the courts and, if the ruling is in the union member's favor, the employer must reinstate him and pay all back benefits and salary. Union organizing and collective bargaining are permitted in the duty-free export processing zones at Antalya, Istanbul, Izmir, and Mersin. Workers in those zones, however, are not allowed to strike during the first 10 years of operation. Until then, settlements not otherwise reached will be determined by binding arbitration. c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor The Constitution and statutes prohibit compulsory labor. The laws are enforced. d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children The Constitution and labor laws forbid employment of children younger than 15 years of age, with the exception that those aged 13 and 14 may engage in light part-time work if enrolled in school or vocational training. The Constitution also prohibits children from engaging in physically demanding jobs, such as underground mining, and from working at night. The Ministry of Labor effectively enforces these laws only in the organized industrial sector. In practice, many children work because families frequently need the supplementary income. An informal system provides work for young boys at low wages, e.g., in auto repair shops. Girls are rarely seen working in public, but many are kept out of school to work in handicrafts, especially in rural areas. Turkey is participating in the ILO's international program on the elimination of child labor. e. Acceptable Conditions of Work The Labor Ministry is legally obliged to set minimum wages at least every 2 years through a minimum wage board, a tripartite government-industry-union body. In recent years it has done so annually. In July the nominal minimum wage in Turkish lira (TL) was increased by approximately 67 percent over the year before. The monthly minimum wage rate (after taxes), which became effective September 1, is approximately $86 for workers older than 16 and about $73 for workers under 16 at the exchange rate prevailing in September. It would be difficult for a single worker, and impossible for a family, to live on the minimum wage without support from other sources. Most workers earn considerably more. Workers covered by the labor law, who constitute about one-third of the total labor force, also receive a hot meal, daily food allowance; transportation to and from work; a fuel allowance; and other fringe benefits which, according to the Turkish employers' organization, make basic wages alone only about 37 percent of total remuneration. Labor law provides for a nominal 45-hour workweek, although most unions have bargained for fewer hours. The law prescribes a weekly rest day. Labor law limits the number of overtime hours to 3 hours a day for up to 90 days in a year. The labor inspectorate of the Ministry of Labor effectively enforces wage and hour provisions in the unionized industrial, service, and government sectors. Occupational health and safety regulations are mandated by law, but the Government has not carried out an effective inspection and enforcement program. Law 1475 allows for the shutdown of an operation if a five-man committee, which includes safety inspectors, employee, and employer representatives, determines that the operation endangers workers' lives. In practice, financial constraints, limited safety awareness, carelessness, and fatalistic attitudes result in scant attention to occupational safety and health by workers and employers alike. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Tue Feb 14 14:59:26 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 14 Feb 1995 14:59:26 Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de References: Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Insan HaklarI Raporu, 1 U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE FEBRUARY 1995 TURKEY Turkey is a constitutional republic with a multiparty Parliament (the Grand National Assembly) which elects the President. Suleyman Demirel was elected President in 1993, and Tansu Ciller, chairperson of the center-right True Path Party (DYP), became Turkey's first female Prime Minister in the same year. For the past decade, Turkey has engaged in armed conflict with the terrorist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), whose stated goal is the creation of a separate state of Kurdistan in southeastern Turkey. A state of emergency, declared in 1987, continued in 10 southeastern provinces where the Government faces substantial terrorist violence from the PKK (see Section 1.g.). A regional governor retains authority over those 10 provinces, as well as 3 adjacent ones. A state of emergency allows the civilian governor to exercise certain quasi-martial law powers, including restrictions on the press and removal from the area of persons whose activities are deemed hostile to public order. The state of emergency decree was most recently renewed in November 1994. The Turkish National Police (TNP) are charged with maintaining public order in the cities, a responsibility which the Jandarma (gendarmerie) carries out in the countryside. In 1994 the regular Turkish armed forces, mainly the army, took on a primary role in combatting the PKK in the state of emergency region and thus assumed a greater internal security function than in previous years. Despite the Ciller Government's pledge in 1993 to end torture and to establish a state of law based on respect for human rights, torture and excessive use of force by security personnel persisted throughout 1994. Turkey has a mixed economy in which state enterprises account for nearly 40 percent of the manufacturing sector. A series of economic crises culminated in the announcement on April 5 of a major economic reform program, including the privatization of state-owned enterprises. Although the balance of payments improved and inflation slowed, prices still increased over 100 percent in 1994. The size of the state bureaucracy, the budget deficit, the inadequate tax system, and the inefficient state sector block economic growth. The conflict in the southeast continued to be a major drain on the economy. The human rights situation in Turkey worsened significantly in 1994. The police and security forces often employed torture during periods of incommunicado detention and interrogation, and the security forces continued to use excessive force against noncombatants. PKK terrorists murdered noncombatants, targeting village officials and teachers and also committing random murders in their effort to intimidate the populace. Parliament lifted the immunity of pro-Kurdish Democracy Party (DEP) members of Parliament (M.P.'s), opening the way for indictment and prosecution of five DEP M.P.'s and one independent, largely for the expression of views during their tenure as M.P.'s. The Constitutional Court subsequently closed the DEP, allowing two other M.P.'s to be prosecuted. The trial concluded on December 8 with convictions for disseminating separatist propaganda and for supporting or being a member of an armed band, which resulted in sentences ranging from 3 years and 6 months (suspended) to 15 years. Various agencies of the Government continued to harass, intimidate, indict, and imprison human rights monitors, journalists, lawyers, and professors for ideas which they expressed in public forums. Disappearances and mystery murder cases continued at a high rate in the southeast. The PKK and the radical Islamic Hizbullah (not related to the Lebanese Hizbullah) appear responsible in some cases. In other cases, however, the evidence implicated government security forces. In many human rights cases, the targets of abuse were ethnic Kurds or their supporters. Moreover, the Government infrequently prosecutes police or security officers for extrajudicial killings, torture, and other abuses; in the cases which produce a conviction, lenient sentences were usually given. The resulting climate of impunity that has been created probably remains the single largest obstacle to reducing unlawful killing, torture, and other human rights abuses. The Government used the 1991 Anti-Terror Law, with its broad and ambiguous definition of terrorism, to detain both alleged terrorists and a broad range of people on the charge that their acts, words, or ideas promote separatism and "threaten the indivisible unity of the State." In September the Government formed a Committee on Freedom of Thought to examine changes to the Anti-Terror Law and other laws that severely restrict freedom of expression. By mid-October the Committee had made recommendations to Parliament which, if enacted and properly implemented, could significantly expand freedom of expression. However, at year's end, Parliament had not enacted these changes. While the Criminal Trials Procedure Law (CMUK), passed in November 1992, has improved attorney access for those charged with common crimes, certain of its provisions, such as early attorney access, do not apply to those detained under the Anti-Terror Law or within the state of emergency region. In 1993 Parliament annulled the article of the Constitution under which the Government had a monopoly on radio and television broadcasting, and in April 1994 passed regulatory legislation for the legal operation of private broadcasting. From khailany at emunix.emich.edu Tue Feb 21 09:48:54 1995 From: khailany at emunix.emich.edu (khailany at emunix.emich.edu) Date: 21 Feb 1995 09:48:54 Subject: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de References: Message-ID: From: khailany at emunix.emich.edu (Asad Khailany) Subject: Re: ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Insan HaklarI Raporu, 1 It is ironic that the report did not mentioned anything about the 3000 Kurdish villages which were destroyed by Turkish army, The US government should recognise the fact that 30 million Kurds are deprived of all basic human rights and creation of an independent Kurdistan government is a basic natural right of Kurdish people. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Sun Feb 12 23:22:23 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 12 Feb 1995 23:22:23 Subject: 02:ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR' Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: 02:ABD DI$i$leri BakanlIGI'nIn, TR'de Insan HaklarI Raporu, 2 The Constitution provides for the inviolability of a person's domicile and the privacy of correspondence and communication. Government officials may enter a private residence or intercept or monitor private correspondence only upon issuance of a judicial warrant. These provisions are generally respected in practice outside the state of emergency region. A judge must decide whether to issue a search warrant for a residence. If delay may cause harm, prosecutors and municipal officers authorized to carry out prosecutors' instructions may conduct a search. Searches of private premises may not be carried out at night, unless the delay will be damaging or the search will result in the capture of a prisoner at large. Exceptions include persons under special observation by the Security Directorate General, places anyone can enter at night, places where criminals gather, places where materials obtained through the Commission of Crimes are kept, gambling establishments, and brothels. In the 10 provinces under emergency rule, the Regional Governor can and does empower security authorities to search without a warrant residences or the premises of political parties, businesses, associations, or other organizations. According to the HRF, the practice of security authorities in these provinces to search, hold, or seize without warrant persons, letters, telegrams, and documents is unconstitutional. Roadblocks are commonplace in the southeast, and security officials regularly search vehicles and travelers. Security forces have compelled the evacuation of villages in the southeast to prevent villagers from giving aid and comfort to the PKK (see Section 1.g.). The Government admits to village and hamlet evacuations but claims they occur as the consequence of pressures by and fear of the PKK and because security operations against the PKK in the region make continued occupancy unsafe. g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Conflicts Since 1984 the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) has waged an increasingly violent terrorist insurgency that has claimed over 15,000 lives, as many as 2,000 of them during 1994. The PKK's campaign of violence in southeast Turkey is directed against both security forces and civilians, most of whom are Kurds, whom the PKK accuses of cooperating with the State. The TNP, Jandarma, and armed forces, in turn, have waged an increasingly intense campaign to suppress terrorism, targeting active PKK units as well as those they believe support or sympathize with the PKK, and committing many human rights abuses in the process. According to government figures, in the first 10 months of 1994, 3,577 PKK, 963 security force members and 940 noncombatants were killed. In that same period, 1,563 civilians, 2,308 security force members and 137 PKK were wounded. Government security forces forcibly evacuated and sometimes burned villages, for the purpose of preventing their inhabitants from providing aid and comfort to PKK guerrillas or in retaliation for a PKK raid on a nearby Jandarma post. Some villagers who migrated to the cities told reliable sources that they had been evacuated for refusing to participate in the paramilitary village guard system. Some lost all their belongings when their houses were burned. In May the Interior Minister, replying to a question in Parliament, stated that 871 villages and hamlets in the state of emergency region had become empty since July 1987. The Interior Minister asserted that the villages and hamlets were emptied because of PKK pressure or economic reasons. The Minister of Defense that same month stated that to control PKK activity in the region, 50 settlement centers, displacing approximately 10,000 persons around Mount Ararat and Tenduruk Mountain, would be evacuated and that those regions would be declared a military zone. These statements were the first official confirmations of village evacuations in the southeast, including evacuations at government behest. In October, 17 village evacuations in Tunceli Province finally brought the issue into the national spotlight. According to government figures, as of October 1, 1,046 villages and hamlets had been evacuated: 75 by the regional governorship for security reasons; 125 of the residents' own accord for security reasons; 812 because of PKK pressure; and 34 for economic reasons. According to a government report, to date approximately $227,000 in compensation has been paid to villagers displaced in the southeast, largely as a result of PKK activity, and $545,000 was to be spent in 1994 to construct housing for displaced villagers in Sirnak and Bingol provinces. The Government has stated that it is providing housing and financial assistance to those displaced in Tunceli Province. On March 26, a Turkish air force plane bombed up to four villages in Sirnak province, killing approximately 20 persons, according to press reports. Journalists were not allowed into the area. The Government stated that the inhabitants had left the villages some time before and that the PKK had then moved in, along with some civilians. When the PKK was hit, the Government explained, there was perforce some collateral damage. During the first 6 months of 1994, approximately 10,000 Turks of Kurdish ethnic origin left the southeast for northern Iraq, claiming the Government had forced them out. The Government believes the villagers moved to northern Iraq at the behest of the PKK and views most of them as PKK supporters. The Government organizes, arms, and pays for a civil defense force in the southeast known as the village guards. Participation in the paramilitary militia by local villagers is theoretically voluntary, but villagers are caught between the two sides. If the villagers agree to serve, the PKK may target them and their village. If the villagers refuse to participate, government security forces may retaliate against them and their village. The village guards have a reputation for being the least disciplined of the Government's security forces. There were instances in which physicians were prosecuted for giving medical care to alleged PKK terrorists, a practice that could deter other physicians from extending such aid. For example, Dr. Ilhan Diken was tried in Diyarbakir State Security Court for treating a wounded PKK militant, an offense for which the prosecution demanded a 5-year sentence. Diken's sentence of 3 years 9 months, of which he will serve 33 months, was affirmed by the Court of Appeals. Government state of emergency decree 430, codified in 1990 and most recently renewed in November, imposes stringent security measures in the southeast. The regional governor may censor news, ban strikes or lockouts, and impose internal exile (see Section 1.d.). The decree also provides for doubling the sentences of those convicted of cooperating with separatists. Informants and convicted persons who cooperate with the State are eligible for rewards and reduced sentences. Provisions in the decree that specifically prohibited court challenges to the regional governor's administrative decisions were amended in 1992 to permit limited judicial review. The year 1994 witnessed a series of PKK attacks on Turkish petroleum wells and power transformers, temporarily halting oil production. In August post and telecommunications (PTT) publications revealed that the PKK had caused $2 million in damage to the domestic PTT network in the Southeast and its radio link stations in Hakkari, Diyarbakir, Igdir, Mus, and Agri Provinces. For the 1993-94 school year, according to the Education Minister, 4,000 schools were closed in eastern and southeastern Turkey. Alternate government figures indicate that 3,395 schools were closed during that period: 1,839 due to lack of security and fear of terrorism, 2,202 for lack of teachers, 89 for insufficient students, 92 because of the migration or evacuation of residents from the area, and 213 because they had been attacked and burned. In Tunceli province alone, 12 teachers were killed and 273 of 314 schools remained closed throughout the 1993-94 school year. Although the Government opened more regional boarding schools, promised to reopen closed schools for the 1994-95 school year, and maintains that a supplementary TL 1876 billion ($5,340,000) allocation was made to schools in the region, the Education Minister in September announced that 4,000 schools in the southeast were closed due to village evacuations undertaken for security and other reasons. Villagers and human rights groups complained that Jandarma actions and security forces' searches for PKK terrorists and their supporters resulted in expulsions, beatings, torture, and the arbitrary killing of innocent civilians. Government security forces on many occasions fired on the homes of villagers suspected of harboring PKK terrorists, causing an unknown number of casualties and destroying villagers' property, including livestock. From newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl Mon Feb 13 14:14:56 1995 From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl) Date: 13 Feb 1995 14:14:56 Subject: TRKNWS-L Separatist... Message-ID: From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl) Subject: TRKNWS-L Separatist... > Scanned and forwarded by Murat Yasin Prepared by Foundation for Middle East and Balkan Studies (OBIV) Address: (OBIV'in) Salacak, Kasap Veli Sok. 10 81160 Uskudar/Istanbul. ISBN No.: 975-7341. SEPARATIST TERROR: MENACE OF THE POST COLD WAR PERIOD A Case Study of the PKK in Turkey Asia Minor, or Anatolia, as it is also called, has throughout history, served as one of the world's major land bridges linking Europe, Asia and Africa. Thousands of years of successive civilizations culminating with the 600 year long Ottoman Empire (1299-1923) and its successor state, the present-day Republic of Turkey, have left their imprints on contemporary Turkish society, creating a culturally and ethnically diverse nation. Indeed, Turkey, not unlike the United States of America, is a veritable melting pot of cultures, one in which nationalism, has always been based less on race and ethnicity than upon a shared geographic, historic and cultural identity. As a secular democracy, Turkey has always rightfully prided itself upon the full and equal participation of all of its citizens, regardless of ethnic background, in the richly colorful and vibrant mosaic of its parliamentary democracy. Ethnic diversity is evident among Turkey's 60,000,000 citizens. While traditionally living in the southeast of Turkey, today's Turkish citizens of Kurdish ethnic origin live scattered throughout the country. It is estimated that more than half of them live in the larger cities of western Turkey. They participate in all areas of social, economic and political life. Citizens of Kurdish descent have become parliamentarians, government ministers, prime ministers and presidents. Indeed, there is no ethnic discrimination in Turkey. Culturally, Turkish Kurds are free to speak the various dialects of their own language, not only in private, but also in all public gatherings. Likewise, publication of Kurdish books, magazines and newspapers is widespread. In short, Turkish Kurds are fully integrated into the mainstream of Turkish society, while being encouraged to preserve their own unique cultural heritage. Turkey's southeastern region, due to a variety of geographic and historical factors, is far less developed than the western part of the country.< The southeast is very mountainous and arid with hot and cold temperature extremes. Much of the region's economy is based on animal husbandry and its distance from the main population centers in the west, has made it relatively less attractive for industrial development. It is in this milieu that the terrorist organization known as the Kurdish Workers Party, or the PKK, seeks via the ruthless application of terror to establish a separate Kurdish state. Advancing the spurious argument that Kurds cannot fully express themselves in democratic Turkey, these separatist terrorists seek to divide Turkey along ethnic lines. Terrorist organizations preaching separatism, hatred and ethnic cleansing are increasingly replacing militant communism as the principal threat to world peace in the post-Cold War era. The PKK, with its Marxist Leninist theory, its ethnic exceptionalism and its use of terror and violence as a means of achieving its ultimate goal, the destruction of the territorial integrity of Turkey, is recognized and classified as an international terrorist organization by most western countries. Although today the PKK uses terrorism as a means of achieving its goal of establishing a separate, Kurdish state in southeastern Turkey, its original aim, was quite different. Established in 1978, the PKK initially sought to foment communist revolution in Turkey, a goal it shared with other Turkish leftist organizations such as the Dev-Yol (Revolutionary Path) and the Dev-Sol (Revolutionary Left). The use of terrorist tactics by these organizations as a means of bringing about a nationwide revolution was, throughout the seventies, a commonly observed phenomenon of militant communism on every continent. In September, 1980, the PKK leadership moved into the Syrian controlled Bekaa valley in Lebanon. Between 1980 and 1984, current PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan consolidated his position through a campaign of torture and execution directed against his closest associates in a successful bid to assume absolute control of the movement. This caused inevitable splits within the PKK, and those who managed to escape from Lebanon established Kurdish organizations of various political shades throughout Europe . During this period, the emphasis of the PKK began to change. Increasingly, its rhetoric became devoted to the propaganda of ethnic exceptionalism. But at least one element remained constant: the ever-increasing reliance on terrorism to achieve PKK ends. Since 1984, hit and run activities on Turkish territory have steadily escalated, resulting in over 8,500 deaths, (almost half of which are civilian) and the majority of which are Kurds. Turkey's democratic institutions, as in the case of all Western countries, were unable to produce instant strategies to deal effectively with the growing incidence of PKK outrages. By 1992, however, it became obvious that a mix of complicated initiatives would be necessary to deal with the multi-faceted threat the PKK posed to Turkey. Most recently, this realization has led to the formation of special teams trained specifically to fight against guerrilla units. These steps were necessitated by a qualitative and quantitative escalation of PKK activity during the past year. This recent escalation has its roots in a number of factors which bear close analysis. These involve nationalism and ethnic identity, economic factors, and changes in the region precipitated by the collapse of the Soviet Union, rising Islamic fundamentalist and the still unresolved post-Gulf War crisis. Part 2 NATIONALISM AND ETHNIC IDENTITY Nineteenth century nationalism, while a major factor in the dissolution of the Ottoman polity, was slow in reaching the Muslim population of Anatolia. Identity in the Ottoman Empire was based not on ethnicity or race, but rather on religion. Thus, following World War I, when the Greek armies invaded Anatolia, it was the Muslim population (Turks, Kurds and others) which successfully blocked their occupation of the Anatolian regions. Consequently, the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne (subsequently signed by other parties in 1924), viewed the Muslims in the newly formed Turkish Republic as a whole, and reserved the status of 'minority' in the technical legal sense only for the country's Greek and Armenian Christians and Jews. This minority status was designed specifically to protect the religious rights of these groups. Regardless their ethnic background, no such special protection was spelled out for Muslims. Accordingly, the term 'minority' in the Turkish Republic has always had a particular treaty-defined meanings. The concept of any section of Turkey's Muslim citizenry being viewed as a 'minority' is quite simply alien. This does not mean however, that the Muslim peoples do not preserve their own languages, cultural identity, and folkcustoms. Successive Turkish governments have always encouraged and supported various groups in this regard. There is no more support in Turkey for viewing any Muslim group as a separate 'ethnic minority' with rights of self-determination, than there would be in the United States should a group of Hispanic-Americans in that country's southwest start a separatist movement. In the current proliferation of publications in Turkish and Kurdish on Kurdish history, language and experience, there is virtually no expression in support of ethnic separatism. Rather, these publications mainly focus on issues such as the need for economic development and the need to curtail the power of tribal leaders in the region. Paradoxically, even PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, who represents only a minority of the most extreme Kurdish nationalists, for a long time did not demand a separate state in recognition of the economic dependency of the southeast upon the rest of the country. However, in recent months, Ocalan's rhetoric has shifted and he now calls for the establishment of an independent Kurdish state comprising southeastern Turkey and northern Iraq. Undoubtedly, his shift in this regard has been influenced by the power vacuum in Iraq. It must be stressed, however, that the majority of Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin live outside southeastern Anatolia. The number of Kurds moving to western Turkey continues to grow as they flee the instability created by the PKK in the southeast. Consequently, the Kurdish element in southeastern Turkey's population continues to decline because they prefer to resettle in the more highly developed western regions of their own country. THE ECONOMY AND TERRORISM Beginning in the early 1 960s, two decades prior to the advent of PKK terrorism, the government of Turkey, in recognition of the region's economic needs, began the Southeastern Anatolia Development Project (GAP), a massive investment project designed to harness the waters of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers for the region's economic development. In 1994, water from the Ataturk Dam (one of the 23 dams comprising GAP) will irrigate 370,000 acres of land. The other 22 dams and 17 hydroelectric plants now in various stages of completion will cost over $32 billion. When completed, this project and its accompanying infrastructure, including six-lane highways linking the cities of Adana, Gaziantep, Sanliurfa and Diyarbakir, will provide employment opportunities for the local people, some 50,000 of whom are still nomadic. Although Turkey is one of the world's seven agriculturally self-sufficient countries, investments in the southeast designed to increase agricultural production are based on a commitment to bridge the gap between the development levels of the country's western and eastern regions. Economists agree that the massive commitment of Turkey's limited investment resources to the GAP project has not been without cost. For example, these expenditures have contributed directly to the high rate of inflation which Turkey has experienced throughout the past decade. Despite these financial burdens, the government is fully committed to completing this project. Similarly, Turkey's development activities in the southeast have led to strains in its foreign policy in that the GAP project, designed as it is to divert a quantity of the waters of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, has become a source of continuing contention with neighboring Syria. While Turkey has repeatedly expressed its desire to resolve this issue through negotiations, media reports suggest that Syria has opted to support the PKK to increase its leverage in the matter. It may be more than coincidental that the PKK's recent escalation of violence coincides with the completion of the Birecik Dam on the Euphrates. PKK violence has effected public investment and diminished private investments in the region with negative consequences on the local economy. Delays in industrial plant construction result from the understandable reluctance of the business sectors to have anything to do with the PKK. In order to finance the purchase of weapons, the PKK extorts money from businessmen, shopkeepers and professionals of Kurdish origin residing abroad. The bulk of the PKK's annual budget also includes income stemming from drug smuggling and trafficking. The British National Service of Criminal Intelligence (NSIC) recently reported that in the past year the PKK extorted 2.5 pounds sterling from immigrants and businesses in England alone. According to this source, the PKK also received 56 million DM from their 1993 drug-running operations in Europe. In fact, in December of 19935 German authorities arrested seven men accused of using gangland techniques to extort money from Kurds in Germany for the purpose of financing the PKK. To counter PKK activities in the southeast region of the country the government has adopted a two-pronged approach: First, the elimination of PKK terrorists by security operations in strict compliance with the rule of law. Second, active measures to further improve the living standards of the local people who suffer from impaired public services and a slow-down in economic development. Further, the region's rural population is subject to terrorist violence. Increasingly the local Kurdish people, who support their elected government and serve as village guards to protect their communities, are branded as 'collaborators' by the PKK and in tactics reminiscent of those employed in an earlier era by the Khmer Rouge, are subject (together with all members of their families, including infant children) to assassination. Another terrorist target is the region's educational infrastructure. By violence and intimidation, including the burning of schools and the execution of village school teachers, the PKK has sought to deprive a generation of local school children of their right to basic education. PKK efforts in these areas may fall far short of their objectives, but they can be profoundly disruptive and wreak cruel hardships on local citizens. Part 3 FOREIGN POLICY AND KURDISH TERRORISM The aftermath of the Iran-Iraq War and the Gulf War served to focus attention on the Kurds in the Middle East. Iran has supported Kurdish elements in neighboring countries, most particularly in support of its own military operations against Iraq. This policy has frequently led to friction with Turkey, due to the fact that at the same time Iran was arming Iraqi Kurds as part of its struggle with Saddam Hussein. The PKK has likewise been using northern Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks on Turkish soil. In the wake of the Gulf War, the setting up of a Kurdish zone in Northern Iraq served to create a foreign policy dilemma for Turkey. While Turkey hosts the forces of 'Operation Provide Comfort', the mandate of which is to shield the Iraqi Kurds from retaliation by Saddam Hussein, it likewise supports Iraq's territorial integrity. Turkey does not wish to see the Kurdish zone emerge as an independententity, the product of a divided orpartitioned Iraq. Such an independent Kurdish state would disrupt tie regional balance of power and be counter, not only to Turkey's national interests, but to those of other countries in the region as well. Armenia presents another case study on how regional states manipulate the Kurdish issue to suit their own interests. In recent months there has been an increase in PKK attacks along the northeastern Turkish border adjacent to Armenia. Clearly, the PKK is being provided with a safe haven in that neighboring country. What is less clear is the degree of complicity on the part of the Armenian government as opposed to that of Armenian nationalist militias controlling these regions. Likewise, recent visits to Armenia by high-ranking members of the PKK leadership raise suspicions that Armenian-PKK collaboration is intensifying. Syria is another neighboring state which has frequently supported PKK separatists in an effort to promote its own interests. General Syrian support for a wide number of international terrorist groups, including the PKK, is well known. Though deplorable, this was at least explainable as long as Syria was serving as a Soviet surrogate in the region. Less understandable has been this nation's continuing support for the PKK following the collapse of the USSR. To comprehend why, one has to recall earlier comment on Syrian unease over Turkey's GAP project and its effects on the downstream flow of the Euphrates River. Although Syria has repeatedly provided Turkey with assurances that it does not support the PKK, evidence to the contrary is overwhelming. One needs only to recall that Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the PKK, has for the past several years lived freely in Syria and that the major training camps of the PKK were located until very recently, in the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon. Recently, a series of developments in Europe indicates that Western nations have finally come to fully recognize the danger presented by the PKK and its representatives. In the wake of a series of PKK operations in their towns and cities, Germany and France have closed all PKK organizations functioning under a social or cultural disguise. These groups, which were clearly running the European arm of the PKK's drug-smuggling operations, while at the same time extorting funds from Kurdish and Turkish workers, were, until these crackdowns, tolerated by some European institutions as semi-official representatives of the Kurds working in those countries. In late November of 1993, the German government took the long overdue step of banning thirty-five PKK 'front' organizations which had until then operated freely in that country. Similar steps were taken by the French government which, in banning the PKK, reiterated its commitment not to allow its territory to serve as a base for international terrorists. As this brief overview indicates, the Turkish government is faced with the dual task of addressing the problem of, both at home and abroad. The necessity for this was recently stressed by Prime Minister Tansu Ciller who, while reaffirming the nation's commitment to fight PKK terrorism at home, also announced her government's intention to carry out an aggressive diplomatic campaign designed to cut off the PKK's financial, logistical and public relations support abroad. The success of this approach is indicated by the current crackdowns in Europe. The government's efforts against the PKK at home enjoy the support of the overwhelming majority of the population of Turkey, irrespective of ethnic affinity. When it comes to the preservation of innocent lives and the sanctity of the nation's borders, the PKK terrorists stand alone with their creed of violence and separatism. As the world emerges from the era of the Cold War, issues of economic development, open trade and international cooperation have become paramount. Ultra nationalist groups preaching violence and ethnic exceptionalism only serve to stall progress on these all-important issues. That is why the PKK and similar groups present the most serious threat to international peace and cooperation in the new world order. Only an unswerving commitment to fight this scourge (regardless of cost) will ensure that the much-touted 'New World Order' does not dissolve into a 'New World Disorder' marked by spiraling ethnic clashes and chaos. Turkey, for its part, is firmly committed to ensuring the peace and security of all its citizens by eradicating the PKK terrorist from its midst. From RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE Tue Feb 14 04:03:18 1995 From: RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE (RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE) Date: 14 Feb 1995 04:03:18 Subject: E-MAIL ADRESSE FUeR SIPAM VON RDL Message-ID: <5fmahO6.CPB@radioxp.3landbox.com> Radio Dreyeckland Adlerstr.12 79098 Freiburg Tel 004976131028 Fax 004976131868 radio at 3landbox.bawue.cl.sub.de Hola Angela y todas las mujeres de Sipam espero que reciban esa mensaje con nuestra direcci?n para que puedan mandarnos las informaciones por APC. Saludos Ralf Radio International -- ** Beispiel-Signatur fuer oeffentliche Nachrichten ** ## CrossPoint v3.02 ## From root at newsdesk.aps.nl Tue Feb 14 14:58:43 1995 From: root at newsdesk.aps.nl (root at newsdesk.aps.nl) Date: 14 Feb 1995 14:58:43 Subject: New Book: Baku 1920: First Con Message-ID: From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam) Subject: Re: New Book: Baku 1920: First Congress Peoples of the East Reply-To: root at newsdesk.aps.nl ---------- Forwarded from : pfinder at world.std.com (Pathfinder Press) ----------- Dear Mr. Seren Enclosed is bibliographic information on Pathfinder Press' new book "To See the Dawn: Baku, First Congress of the Peoples of the East." "To See The Dawn" is available by direct order and through library wholesalers. Thank you, Doug Hord TO SEE THE DAWN Baku, 1920-First Congress of the Peoples of the East 344 pp., 16 pp. of photos, introduction, maps, glossary, notes, index cloth $55.00 isbn 0-87348-768-0 paper $19.95 isbn 0-87348-769-9 How can peasants and workers in the colonial world achieve freedom from imperialist exploitation? How can working people overcome divisions incited by their national ruling classes and act together for common class interests? These questions -- urgently posed today by the devastating social and economic consequences of the crisis in the world market system -- were addressed in 1920 in an unprecedented conference of 2,000 delegates representing workers and peasants of more than two dozen peoples of Asia. The congress was convened by the Communist International in Baku, Azerbaijan, at a time when mass revolutionary struggles in surrounding Central Asia and in much of Europe, inspired by the victory of the 1917 workers' and peasants' revolution in Russia, gave hope of a new dawn for the world's toilers. To See the Dawn contains the complete record of the Baku congress, together with an extensive selection of previously unpublished documents and photographs. It is the fifth installment of the Pathfinder series The Communist International in Lenin's Time. TABLE OF CONTENTS 8 Maps 11 Introduction 36 Call to the Baku congress Proceedings 45 Opening Rally Zinoviev, 47; Radek, 52; Kun, 54; Quelch, 55; Rosmer, 56; Reed, 57; Steinhardt, 58 60 Session 1. Tasks of the Congress of the Peoples of the East Narimanov, 60; Report by Zinoviev, 63 80 Session 2. World political situation Report by Radek, 80; Buniatzadeh, 96; Shakir, 99; Haydar Khan, 100 103 Session 3. Discussion: Turkestan, Mountain republic Narbutabekov, 103; Korkmasov, 109 114 Session 4. Guest speakers; India; Turkey Zinoviev, 114; Quelch, 116; Rosmer, 118; Fazil al-Qadir, 120; Declaration by Indian Revolutionary Organization, 120; Shablin, 121; Declaration by Enver Pasha, 122; Statement by Ibrahim Tali, 126; Resolution on Turkey, 129; Zinoviev, 130; Addendum: Speech by John Reed, 132 137 Session 5 National and colonial questions Report by Pavlovich, 137; Matushev, 159; Ryskulov, 165 172 Session 6. Soviets in the East; agrarian question Report by Kun, 172; Theses on Soviet power in the East, 180; Report by Skachko, 183; Theses on the agrarian question, 194 201 Session 7. Council for Propaganda and Action; women of the East; concluding remarks Resolution on Council for Propaganda and Action, 202; Zinoviev, 202; Rojabov, 203; Report by Najiye, 204; Bibinur, 207; Tajiyev, 209; Yegorov, 210; Narimanov, 212; Zinoviev, 213 221 Manifesto to the peoples of the East 234 Appeal to the workers of Europe, America, and Japan 242 Composition of the congress Appendixes 247 Appendix 1. Declaration of Soviet government on rights of peoples of Russia 250 Appendix 2. Appeal to all toiling Muslims of Russia and the East (Council of People's Commissars) 253 Appendix 3. Address to the Second All-Russia Congress of Communist Organizations of the Peoples of the East (V.I. Lenin) 266 Appendix 4. Theses on the national and colonial questions (Second Congress of the Communist International) 273 Appendix 5. A new world (Baku City Executive Committee, Azerbaijan Communist Party) 277 Appendix 6. Workers of Armenia have cemented an alliance with toiling Azerbaijan (Delegation from Armenia) 282 Appendix 7. Zionism: an exchange of views at the Baku congress a) Thousands of Jewish toilers need land (Mountain Jews), 282 b) Settle and colonize Palestine on communist principles (Jewish Communist Party/Poale Zion), 284 c) The slogan must be "Hands off Palestine" (Jewish Sections, Communist Party of Russia), 288 ]292 Appendix 8. Correcting abuses of Soviet power in Asia a) Corrections must be made, and made quickly (Twenty-one delegates to Baku congress), 292 b) Communist tasks among Eastern peoples (Political Bureau, Communist Party of Russia), 302 c) Appeal to Red Army soldiers fighting in the East (Council of Propaganda and Action), 304 310 Notes 327 Glossary of names and terms 335 Index Photographs are found after page 174 Doug Hord Pathfinder Press on-line catalog pfinder at world.std.com catalog URL:gopher://ftp.std.com:70/11/Book Sellers/Pathfinder Press order info for New York: 1-(212)741-0690 (U.S. and South America) order info for London: (071)261-1354 (Europe, Middle East, Africa) ----------------------------- End forwarded message -------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------- * Activists Press Service (Newsdesk) * newsdesk at aps.nl !Power to the people! ------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Thu Feb 16 09:32:20 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 16 Feb 1995 09:32:20 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 9-13, Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 9-13, 1995 KURD-A News Updates February 9-13, 1995 According to our correspondents in the Mardin region, there was fighting between ARGK guerrillas and Turkish army units carrying out operations in the region. The fighting has continued since February 8. According to the local population, at least 17 soldiers and paramilitary village guards have been killed. (09.02.95) In the city of Idil near Nusaybin, a counter-guerrilla was executed by local residents. According to information which we have received, the man executed had been involved in several murders. Despite warnings from the population, the counter- guerrilla, whose name we do not yet know, refused to stop cooperating with Turkish security forces. (09.02.95) In the region of Sirnak, the village of Gundike Male was attacked by Turkish army units on February 10. According to reports from the local population, villagers were forced to assemble in the town square. There, they were tortured and mistreated. The Turkish army units threatened to forcibly evict the villages if the villagers supplied food to the guerrillas. 2 villagers, whose names we do not know yet, were shot and killed in front of the other villagers. These murders were designed to frighten the local population. (11.02.95) The region of Cudi, which has been controlled by ARGK guerrillas since the beginning of 1994, was attacked once again by Turkish warplanes on February 10. According to the press office of the ARGK in Botan, no ARGK guerrillas were killed during the raids. The bombardment lasted for two hours and involved 6 fighter jets. (11.02.95) On February 10, in the Kulp-Sason region, ARGK guerrillas carried out a major attack on Turkish army units carrying out operations in the region. The guerrillas were informed about the operations ahead of time and were able to make preparations. As soldiers marched into the region, they were "welcomed" on all sides by guerrillas. During fighting between the Turkish army and the Kurdish guerrillas, several soldiers were killed. 3 guerrillas were killed in the fighting. According to our correspondents, the fighting is still continuing. (11.02.95) On February 11, ARGK guerrillas attacked a Turkish army troop transporter on the road between Nusaybin and Akarsu. The guerrillas fired rockets and automatic weapons on the troop transporter. It's unclear how many Turkish soldiers were killed in this attack. According to KURD-A correspondents, the troop transporter was completely destroyed. (12.02.95) On the road from Batman to Savur, 2 Turkish tanks were attacked by ARGK guerrillas. According to our correspondents, one of the tanks was destroyed. (12.02.95) On February 11, guerrillas blockaded the strategically important Kulp-Sason road, which is often utilized by Turkish army units for transporting food supplies to soldiers involved in major operations in the region. The military operation in Kulp-Sason has been attacked by ARGK guerrillas several times in the last few days. During the road blockade, a military convoy was attacked by ARGK guerrillas. The guerrillas fired rockets and automatic weapons and destroyed the convoy. According to our correspondents, several soldiers were killed. (12.02.95) Turkish army units carrying out operations in the Mardin-Savur region forcibly evacuated the village of Dengiza on February 5 and burned it to the ground. According to reports from villagers, some of whom fled to Savur, the Turkish security forces justified the destruction of the village with the absurd notion that guerrillas were living there. One villager named Mehmet Saral stated that this notion was ridiculous and that now there is nothing left of the village whatsoever. (13.02.95) Village guards related to the DYP mayor of Ergani raped an widow named Emis Avkas in the village of Kiles on February 5. Witnesses report that village guards named Mehmet Adsiz and Emin Adsiz forced the woman into a nearby house and raped her. Emis Avkas then went to the police in Ergani. Even though she named her attackers, the police did nothing. (13.02.95) Police have raided the Mesopotamian Cultural Centre in Diyarbakir. Police threatened workers at the centre during the raid. One person was arrested and threatened. (13.02.95) In an attack by ARGK guerrillas on a military convoy between Sason and Batman - KURD-A reported - 13 soldiers were killed and 4 vehicles destroyed. Another convoy which came to help was also attacked by guerrillas. (13.02.95) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU Thu Feb 16 23:19:48 1995 From: mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU (mchyet at lionheart.Berkeley.EDU) Date: 16 Feb 1995 23:19:48 Subject: Human Rights Gopher Message-ID: From: Michael Chyet Subject: Human Rights Gopher -------------------------TEXT-OF-FORWARDED-MAIL-------------------------------- Date: Thu, 16 Feb 1995 15:21:34 -0500 Reply-To: Turkish Studies Association Sender: Turkish Studies Association From: JAMES MACCAFERRI Subject: Human Rights Gopher To: Multiple recipients of list TSA-L >From a press release dated Februry 8, 1995: "In an effort to increaseaccess to human rights information, seven human rights monitoring organizations have begun to centralize their material on the Internet. Amenesty International (AI), Committee to Protet Journalists (CPJ), Human Rights in China (HRIC), Human Rights Watch (HRW), Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, PEN, and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) have created a "Human Rights Gopher"--a series of menus simplifying access to Internet resources and designed to provide up-to-date information for journalists, academics, health professionals, or anyone with access to the Internet." The gopher address is: gopher.humanrights.org port 5000 URL: gopher://gopher.humanrights.org:5000 Not all services listed in the gopher menus are currently available; but there are a number of press releases dealing with Turkey in the Amnesty International section. James Maccaferri Dept. of Library Science Clarion University of Pennsylvania Clarion, PA 16214-1232 From ats at etext.org Fri Feb 17 03:24:12 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 17 Feb 1995 03:24:12 Subject: Yasar Kemal: "Campaign Of Lies" Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Yasar Kemal: "Campaign Of Lies" (Yasar Kemal is the most popular contemporary author in Turkey. Born in 1923 in Adana, Kemal became famous with his first novel, published in 1955, entitled "Memed, My Falcon". His works have been translated into more than 30 languages, with millions of copies printed. As an active leftist who issued sharp critiques of social injustice and the abuse of power by government officials in Ankara, he was imprisoned after the March 1971 military coup. Due to the following critique of Turkey's oppression of the Kurds, which was printed in issue #2/95 of the German magazine 'Der Spiegel', Yasar Kemal has been issued a court summons and faces potential prosecution.) Increase your cruelty so as to accelerate your decline. - Anatolian proverb Campaign Of Lies By Yasar Kemal Even before it has begun, a century has been given a name: The 21st century will be the Century of Human Rights. Because in our own century, not much progress has been made in this area. Furthermore, at the threshold of the 21st century, many signs seems to indicate that we have even abandoned our present standards and are starting to regress. From the day of its founding on October 29, 1923, the Turkish Republic has developed a system of unbearable coercion and cruelty. It has sought to hide this from people by means of the oriental art of disguise and two-facedness. The Turkish Republic has reached a present level of tyranny which is a thousand times worse than the Ottoman autocracy. Since the introduction of multi-party democracy in 1946, there is not a single villager - either girl or woman, either Kurd, Turk, or whatever - who has not felt the whip of the gendarmerie. Just like a hurricane which destroys everything in its path, the violence of the republican government sweeps across Anatolia. How could Turkey's population in the 1970s endure so much cruelty, torture, poverty, and hunger? It's a miracle, that's for sure. It's no small matter that a nation on the edge of Europe could establish such an oppressive regime. The Turkish state achieved this. But its citizens must pay a high price for this - they lose their human rights. Are our people innocent in all of this? Of course not. But how should the people, under the terrible rule of the republic, still have the strength to resist after thousands of years of being oppressed and kicked and tormented, thousand of years with one war merging into the next war? We cannot forget that there have been hundreds of Kuyucu Murat Paschas (Ottoman leader who massacred rebels in the Taurus Mountains and tossed their bodies into streams; died 1611) have marched across Anatolia, each of them ten times worse than Gengis Khan. In 1946, Turkey adopted a multi-party system, and in 1950, the Democratic Party replaced the tyrannical Republican Peoples Party as the governing force. It was a true miracle, that a people who have been whipped and deprived of their rights could achieve such a thing. The founders of the Democratic Party came from the leading ranks of the Republican Peoples Party. For them, democracy was a black curtain to hide behind. By means of this democracy, Turkey could become a member of the Council of Europe and NATO. Has Europe been deceived by these lies? Not at all. But our contemporaries in the West, who weren't exactly that democratic either, needed allies to stand against the Soviet Union - and so they cast a hungry eye upon Turkey. But then something unexpected happened: Whereas the Turkish people, made lame by decades of oppression, remained silent, the Kurdish people began to resist, even if timidly and afraid. Because it was the Kurdish people that were most oppressed by this authoritarian rule, they were starving, living in poverty, and subject to ethnic massacres; their language was banned by law, people denied their identity, they were called things like "mountain Turks", and they were dispersed throughout all regions of Anatolia every 10 or 15 years. With the increasing resistance of the Kurdish people, which eventually became an armed confrontation, the machinery of oppression began to show its true face. First, the Turkish people were told lies and a massive propaganda campaign was launched. Because without the unquestionable loyalty of the Turkish people, the Kurdish people's resistance could never be broken. A campaign of lies began: The Kurds want to divide the country and form their own independent Kurdish state, according to the refined emotional appeals. And then there were such exaggerated accounts of horrible attacks by Kurds on Turkish soldiers that everyone was led to believe that every Turk had better kill the first Kurd they could get their hands on. Luckily, Kurds and Turks have known each other so well for centuries that all attempts by the state to incite a bloody ethnic war between the two groups have failed. Every second word out of the mouths of President Demirel and other government officials is: "We will not give up one pebble, not one handful of dirt from our land!" But who asked for a pebble? And who wanted to have a handful of dirt? As far as I know, only very few Kurds in our country have ever expressed a desire for an independent state. But wouldn't it be their right if they did desire such a thing? Because all human rights declarations clearly state that all peoples have a right to self- determination. The dirtiest war imaginable is taking place in Turkey at the moment. Even the strength of the best writers is not enough to depict it. In order to quickly suppress the uprising, the Turkish Republic created a "system of village guards". This is similar to the civilian units which the US army set up in Vietnam. A militia of 50,000 security forces is in action, as well as a special unit of 12,000 men. In addition to these, the state has deployed 300,000 soldiers against the Kurds. No one knows what else will be mobilized. But the worst are the counter-guerrillas who take orders from the Turkish security forces. In the mountains, the guerrillas and the village guards began killing each other. The guerrillas attacked the village guards in their homes and killed their wives and children. And the village guards attacked the "patriotic" guerrillas and killed their entire families. If the guerrilla attacked, they accused the state of acts of murder; if the state attacked, they blamed the guerrilla. Then a general appeared and said: "If you will allow me, I will leave no stone unturned in eastern Anatolia, no head on the trunk." Chief of Staff Dogan Gures exclaimed: "To catch the fish you must dry up the sea." And Prime Minister Tansu Ciller screamed to the parliament: "This shall be ended!" This didn't even bother the Germans, who were the best informed about the true meaning of these words. Now the war began with all its might. Previously the Turkish army had still used harmless means, they degraded their Kurdish brothers by making prisoners eat human feces. The Council of Europe criticized Turkey for this "excrement torture" by ordering that the victims be paid 500,000 French francs in compensation. Turkey is billions of dollars in debt. It only needs to increase this debt and then the entire Kurdish and Turkish population will be subjected to "excrement torture". The Turkish Republic began to force all Kurds between the ages of 7 and 70 to become village guards. Anyone who refused was tortured; those people who were especially resistant were arrested and killed. The murders by the counter-guerrilla began. Some people say 1,800, others say 1,200 Kurds were murdered. Then Kurdish villages were burned, as many as 2,000 went up in flames. Incredible massacres and tortures began in this total war. The Turkish Republic dried out the sea as best they could. In Vietnam, the US army had also "dried out" the country and destroyed all the cultivatable land. There are rumours that the fighting has made 2.5 million, or perhaps 3 million people refugees in southern Anatolia. The true number could be higher. Because the population of Diyarbakir, which used to be 450,000, has jumped to 1.5 million. That's an official figure. Then there are the refugees in other cities; they are homeless and starving. The Turkish Republic is following the traditions of Kuyucu Murat Pascha. But there's one thing that all the previous blood-suckers did not do: They never burned down the forests, into which the guerrilla and others had fled. It's amazing what our press reports about such events. It's not our country's soldiers who are setting fire to the villages and forests, as the head of our government said, with the flag in one hand and the Koran in the other, dismissing all questions. What about the helicopters? The PKK must have brought them in from Armenia or Afghanistan. They are the ones burning the cities and villages. Dersim is burning, the woods around Kutudersei are in flames - and that's supposed to be the work of the PKK. After all, didn't they burn more than 80 Kurds during the Kurdish New Year's festival, Newroz? And Sirnak and Lice and the other cities, wasn't it the PKK that set them on fire? And the 36 writers and artists in Sivas? Enough already! Anyone who says that the candle of the liar cannot light up the darkness, despite what the proverb says, has no clue about reality in this world. I cannot get around telling the story of the prefect of Gaziantep. This man hears that the woods in his region are on fire. He goes there immediately and sees that the entire forest has been destroyed, but with a happy side-effect: 11 guerrilla fighters were killed by the flames. According to press reports, 12 million hectares of forests have burned in Turkey in the last 10 years, 10 million of those in eastern Anatolia alone. It is amazing that a state would burn its own forests, just because guerrillas can hide in them. When the guerrilla announced a ceasefire to last for several months, Ankara did not react. Then, at some point, 33 unarmed soldiers were found dead on a country road. Some people say the PKK killed these soldiers, other doubt this. In any case, it marked the end of the unilateral ceasefire. Now the war is being waged with full force. This war involves not only the guerrilla and the army but also the village guards and the special units as well. The government has driven hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, who now must wander around half-dead from hunger and misery, with no roof or tent above their heads. Ankara has unleashed a population flood and has effectively declared war on the unarmed Kurdish people. People of eastern Anatolian heritage formed a political party and elected 20 MPs. This party was banned. They formed a new party, which was also banned. 8 of the MPs were charged, threatened with the death penalty, and finally sentenced to long prison terms. And now democratic Europe is starting to wake up - a little bit. This terrible war cannot go on any longer. Economically, Turkey is finished, the population impoverished. In 1994, more than 12 billion German marks were spent on the war in eastern Anatolia. This figure was quoted by a government minister. The foreign and budget deficits are growing and growing; if this war continues, Turkey will be faced with the greatest catastrophe of its history. All wars, whether in Rwanda, Bosnia, or Afghanistan, wear down humanity; they degenerate more and more, they become more inhumane with every battle, every massacre, every danger of starvation. From the day of its founding, the Turkish Republic should have guaranteed basic rights to the Kurds, the same rights which the Turkish people enjoy. At the threshold of the 21st century, no one can deny any people, any ethnic group their human rights. Not just Turkey, no state has to power to do this. In the end, it was the force of the people which drove the Americans out of Vietnam, the Soviets out of Afghanistan, and which brought about a miracle in South Africa. The Turkish Republic must not be allowed to carry this war into the 21st century. The conscience of humanity will help the people of Turkey to end this inhumane war. And especially the people who live in the countries which supply weapons to the Turkish state can be helpful in this. But those of us in Turkey should always remember that the path to democracy can only be travelled over a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question. The fact that the leaders, since the founding of the republic, have tried to kill the language and culture of the Kurdish people - even if they've since eased these restrictions under pressure - is a crime against humanity. And in the 21st century, crimes against humanity will one day be brought to light and judged. But this won't be a normal trial, however, because the country's very honour and humanity will be at issue. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Fri Feb 17 05:24:43 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 17 Feb 1995 05:24:43 Subject: News From 'Kurdistan Rundbrief' - F Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: News From 'Kurdistan Rundbrief' - February 10, 1995 News From 'Kurdistan Rundbrief' Nr.3 Vol.8 - February 10, 1995 Attacks Against 'Ozgur Ulke' Don't Stop Ozgur Ulke editor Salih Guler of the Diyarbakir office was released after 27 days of torture in the headquarters of the gendarmerie secret police JITEM after an "urgent action" appeal by Amnesty International. When he was released, police told him that the newspaper would soon be closed down for good. That same day, the Diyarbakir offices of Ozgur Ulke were raided again by JITEM forces. Zekine Turker, Vedat Percin, Adil Denk, Mehmet Emin Alaguz, and Cengiz Kirik were arrested. Ramazan Kaban, a 17-year-old worker for Ozgur Ulke in Batman, was kidnapped by "unknown persons" on January 24. Since then, he has "disappeared". On January 27, Celal Benzer was arrested by plainclothes police officers in Viransehir in Urfa province. They threatened to kill him if he keeps on working for Ozgur Ulke. On January 28, issue #47 of the weekly newspaper 'Newroz' was confiscated at the printing press where it was being published. The editors only received an official warrant for the confiscations two days later. New German Weapons For Genocide In Kurdistan In February, Germany will send 118.7 million DM worth of weapons to Turkey. This is part of the third aid package as part of a NATO agreement. From 1980 to today, Turkey has received 7.5 billion DM worth of weapons from Germany, according to the January 28 issue of 'Ozgur Ulke'. The German defence ministry defended these arms shipments, which were agreed to during an accord signed during the Gulf War nearly five years ago: "The third aid package, which is part of an agreement signed in the fall of 1990 during the Gulf conflict, is now being delivered. (...) According to an agreement with the Turkish side on January 20, 1995, Turkey will receive...material aid to the tune of 118.7 million DM, with materials worth 52 million DM being deliver now. Included are 39 M-88 mountain tanks, 70 M-48 bridge tanks, 600 inflatable boats, 15 ambulances, 1 fresh water boat, and spare parts. (...) All criticisms of the federal defence minister in this matter are without justification and are flatly rejected..." Prisoners Killed By Being Denied Medical Treatment On January 20, 1995, Suleyman Ongun from Cizre died from wounds he received when state security forces attacked 300 PKK- prisoners in Diyarbakir on April 10, 1994. Suleyman Ongun was one of 80 wounded prisoners who were forcibly transferred to Antep following the assault on the prison. There, he was denied medical treatment. The spokespersons for the PKK-prisoners in Antep, Mahmut Inal and Galip Tas, and the chairperson of the Antep branch of the human rights association IHD, Iman Ozkarat, blamed the Turkish justice ministry and prison officials for Suleyman Ongun's death. On January 21, political prisoners in Antep launched an indefinite hungerstrike to protest the prison's calculated murder by means of denying medical treatment. PKK-Prisoners In Critical Danger Sadrettin Aydinlik, a PKK-prisoner who has been detained in Bayrampasa prison in Istanbul for 11 years, has issued a complaint to the medical chamber in Istanbul because he has been denied cardiology treatment while in prison. Aydinlik has been in prison for 11 years and has serious heart trouble. So far, prison officials and the justice ministry have ignored his requests for medical treatment. Political prisoners in Buca and Aydin launched a hungerstrike on December 21, 1994. 10 of them are now in bad health. Since January 12, 1995, 20 families of political prisoners in Buca and Aydin have been on a solidarity hungerstrike. Members of the SKK (Izmir Anti-War Association) joined the hungerstrike for one day as well. Political prisoners in Ceyhan, Canakkale, Cankiri, Nevsehir, Amasya, Iskenderun, and Ankara have also started a solidarity hungerstrike. A rally in support of the hungerstrikers outside of Buca prison on January 23 was attacked by police. A 60-year-old woman and her 32-year-old daughter were injured. On day 43 of the hungerstrike, relatives of the prisoners blockaded the road to Buca prison. Security forces attacked the demonstration and wounded several people. The HADEP chairperson in Izmir, RA Kenan Bilgic, has since stated that there have been "positive developments" for negotiations between prison officials and the prisoners. 60% Of Kurdish Youths Want Their Own State Professor Ergil of the political science department of Ankara University, in conjunction with the TOBB (Turkish Chamber of Commerce and Stock Exchanges), carried out a survey of Kurdish youths regarding "the problems in the east and possible solutions". In a survey of 250 youths in the Kurdish provinces Diyarbakir, Batman, Mardin, and Kiziltepe, as well as the major city Adana, which is home to many Kurdish refugees, 60-65% of the youths answered that they would like their own Kurdish state. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Fri Feb 17 16:55:16 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 17 Feb 1995 16:55:16 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 15-16 Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 15-16, 1995 KURD-A News Updates February 15-16, 1995 Mehmet Kaya, who lived on May 19th Street in Adana, was murdered by contra-guerrillas on February 12, 1995 at 8:30am. This cafe owner was killed by two people who shot him twice in the head as he entered his cafe. After the murder, the police sealed off May 19th Street and carried out several house searches. Many people had their furniture wrecked during these searches. According to the local population, there were several arrests. (15.02.95) On February 14, 1995, some Turkish media agencies and TV stations reported that 38 Kurdish guerrillas had been killed during fighting with Turkish security forces in the Diyarbakir-Dicle region. After this story was reported in the media, we called the ARGK's press office in Botan. The press office told us that there had not even been any fighting in the Diyarbakir region in the past three days. Furthermore, they noted that Kurdistan is blanketed with snow this time of year, but in the TV pictures shown, it was possible to see flowers blooming. "That fact alone proves that the report was a lie." The ARGK's press office stated further that the Turkish government is seeking to break the morale of the Kurdish people with a psychological war before spring arrives, but that the ARGK had completed its preparations for its spring offensive and that the Turkish army is going to suffer several defeats this year. (15.02.95) Turkish security forces attacked the village of Yandere following clashes between Kurdish guerrillas and Turkish security forces in the mountains between the city of Akarsu and Yandere near Nusaybin. During this attack, 18-year-old Murat Deniz was murdered. Our correspondent reports that the Turkish army has surrounded the village for two days now and will not let anyone out. (15.02.95) There is fighting between Kurdish guerrillas and Turkish army units in the mountain region Gabar-Misare near Sirnak following a major army operation in the region. Several soldiers have been killed in the fighting, which began on February 15. A Kurdish guerrilla named Veysel has also been killed. (16.02.95) According to one of our correspondents, a Turkish soldier has deserted his barracks in Sirnak. Desertion levels are apparently on the rise within the Turkish army. The soldiers, who spent most of the winter in their bases and barracks, are suffering from psychological problems. One sergeant was shot and killed by a Kurdish solider who couldn't stand the pressure any longer. The sergeant was apparently stirring up the Turkish soldiers to hate the Kurdish conscripts. (16.02.95) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From ats at etext.org Fri Feb 17 18:24:37 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 17 Feb 1995 18:24:37 Subject: Why Does The ARGK Attack Village Gu Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Why Does The ARGK Attack Village Guard Settlements? KURD-A Background Report February 14, 1995 Why Does The ARGK Attack Village Guard Settlements? In response to charges by Amnesty International that the PKK's guerrilla army "executes villagers on a daily basis", a KURD-A correspondent interviewed a member of the people's army. The following are excerpts from that interview: Are "murders" carried out (even against women and children) just because a certain village does not support the ARGK? The party has not given us any orders whatsoever to threaten or punish a village which fails to support us, for example, by denying us food or medical attention. In cases such as this, a representative of the guerrilla eventually goes to the village to explain things to them and to possibly change the way they feel. If the representative is unsuccessful because the village is afraid of reprisals by the Turkish security forces, then they are "left alone". Why does the media claim such things then? People who are far away and who do not know anything about the PKK in the region and who don't know the guerrillas are sometimes killed by contra-guerrillas disguised as ARGK guerrillas. Their families are then told that they were murdered by guerrillas. Are there any concrete examples of this? Yes, we could tell you several examples. Here are two examples, but we are going to change the names of the villages: The first village was Delal in the Idil region of Cizre province. A shepherd named Celal was seized away from his flock and taken to Idil. There, he was severely tortured and eventually killed with three shots to the head. One of these shots was fired by the official mayor of Idil himself. Then, his body was taken back to his family, who were told that the PKK had murdered him and that the PKK were threatening to kill the entire family in this same manner. Then the family members were forced to become "village guards" (paramilitary forces armed and paid by the Turkish state). Because they were afraid, six men in the family became village guards. Later they learned from some of their neighbours that the shepherd had not been killed by the PKK, so the men gave back their village guard weapons to the government. Then the entire village of Delal was destroyed by Turkish security forces. The second village was Bilind. Here, the villagers were told that they must become village guards. The people did not want to, because they had big herds of sheep and cattle in the fields that needed to be looked after. In the evening of the day after they refused to become village guards, tanks attacked the village. A man named Ahmet was killed. Afterwards, the villagers were told that the ARGK were the ones who had attacked the village, even though the people themselves had seen the Turkish security forces attacking them. Through fear of further attacks, the people became village guards. But eventually, they, too, laid down their weapons. When a village guard settlement causes problems for neighbouring villages or for the guerrillas, what happens then? Is such a village destroyed? No. The people there are called upon to stay peaceful and to stop fighting against the ARGK. Such calls are made several times through a megaphone. Then, an announcement is made that anyone wishing to fight should come out of the village, or that the wives and children of the village guards should be taken away to a safe distance. If these demands are ignored and an attack follows, then the ARGK must counter-attack. If possible, they try to avoid the women and children. But under those circumstances, of course, that's not always possible. Are all village guard settlements dealt with in this way? No, only those villages that voluntarily become active and are armed and paid by the Turkish state. Those villages where people become village guards out of fear are spared, because they don't attack us. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE Sat Feb 18 02:32:23 1995 From: RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE (RADIO at 3LANDBOX.BAWUE.CL.SUB.DE) Date: 18 Feb 1995 02:32:23 Subject: Hausdurchsuchung bei Radio Dreyeckl Message-ID: <5g1bbjN.CPB@radioxp.3landbox.com> Presseerklaerung 17.2.95 Einladung zur Pressekonferenz Am Mittwoch den 16.2.95 fanden bei mindestens 21 Vorstandsmitgliedern Kurdischer Vereine in verschiedenen Orten Baden-Wuerttembergs Hausdurchsuchungen durch die Sonderkommission PKK des Landeskriminalamtes statt. Begruendet wurde dies u.a. mit dem "Verdacht auf verbotene Propagandataetigkeit" (Paragraph 86 a StGB), und "Verdacht auf Verstoss gegen das Vereinigungsverbot" (Paragraph 85 StGB). Ausser den Wohnungen von KurdInnen, darunter auch die von Mehmet Ali Ucan, ein Redak- teur der Sendung Denge Kurdistan - Stimme Kurdistans - bei Radio Dreyckland Freiburg, wurde auch die Wohnung von Stephan Waldberg durchsucht. Stephan Waldberg ist Mitarbeiter der Internationalismusredaktion und Redakteur der Sendung Denge Kurdistan. Stephan Waldberg wurde im Okt. 92 in der Tuerkei verhaftet und durch das Staatssicherheitsgericht (Militaergericht) in Diyarbakir im Jan. 93 wegen angeblicher Propaganda- Unterstuetzungs- und Kuriertaetigkeit fuer die PKK zu 3 Jahren und 9 Monaten verurteilt. International wurde dieses Urteil von diversen Medienverbaenden, bis hin zum renommierten Pen - Club, als Kriminalisierung von kritischem Journalis- mus bewertet. Insgesamt musste Stephan Waldberg damals, wegen des mangelnden Einsatzes der Bundesregierung, ein Jahr und zwei Monate in verschiedenen tuerkischen Gefaengnissen verbringen. Nun, 1 Jahr und 2 Monate nach seiner erkaempften Freiheit, wird er wegen seines Engagements als Vorstandandsmitglied im Kultur und Informationszentrum Kurdistan e.V., erneut kriminalisiert. Dies zunaechst mit den Mitteln der Polizeiobservation und Telefonueberwachung und nun mittels der Durchsuchung. Bei Stephan Waldberg wurde nach Spendengeldern, Spendenquittungen, verbotenen Publikationen und Symbolen kurdischer Organisationen und sogar nach Waffen gesucht. Ihm wird, wie den anderen Vorstandsmitgliedern des Vereins, laut einem Zitat des Pressesprecher des Landeskri- minalamtes vorgeworfen, "die verbotenen PKK weiterzufuehren". Damit wird faktisch auf das Urteil der Tuerkei zurueckgegriffen um Stephan Waldberg hier erneut zu verfolgen. Nach dem Verbot des Vereins im Rahmen des PKK/ERNK-Verbots Nov. 93, wurde Stephan Waldberg im neu gegruendeten Verein Vorstandsmitglied, um die kultu- rellen Belange der kurdischen Bevoelkerung in Freiburg und Umgebung zu sichern. Zwar wurde das Verbot gegen die Kulturvereine durch einen Beschluss des Bundesver- waltungsgerichts vom 15. Juli aufgehoben, jedoch gehen die Polizeischikanen und Angriffe auf Aktivitaeten von Kurdinnen und Kurden, sowie Menschen die sie darin unterstuetzen, offenkundig weiter. Diese Aktionen stehen leider nicht allein. Sie sind nur ein kleiner Ausschnitt der vielfaeltigen Versuche von Seiten der Behoerden eine kritische Oeffentlichkeit zu verhin- dern. Angefangen mit den Vertuschungen um Bad Kleinen, bis hin zu direkten Ein- schuechterungsversuchen durch internationale Medienkampagnen (RAF-PDS-PKK). Dies im Fall von Heike Krause, Rechtsanwaeltin, PDS-Bundestagskandidatin und Vorsitzende des Deutsch-Kurdischen Freundschaftsvereins in Koeln, sowie weiteren Abgeordneten der Gruenen und der PDS. Desweiteren Beschlagnahme und Hausdurchsuchungen beim GNN-Verlag. Und nicht zuletzt die Verhaftung unter abstrusen Anschuldigungen von Ursula Quack in Saarbruecken. Neben vielen weiteren hier nicht genannten Repressions- massnahmen, kommt eine weitere Durchsuchung durch einen von der Polizei geheim gehaltenen Hinweisgeber, bei einem anderen Mitglied der Internationalismusredaktion von Radio Dreyeckland Freiburg. In all diesen Massnahmen drueckt sich aus, dass linke kritische Politik und Be- richterstattung, sowie die Menschen, die diese auch oeffentlich vertreten, zusehends an den Rand der Legalitaet gedraengt werden, oder ganz illegalisiert werden sollen. Sie stel- len auch den Versuch dar, kritische Medienarbeit durch Beschlagnahme von Arbeits- materialien und Druck durch Repression zu behindern. Sie stellen zudem einen Eingriff in die Presse,- Informations- und Meinungsfreiheit dar. Wir von Radio Dreyeckland sehen uns durch diese Aktion direkt mit- angegriffen und verurteilen die Verfolgung und Kriminalisierung der kulturellen und politischen Belange von KurdInnen aufs schaerfste. Wir laden die Vertreter der oertlichen Medien zu einer Pressekonferenz am Mittwoch den 22.2.1995, um 11 Uhr, in die Verwaltungsraeume von Radio Dreyeckland Adlerstr. 12 79098 Freiburg ein. Auf der Pressekonferenz zur Verfuegung stehen: Geschaeftsfuehrer von Radio Dreyeckland Stefan Waldberg von Radio International und Denge Kurdistan Vorstandandsmitglied des Kultur und Informationszentrum Kurdistan e.V. Heike Krause ## CrossPoint v3.02 ## From ats at etext.org Mon Feb 20 22:22:05 1995 From: ats at etext.org (ats at etext.org) Date: 20 Feb 1995 22:22:05 Subject: Info On Kani Yilmaz Message-ID: From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Info On Kani Yilmaz Information On Kani Yilmaz, European Representative Of The PKK Index: 1) PKK European Spokesperson Arrested 2) The Kani Yilmaz Case - By Ismet Imset 3) Free Kani Yilmaz - End The Criminalization Of The PKK And The Kurdish People In Europe - Statement From The Kurdistan Solidarity Committee, London 4) "Our Struggle Now Incorporates The Aspirations Of The Whole Kurdish Nation" - Interview With Kani Yilmaz 1) PKK European Spokesperson Arrested On October 26, 1994, British police arrested Kani Yilmaz, the European spokesperson for the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Yilmaz was arrested at Westminster subway station, as he was travelling to address a Labour Party event entitled "The Future Of The Kurdish People". Yilmaz was in London on the invitation of a member of the British parliament. It is certain that Kani Yilmaz was arrested on the order of officials at the Turkish embassy. After his arrest, Kani Yilmaz was placed in top-security detention. Officials in Germany are trying to have him deported back to Germany, where he has refugee status. Turkish officials have stated that they would then like Germany to deport Yilmaz back to Turkey. Kurdish groups and their supporters have organized several protests in London and in several German cities as well to demand the immediate release of Kani Yilmaz. British parliamentarians as well have expressed their extreme disgust at the fact that police have arrested and detained a man invited by some members of the British parliament to give a talk on the prospects for a political solution to the war in Kurdistan. On December 30, 1994, a judge was supposed to rule on whether or not Kani Yilmaz would be deported to Germany. This hearing was postponed. For more information on the case, contact: Kurdistan Information Centre 10 Glasshouse Yard London EC1A 4JN tel. 0171 250 1315 fax. 0171 250 1317 e-mail: kic.london at kurd.aps.nl 2) The Kani Yilmaz Case By Ismet Imset I have a file of many pages in my hands. On the first of these, somewhat squeezed into a pink dossier is inscribed: "Separatist terrorist organization-PKK." The mentality which aims to conceal everything has stamped both the cover and all its pages "Secret". The author of this product is the security (Police) General Directorate, the centre of those who manufacture lies and market them to their superiors for promotions... Almost every page of the dossier provides information on PKK leaders. From the commander of Serhat region to Fingerless Zeki, from Abdullah Ocalan to Riza Altun, here are many names. At the end of the dossier is a detailed, graphic explanation of the PKK's "separatist terror organization" and a section on "founders and directors of the organization". The most interesting part of this official file which I have in my possession is its final part. There is a two-paragraph explanation there on Faysal Dunlayici who is registered as "code named Kani Yilmaz". Instantly I recall the telephone conversation I had with the British police following Yilmaz's arrest. "I hear Kani Yilmaz is arrested. Could you confirm this?" I had asked the police spokesperson. "We have no one under that name", was the reply, before adding, "but we have a suspect by the name of Faysal Dunlayici." In the file of the Security General Directorate on Yilmaz and Dunlayici, there is no mention of a "concrete crime". The only crime which is evidenced is that he was "among the founders" of an organization created "to divide and separate the Turkish Republic through terrorist actions", and to "direct" this organization. Dunlayici or Yilmaz is on a Turkish search warrant for being "a founder and ringleader of a terrorist organization". The file of Security General Directorate that I have openly displays this. According to the laws of the Turkish Republic even membership and/or acting on behalf of it, is a capital offence, let alone being a founder or director of such an organization. In other words, had Yilmaz been in Turkey and had he been arrested by the police, he would have been put on trial for being "a founder and director of a separatist organization", facing and most likely being sentenced to, a penalty of death. Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman who held a press conference before the weekend has announced that Turkey had formally applied to Britain for the extradition of Yilmaz, who is under arrest here. He took care to add that the file prepared for Yilmaz's extradition "does not contain any criminal offenses which would require him facing capital punishment charges". It is understood that, using the opportunity, Turkey has sent London not the full dossier on Yilmaz who is being hunted as a "founder of a separatist organization", but a dossier "prepared to contain criminal charges not including capital punishment". In other words, it is playing a new game to achieve its objective. Despite this, every security unit throughout Europe is aware that if Yilmaz is extradited, he will face what has now become systematic torture in Turkey, that he will be tried not by an impartial court but a controversial State Security Court which has a special status and to which military prosecutors are assigned, and that he will eventually be executed either legally or by extra- judicial methods. For Britain to extradite Yilmaz under these circumstances will mean no less than sending someone to face a certain death sentence. Thus, neither an extradition nor Ankara's request can be expected to be taken seriously. But, there are other possibilities... The Yilmaz case, from the viewpoint of both legal implications and of international norms, is one of the most interesting cases Britain has been party to. Yilmaz, who had come to Britain three times in the past, was invited to this country as "the European Spokesperson of the PKK" and on arrival he was not only assisted through immigration control but was even given VIP treatment. But exactly three days later, while on his way to a meeting with British parliamentarians "to disclose the PKK's new proposals for dialogue", he was detained by police under instructions of the same immigration office. The first statement by the Home Minister claimed his presence in Britain was against 'public interest'. Although the Home Secretary who gave the order for his arrest later said it was a mistake to have allowed Yilmaz entry in the first place, sources from the same ministry now say the whole incident stemmed from orders issued through the Foreign Office. In a way, this suggests "foreign influences" have been at work. Thus, the "Yilmaz case" is no longer an issue concerning only Turkey and the Kurds but has turned into a debate concerning Britain's own laws as well. This is one of the reasons why his period of arrest has been extended. Day by day, with the legal advice of Winstanley- Burgess, the case is building up into a resistance. The British authorities, immediately after detaining Yilmaz, informed him through translators and attorneys that they wanted him deported. But the PKK spokesman was never asked which country he would prefer to be deported to. Moreover, although he was arrested a day before leaving for Holland, he has not been sent to that country either. At this stage, Kani Yilmaz's own decision was very important. While at the beginning he wanted to get the issue over with and return to his responsibilities as soon as possible, Yilmaz reviewed his position and took an interesting decision that he would resist. He argued that he had entered Britain quite legally, that his personal rights were violated through his arrest and that he should either be deported to a country of his choice or freed immediately. The British authorities have rejected Yilmaz's demands and, as required by the laws of the land, have asked for written guarantees from any country who would accept him. But, as if those countries applied to aimed to give a new dimension to the issue, none of them agreed to provide the written approval. It was at this very stage that Germany appeared on the scene with a surprise request. This request turned the Yilmaz case, which had started out as an issue of simple expulsion into a case of "extradition". Britain was informed that Yilmaz was wanted for violation of the German 129a Anti-Terror Law for provoking an arson attack. This request, coming as it does from a country where the Kurdish community in Europe is most concentrated and where the PKK influence is strongest, took even British officials by surprise. The British, who had arrested Yilmaz simply to "expel" him suddenly found themselves with "a suspect requiring extradition". The Yilmaz operation, which supposedly would end in a matter of days, was thus snatched out of their hands. Germany, one of the countries to which Yilmaz was expected to wish to be sent to after his detention, suddenly became a country which "wanted" him. Such a development has naturally led to suspicion among Kurdish circles that "a secret agreement may have been reached between Germany and Turkey" on this issue. Extraditing Yilmaz to Germany so he could be put on trial there would, according to international law, give Turkey the right to ask Germany for his extradition for trial as well. Now, what everyone asks is whether Germany has become a smoke screen for Turkish interests. Ataman, answering a question relating to Germany's extradition request, was observed to have abandoned the customarily harsh line of Turkish officialdom and replied that he would appreciate such an eventuality. "The British will decide on this", was all he had to say. Yilmaz's 'hearing' of last Friday lasted exactly four minutes and it was adjourned to November 28. Meanwhile, a brief struggle between demonstrators supporting Yilmaz and the police left behind seven injured. Kurds marching in eight separate cities of Europe are supporting Yilmaz with slogans against Turkey and Britain. These actions clearly give "a careful warning" both to German and other European governments. The only reason why there are no "larger explosions" is seen as the murky nature of the Yilmaz affair but the hidden message passed on with these demonstrations is being heard by the capitals involved. It could be appreciated that the Yilmaz case has already started to disturb England. The fact that a "simple" issue of expulsion has now turned into a legal case which could last for months, is raising some concern. According to those close to Yilmaz, the British actually want to solve the issue "without wasting time". As far as is known, there is no "concrete criminal charge" against Yilmaz in Britain. But Britain is faced by a legal dilemma both at home and on the international scene. Despite the possibility that the case may take time, it is not possible to keep Yilmaz captive "indefinitely". It is also difficult now to deport Yilmaz to another country while the German request for extradition is on the agenda. Furthermore both Yilmaz and Winstanley-Burgess appear determined "to resist to the end". They will force British law as far as they can, using their rights under these laws and appeal against an extradition were such a decision made. The situation surrounding Yilmaz is still murky and no one really knows what will happen. Even if there is no "secret agreement" between the Turkish Republic and Germany, extraditing Yilmaz to that country so he could be put on trial, is regarded as a step which could in the long term trouble both London and Bonn. The possibility of having another era of "Dusseldorf trials" in Germany, which has formally banned the activities of the PKK and ERNK, brings with it significant risks related to that country's internal security. It is certain that in such a period, Ankara will demand that Germany extradite Yilmaz. Under these circumstances, Britain is left with only two viable alternatives: either to expel Yilmaz to the country of his choice or "extradite" him to Germany. The possibility which does not exist is for Yilmaz to be extradited directly to Turkey where he will certainly be tortured, tried on capital charges and executed most probably by extra-judicial methods. It is at this point that Germany plays a key role... (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January-February 1995. Originally published in Turkish in Ozgur Ulke - November 22, 1994) 3) Free Kani Yilmaz - End The Criminalization Of The PKK And The Kurdish People In Europe The police seizure of Kani Yilmaz, the European Representative of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) and his subsequent imprisonment by the Home Office is a serious blow to the democratic rights of all people in Britain. It also reveals the sinister workings of a new and unaccountable European police force which is coordinating its actions across Europe in support of the Turkish state's war against the Kurdish people. Kani Yilmaz was invited to address a meeting at the House of Parliament on October 26 by British MPs and Lords. As he left Westminster tube station a carefully laid police trap seized him. He was detained under the National Security provision of the 1971 Immigration Act. What threat Kani Yilmaz posed to Britain's security was never stated. On November 11 his status was reclassified and under the European Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 1978 he now faces extradition to Germany where he has refugee asylum status. The German state has invented general, non-specific reasons for issuing an extradition order - a procedure which effectively overrides, ignores and prevents the exercise of the right to appeal. In her June 1994 maiden public speech Stella Rimington, head of MI5, identified the Kurds as a potential source of "terrorism" in Britain. A programme to criminalise Kurdish and Turkish opposition in Europe to the Turkish state is being coordinated by British and German police and military intelligence, together with their Turkish counterparts. The programme includes mobilisation of sections of the media and establishment of special police units to survey and attack the Kurdish communities. The PKK has been outlawed in Germany and France. Alerted, if not encouraged, by the undemocratic actions of the British and German governments, the Turkish state now demands the extradition of Kani Yilmaz to Turkey where he would face certain torture and death. The Kurdish struggle for national rights is seen by the British government as a threat to the Middle Eastern status quo. For the British government ever since it devised the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 which divided the Kurdish people up between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, that status quo has meant oil and profits. Over 1,500 Kurdish villages have been destroyed by the Turkish army, Kurdish refugees from those burned out villages sheltering in the mountains of south Kurdistan are regularly bombed by Turkish aircraft, concentration camps have been set up in southeast Turkey by Turkish state forces, torture is rife, death squads murder open and legal Kurdish politicians, dozens of journalists and academics who try to tell the truth about Kurdistan are imprisoned and murdered. Eight Kurdish Democracy Party MPs are stripped of their constituencies and now face the death penalty at the hands of the Turkish state. This is what the British government condones by its seizure and criminalisation of Kani Yilmaz. All democrats in Britain must support the Kurdish people who have mounted a three week protest and hunger strike outside the Home Office for Kani Yilmaz's release. We must demand to know what is the relationship between Scotland Yard, MI5 and the Turkish police and military intelligence. What policy decisions have been taken by the Home Office towards the Kurdish community in Britain, for what reasons, in conjunction with what European powers and under whose authority? British companies are queuing up to sell arms to Turkey to carry on the slaughter of Kurds. They are queuing up to organise and benefit from the forthcoming privatisation of Turkish industry. Democrats in Britain must brand Turkey as an international pariah (as with apartheid in South Africa) until it recognises Kurdish people's basic human rights. We must end British and German govemmental collaboration with the Turkish state's war effort. End arms sales to Turkey. The rights of Kani Yilmaz to address people in Britain is a democratic right of all the British people. It must not be taken away. Kurdistan Solidarity Committee Statement - November 16, 1994 (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January-February 1995) 4) Our Struggle Now Incorporates The Aspirations Of The Whole Kurdish Nation Interview by Matthew Brady with PKK European representative Kani Yilmaz a few hours before his arrest in London on October 26, 1994. What stage have the endeavours to establish a national assembly reached and how will it respond to the needs of the present time? We had an earlier experience which we felt needed deepening. Therefore contact groups have been set up by intellectuals and DEP members which have met with varioUs sectors. The idea is to set up a National Congress of 1,000 to 1,500 members representing north Kurdistan, and for this Congress to establish an assembly. The make up and framework of the assembly will be determined by the results attained by the contact groups. I believe some Kurdish groups have also been consulted but they said they were not in favour of such an initiative. In fact these groups would not be able to make a con- structive contribution had they wished to. They simply don't have the resources. Therefore the projected assembly may not be a perfect, classical one as it will not be all-inclusive. For this reason the assembly is being projected as one that is oriented to external relations, to the outside world, an assembly capable of including all sections of society and with national symbols putting the emphasis on legal activities internationally. These are continuing. I believe that the founding of the assembly may be announced around Newroz (March 21). Ocalan made an important statement recently calling on Kurdish people to feel themselves to be Kurdish citizens and to live their Kurdish identity? There is no nation that is in need of the concept of citizenship than the Kurds. Thus the General Secretary's call is of the utmost significance. The Kurds have been dispersed to the four corners of the world. Even Kurds living in their own homeland have been unable to call it home. They are deprived of seeing their homeland as theirs and of seeing themselves as citizens for many years. This call is in essence an appeal to the people to involve themselves in the national liberation struggle and to realise a transformation in their minds, to realise a return to the motherland and to develop a national consciousness that enables them to make the link with the homeland. This is a call that incorporates broad layers of society: it means those who can do so should join the struggle en masse, it means the nation completing its self-mobilisation and the realisation of the training of tens and hundreds of thousands. We evaluate this call as one for national consciousness and a great sensitivity to the developments in the motherland. We say that it is high time to establish a Kurdish national reality, a reality that feels responsible for the motherland and takes action on its behalf. This is how we evaluate this call. In the past, calls for national unity were made to other northern Kurdistan organisations. However, it would appear that the desired unity has not been achieved. If the vital importance of national unity is taken into consideration, how then will the participation of different opinions in the assembly be ensured? What stage have such activities reached? I think it is necessary to clarify what is meant by this phrase "national unity", which has been used in a rhetorical way for years. Is national unity the unity of the nation or the unity of organisations? This is a crucial question. I believe the unity of the nation has been achieved in Kurdistan, that is, a great majority of the people support the national liberation struggle led by the PKK. What is the proof of this? The ten-year war. If a nation fights for 10 years and the struggle continues to develop, this can only occur if support is received from the nation. However, despite this, we felt it would be beneficial for those circles that claim to be organisations, that they be involved in a front of national unity. For about 18 months now, meetings have been held with various Kurdish groups. However we have now reached an impasse, a dead end. There are various reasons for this: Firstly seven or eight of the 12 Kurdish organisations involved are almost nonexistent. They have no people to contribute to a front organisation. Some of them haven't even issued a leaflet for four or five years, or organised a demonstration. Then there are organisations like Hevgirtin, that have contacts with village guards, that want any front that is set up to have the authority to impose a ceasefire decision on the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan). "If the war is not ended we will not participate in the front" they declare. They have a liquidationist approach. So there are problems, but talks are continuing. Even if we are unable to establish a front we at least believe we will be able to have an understanding for cooperation and be able to act together in some practical ways. We will take this proposal for an agreement on cooperation to the next meeting planned for the first week of November. Of course it would be ideal if a front of national unity could be set up but the groups working towards the national assembly have contacted broad circles to ensure a variety of views are represented. Also the national liberation struggle is continuing amidst blood and fire. Kurdistan is being burnt as the Turkish state tries to create a Kurdistan without forests or villages. Therefore, those people who feel they have an obligation will not wait for a front to be formed. It could take another five years. There are some people who, if you even kill them, they would still not go to Kurdistan. They have no sense of their responsibilities. But Kurdistan is not the country it was ten years ago. The struggle has grown massively. Soon in 1995, the PKK will have 50,000 guerrillas. A decision has been taken in this regard. So whether we have a front or not, at this time when Turkish colonialism is carrying out ferocious attacks, we will give the neces- sary response on the basis of the national unity that we have created. There is a campaign in Europe for the recognition of the Kurdish identity. It would seem to be an effective demand at this time. If this is recognised by the Western states how would you evaluate the consequences? KON-KURD is the largest confederation working for the rights of Kurds in Europe. On November 4, 1994, it is organising a conference in Brussels, in a hall at the European Parliament. This is a conference to force the acceptance of Kurdish identity in Europe. In my opinion it is a very important step. Of course the Kurdish identity is already recognised in various ways in some places in Europe but this must be made official in the whole of Europe. For instance, if 20 Kurdish students warrant the opening of a Kurdish school then they should also recognize the Kurdish identity. I believe this would also make a contribution to the political process in that it would serve to assist those circles in the west that want the West to play a role in the Kurdish question. It would change, the opinions of various circles. It would also deepen the expression of Kurdishness, the concept of citizenship amongst the Kurds in Europe. This would also put Turkey on the spot because if the Kurdish identity is recognised in Europe it would make it somewhat difficult for Turkey to explain the lack of such recognition in Turkey. In March the North-West Kurdistan Conference was held in Brussels. Following this conference has there been an intensification in diplomatic activities? The most important aspect of the Brussels conference was the package of proposals presented by our General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan. Did this have the effect it merited? I don't think it did. There should have been more interest. But some opinions were changed or, at least, some circles which had a superficial "anti-terrorist" approach, have become more circumspect and cautioUs. There were also a considerable number of messages of support from international and human rights organisations. Some countries also began to take this issue serioUsly and realised that steps should be taken. On November 18-19 the Olaf Palme Trust is organising an International Kurdish Conference in Barcelona. This is something that has come about partly as a result of the Brussels Conference. Of course the reason the conference did not find the necessary response is political. Although Turkey is losing its strategic importance, it is becoming an attractive market and countries like France and Germany have interests at stake. However it is still possible to state that the Brussels Conference did offer a perspective on the Kurdish question and gave Western countries and organisations the chance to learn what the PKK is, and this was particularly the case with Abdullah Ocalan's package of proposals. You say that France and Germany have adopted a negative attitude to the PKK on account of their economic interests. Europe's negative, even hostile, view of the national liberation struggle in Kurdistan is well known. Could you comment on Western support or at least silent approval for Turkey's genocidal policies? To remain silent, or approve, or support what Turkey is doing in Kurdistan implies support for a Kurdish genocide. But I can say that those who follow this policy in Germany, have begun to debate the PKK ban which will be one year old in November. They banned the PKK and what happened? I will tell you. The PKK increased its strength threefold in Germany. Now Germany wishes to play a role in the Middle East, a sensitive region from which it has been excluded since it was defeated in the 2nd World War. However it is now, particularly after its unification with the East, a world economic power. It desires political power to match. Thus, it is now targeting the parts of the Middle East which used to be under U.S. domination, such as Iran and Iraq. Iran now does more trade with Germany than it does with all the rest of the world put together. And since autumn 1993 there has been a stream of delegations from Germany visiting Saddam Hussein. Germany also uses Turkey as a bridgehead to reach Iraq. Therefore the reason for Germany's hostility towards us is its interests in the Middle East. An intriguing situation has emerged. We have relations with many countries. The world has not labelled us as terrorists but Germany has. However, Germany is developing friendship with Saddam, who the whole world regards as a terrorist. This illustrates the hypocrisy of Germany's approach to us. Let's get on to the war. From the world's press, or at least the British press, one gets the impression that the guerrilla movement has suffered serious setbacks as a result of the huge military operations of the Turkish state. Can you comment on this please? The war news emanating from Turkey and finding its way into the world press is onesided and has been taken under the control of those directing the dirty war. However, in the last 2 or 3 months the Turkish state has not mentioned "finishing us off" or "breaking our backs". They are silent. In Kurdistan we are now establishing a regional military command structure and we are preparing in 1995 to take complete control of areas which are already to a great extent under our control. Ciller claimed in Autumn 1993 that she was going to finish us off by Spring 1994. But we said then, that we would have 30,000 guerrillas by that time. Now we aim to field 50,000 guerrillas by the Spring of 1995. It is the Turkish army, which lost thousands of men in its last operation around Herekol mountain and in South Kurdistan, that has suffered severe blows. If the Turkish army has really broken our backs then why are they talking about extending military service and why are they sending marines to Kurdistan? It is Turkey that has its back to the wall, both militarily and economically. The guerrillas are in every part of Kurdistan. If the Turkish army had achieved success with its military operations it would not have to burn down so many villages or murder so many civilians. These are the methods to which a defeated army resorts. I would like to ask you about the situation in South Kurdistan. The clashes between the KDP and PUK seem to have ended. There are also reports of a KDP buildup in Behdinan, which has led to fears of a repeat of the southern war of 1992. Could you comment? South Kurdistan is a region where many circles are active and various forces are pursuing their interests. Turkey and Germany are striving to reconcile Massoud Barzani with Saddam and South Kurdistan with Iraq, and also to get Saddam a reprieve so that he can return to the international community. Recent Turkish operations into South Kurdistan have all ended in fiasco. At the beginning of October 30,000 troops crossed into the South with a fanfare from the Turkish press, but they suffered heavy blows and withdrew in great silence. The sole reason for the instability in South Kurdistan is the absolute domination the Turkish state exerts over the KDP, and Massoud Barzani's collaboration with Turkey. If only the KDP were able to act according to its own will, the situation in the South would have been well on the way to freedom, but the leadership of the KDP does not permit this. The reason for the KDP's attacks on the PUK and other forces, is Turkey's policy. Turkey wants to remove all forces except the KDP. Otherwise there is no ideological conflict between the parties there. The only possible clash would be of interests. All this stems from the fact that Massoud Barzani formulates all his policies at the Turkish brigade headquarters in Silopi. The situation at the moment may seem calm but this does not mean that the situation is stable. Massoud Barzani has sold himself to the Turkish state. Therefore there will always be the potential for provocations and attacks on opposition groups. Turkish intelligence operatives are in control of things there and move more freely than the Kurds. The KDP has taken part in all the recent military operations against the PKK and we think they will continue to do so. Turkey and Germany's policy in South Kurdistan and their plan to rehabilitate Saddam is seriously disturbing the USA. To keep the equilibrium intact the U.S. is supporting Talabani, but not actively. Now things seem to have subsided following Mitterand's intervention but this is misleading because nothing has been resolved there. Britain's policy is similar to that of the U.S. November 27, 1994 will be the 16th anniversary of the founding of the PKK. Could you comment on this please? The national liberation struggle led by the PKK has now reached the stage where it can not be defeated. The struggle now incorporates the aspirations of the whole Kurdish nation. The 16th anniversary of the founding of the PKK will be followed by the Party's 5th Congress which will be held in Kurdistan. Chairman APO has named this congress the Freedom and Liberation Congress, and as preparations for the anniversary and party congress continue, the PKK is evaluating the next period as one of liberation and freedom. Our people began to live again with the emergence of the PKK. As Chairman Apo has said, a revival was set in motion. Our 16-year-long struggle has brought about a revival and from now on we are heading for liberation. (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January/February 1995) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From listserv at burn.UCSD.EDU Wed Feb 22 15:52:35 1995 From: listserv at burn.UCSD.EDU (listserv at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 22 Feb 1995 15:52:35 Subject: SUBSCRIBE KURD-L MIDEAST.KURDS Message-ID: Reply-To: listserv at burn.UCSD.EDU From: listserv at burn.UCSD.EDU Subject: SUBSCRIBE KURD-L MIDEAST.KURDS You have been added to list kurd-l at burn. The system has recorded your address as mideast.kurds at antenna.nl and in order for your messages to get posted, you will have to send them from this address. If a message is ever rejected, please contact the list's owner: ats at locust.cic.net All requests should be addressed to listserv at burn. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Fri Feb 24 06:15:42 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 24 Feb 1995 06:15:42 Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 19-22 Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: KURD-A News Updates: February 19-22, 1995 KURD-A News Updates February 19-22, 1995 According to our correspondents in the Uludere region, a military convoy of 120 vehicles has been brought from Sirnak to Uludere. It seems as though these soldiers are going to take part in a major army operation in the Uludere region in the next few days. There is also a major army operation presently underway in the Sason region. This operation is largely directed against the civilian population. Some villages have already been attacked by Turkish security forces and villagers have been mistreated. (19.02.95) According to residents in the area around Botan, the Turkish army has been suffering high levels of desertion. Some of the soldiers who have deserted are hiding in villages, others have hid themselves in the mountains. One villager, who spoke to our news agency on the condition that we not mention his name, said this is because "the Turkish army deals with deserters in a swift manner". Other reports indicate that several Kurdish army deserters have since joined the ranks of the ARGK guerrillas. (19.02.95) On February 18, Turkish security forces operating in the Mardin- Savur region were attacked by ARGK guerrillas. According to KURD- A correspondents in the area, 15 Turkish soldiers were killed. These same security forces were attacked for a second time on February 19, this time near the village of Avina. The guerrillas attacked a Turkish army unit and killed 1 sergeant and 8 soldiers. According to local residents, the army operation is still underway. (20.02.95) On February 18, Turkish warplanes bombarded the area south of Mus. According to the ARGK, no guerrillas were killed in this attack. It is not yet known whether any civilians were killed in the raid. (20.02.95) On February 20, at around 3:00pm, the village of Schech Habib near Mutki was bombarded by the Turkish army firing mortars. It is not yet known whether any civilians were killed in the attack. After the mortar attack, Turkish security forces launched an operation in the region. (21.02.95) In South Kurdistan, the Haftanin region, which is part of the UN security zone, was repeatedly bombarded by Turkish warplanes on February 20 and 21. According to our correspondents in the region, there were no civilian casualties. In the Mt. Gabar region, following a major Turkish army operation, there was fighting between Kurdish guerrillas and Turkish army units. Soldiers operating in the area were attacked by guerrillas on February 20. The Kurdish guerrillas attacked one army unit from three sides. Several Turkish soldiers were killed in the attack. (21.02.95) Turkish army units involved since February 20 in an operation in the Mt. Gabar region were attacked several times by Kurdish guerrillas. The Turkish army units were never able to stop while in the Mt. Gabar region, which is largely controlled by ARGK guerrillas. On February 22, the Turkish army began to withdraw after having suffered many serious blows from the guerrillas. According to reports from local residents, more than 60 soldiers were killed during the operation. (22.02.95) In the Cudi mountains region, which has been under the control of the ARGK since August 1994, Turkish army units began an operation. On February 22, Turkish security forces in the region were attacked in the early morning by ARGK guerrillas. According to our correspondents, there was fighting between Kurdish guerrillas and Turkish army units in three or four places. (22.02.95) On February 19, Kurdish guerrillas attacked military units of the Turkish army south of Mus. During the 7-hour battle, 9 Turkish soliders were killed, as were 2 Kurdish guerrillas. (22.02.95) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Fri Feb 24 06:21:26 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 24 Feb 1995 06:21:26 Subject: Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contr Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force Turkey's Killing Machine: The Contra-Guerrilla Force By Serdar Celik How The Force Was Set Up Turkey joined NATO on April 4, 1952. In the same year, the organisation known as "Gladio", or officially as "Super NATO", whose arm in Turkey is the contra-guerrilla force called Seferberlik Taktik Kurulu (STK - Tactical Mobilisation Group), started its activities in the building of the CIA organisation American Yardim Heyeti (American Aid Delegation - JUSMATT) in the Bahcelievler district of the Turkish capital Ankara. (*1) During the 1960s, following on from the experience of Korea and Vietnam, the American-dominated armies of NATO began to set up their own special guerrilla warfare units. The 1959 military accord between the Turkish and US governments envisaged the use of the contra-guerrillas "also in the case of an internal rebellion against the regime". (*2) The STK was restructured in 1965 and was renamed Ozel Harp Dairesi (OHD - Special Warfare Department). It comes under the authority of the President of General Staff and is also known by other titles such as Ozel Kuvvetler Komutanlik (Special Forces Command) or Harekat Dairesi (Operations Department). Although it was revealed through the "Gladio" affair in Italy in 1990 that such secret organisations also existed in other member states of NATO, and that they maintained close contacts with these countries' secret services and had been involved in a series of murders and bomb plots, the Turkish military and state authorities continued to deny the existence of any such organisation in Turkey. Only after ex-CIA chief William Colby had revealed that "there is also such an organisation in Turkey" did the Turkish authorities withdraw their false pretentions that there was no Turkish Gladio. On December 3, 1990, General Dogan Beyazit, President of the Harekat Dairesi (Operation Department) of Turkey's General Staff and General Kemal Yilmaz, commander of the Ozel Kuvvetler (Special Forces), issued a press statement. In this statement they revealed that the title of the special NATO organisation in Turkey was Ozel Harp Dairesi (Special Warfare Department) and that its task was "to organise rewsistence in the case of a communist occupation". They further explained that this organisation had fought in Cyprus in 1974 and against the PKK in Kurdistan in 1980, but that its secret members, whom they called "patriots", had "no connection with the contra-guerrilla forces" (1). This latter claim is a blatant lie. The bloody dictator of the September 12, 1980 coup, Kenan Evren, wrote in his memoirs that Prime Minister Suleyman Demiriel had in the 1970s written to him of his wish to engage the Special Warfare Department to deal with civil unrest (2). This was denied by Demuriel. Bulent Ecevit, another Prime Minister of the 1970s, revealed that: "As Prime Minister I first became aware of its existence in 1974 through requests from Semih Sancar, chief of the General Staff, for money for secret payments to the Special Warfare Department. I was shocked". (3) How and why was the Special Warfare Department set up? The founding aim of the Department is: "In the case of a communist occupation or of a rebellion, to use guerrilla methods and all possible underground activities to bring an end to the occupation." (4) The special war methods which are taught supposedly for the prevention of a communist occupation include among others "assasinations, bombings, armed robbery, torture, attacks, kidnap, threats, provocation, militia training, hostage- taking, arson, sabotage, propaganda, disinformation, violence and extortion." (5) Textbooks by American contra-guerrilla experts were translated into Turkish, and these special war methods were thus introduced into Turkey. Some of the textbooks written by American experts are: "U.S. Army FM 31/16" (contra-guerrilla operations), "U.S. Army Special Warfare School" (contra-guerrilla tactics and techniques), "FM 31/20" (special forces operational techniques), "FM 31/21 Special Forces Operations" (ST urban assignments, 31/21 guerrilla warfare and special forces operations ), "FM 31/21 A. Special Forces Operations (U)" (special forces secret operations). (6) The Turkish contra-guerrilla force developed the most complex and sophisticated methods for its war against the PKK. Since 1985 a series of new textbooks and instructions for the contra- guerrillas have been published. Just one example is the book "Ic Guvenlik Konsepti" (The Concept of Internal Security), which was published by the Special Warfare Command of the General Staff in 1985, and which is used as a textbook in the contra-guerrilla camps. The underground elements of the Special Warfare Department - that is, the elements which carry out actions - are called contra- guerrillas. The Special Warfare Department can be identified with the contra-guerrillas, since it is the latter who put the Department's work into practise. The Turkish contra-guerrillas have many schools in Turkey, in which they receive their training - in Ankara, Bolu, Kayseri, Buca near Izmir, Canakkale and since 1974 in Cyprus. "In the mountain commando school in Bolu, green berets (Delta Forces) who fought in Vietnam also got their training". (7) The contra-guerrilla teams, who are implanted with a fanatical hatred of the "peril" of "communism" and "separatism", whose heads are full of chauvanism, are unleashed against anyone who stands in opposition to the regime. For their goal, which they pursue with the support of the USA, is "the establishment of a competent military and semi-military force which will, jointly with the security forces, maintain internal security". (9) In their eyes not only the "communists", but each and every democratic movement is a danger which they aim to counter using guerrilla methods. The American military doctrine as presented in the textbooks holds that "our security is threatened not only by open attacks, but also by other types of threats which are even more dangerous than open attacks but which do not look like open attacks. These dangers consist of the attampts to bring about transformations and changes from the inside." (10) Selected elements of the Turkish contra-guerrillas together with the generals were all trained in contra-guerrilla schools in the USA. The aims of this training are defined as follows: "The goal of military aid is to educate soldiers from underdeveloped countries in accordance with U.S. ideology and then to install them advantageously in the leadership of their countries". (11) During their training in the USA the contra-guerrilla forces "are taught about social problems in their countries, and shown films which demonstrate the aggression and subversion of the communists. They learn how to handle explosives under the supervision of green berets in Matamoros near the Mexican border, and they are taught how to kill, stab or strangle somebody silently, etc". (12). Other places where Turkish officials are trained are the Escuela de los Americas in Panama, which is attached to the U.S. base Southern Comfort, the Police Academy near Washington and the Schongau and Oberammergau bases in Germany. (*3) Part of the Special Warfare Department is made up of officers from official units known as A-units or Special Operations Units. As the war became more intense, B-units were formed within the Special Warfare Department, made up of professional volunteer commando forces. Both types of units employ contra-guerrilla tactics. The forces built by the Special Warfare Department have everywhere formed organisations in the form of cells. These elements, known as "patriots", are placed in front-line duties by being infiltrated as agents-provocateurs into political parties, administrative departments and opposition groups. The strongest pillar of the Special Warfare Department is the Secret Service. In Turkey the Secret Service is subordinate to the General Staff and so also to the Special Warfare Department. The civilian government has no control whatsoever over the Secret Service. In Turkey there are various secret services: the MIT (National Secret Service Organisation) and the Secret Services of the Gendarmerie, the General Staff, the Foreign Ministry, the Director of Security (the political police) and the Presidential Office. These secret services hold quarterly meetings under the umbrella of the National Secret Service Coordinating Committee. The MIT has the greatest influence of all these organisations. This Turkish secret service organisation was originally called MAH and was restructured and renamed MIT in 1965. The MIT is a branch of the CIA and collaborates with the Israeli secret service MOSSAD, the German BND and earlier (up to 1975) with the Iranian SAVAK. Many operations of the Special Warfare Department are carried out in collaboration with the MIT. A third of the MIT's functionaries are members of the armed forces and the rest are mostly retired military personnel. It is a legal requirement that the chief of the MIT must be a member of the armed forces. Since the founding of the MIT, all the heads have been generals. They are appointed by the General Staff or by the Special Warfare Department. The 1989 budget of the MIT amounted to 42,745 million Turkish lira. (*4) Another organisation coming under the Special Warfare Department is the Psychological Warfare Department. On November 9, 1983 this department became the TIB (Ministry for Social Relations). Its headquarters are in Ankara. Its first chief was Dogan Beyazit, who was at the same time also head of the Special Warfare Department. He was in charge of propaganda operations which the CIA program divided into "white, "grey" and "black" propaganda. Many professors were employed within the TIB. (*5) The TIB has brought out numerous journals and pamphlets and even comics. It formed satellite organisations under such names as "The Institute for Research into Turkish Culture", "Turkish World Research Institute", etc. The main aim of the TIB since the '80s has been to develop the psychological front in the war against the PKK. With this aim in mind, pamphlets are printed which try to blame the PKK for massacres committed by the contra-guerrillas. Such pamphlets are distributed in various languages in Europe, purporting to originate from such ficticious publishers as "the Union of Anatolian Women". Or else bogus leaflets attacking the PKK are distributed under the names of existing or ficticious political organisations. Posters and leaflets are put about which are full of ridiculous propaganda such as those claiming that the PKK is an Armenian organisation. Or television programmes and books are produced which slander the PKK. In the towns of Kurdistan professors hold seminars about how "Kurds are really Turks" etc. The most effective institution from the point of view of the TIB - that is the Psychological Warfare Department of the Special Warfare Department - is the press. Turkish daily newspapers such as "Hurriyet", "Milliyet", "Tercumann", "Turkiye" and "Sabah", which have become semi-official organs of the state, are pressured into carrying out systematic propaganda against the PKK. Another area where the Special Warfare Department wields its influence is of course the political parties. All state politicians and all bourgeois parties in Turkey are under the control of the Special Warfare Department. Here are just two examples: Turkish President Suleyman Demirel was the first Turk to get a scholarship from the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowship, which is controlled by the CIA. Later he held for many years the agency rights for the firm of Morrison, which built the death cells in Vietnam. (*6) When Demirel was in the USA in 1963, he was sent into the Adalet Partisi (Justice Party). In 1965 he became the chairman of this party and is now State President. Turgut Ozal, who was Prime Minister from 1983 to 1990 and President from 1990 until his death in 1993, was an official of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Special Warfare Department And Paramilitary MHP During the 1970s the struggle for democracy was developing in Turkey. In Kurdistan the struggle for national liberation was growing. With the help of the MHP (National Action Party), which was brought onto the scene in the 70s, hundreds of students, workers, intellectuals, trades unionists and educationalists were murdered: the president of DISK (the Federation of Revolutionary Trades Unions) Kemal Turkler, the journalist Abdi Ipekci, Professor Dr Bedri Karafakiroglu, professors Umit Doganay and Cavit Orhan Tutengil, Umit Kaftancioglu, State Counsel Dogan Oz, security chief Cevat Yurdakul, University Professor Orhan Yavuz, Bedrettin Comert, Server Tanilli (who survived but remained disabled), Chair Adana Chamber of Agricultural Engineers Akin Ozdemir and hundreds more. In 1974 in Maras they massacred inumerable Kurdish and Alevi people - children, women and old folk and men. This preplanned act of genocide opened the way for the military coup of September 12, 1980. It is know from the experiences of various countries that the CIA works together with the police to organize paramilitary groups in the tactics of irregular warfare. William Colby wrote: "To prevent Turkey from falling into the hands of the communists, the CIA gave support to anti-communist institutions". (13) Retired general Sezsi Orkunt, ex-chief of the General Staff said: "The Turkish armed forces were more worried about the Left than the Right. The Right was organised in the MHP and its leader Turkes was helped on his way". (14) When the MHP's Ankara headquarters were searched at the time of the 1980 coup, the "Contra-Guerrilla Assignment 31/15 on the Model Plan for Underground Cells" was found there. (15) The MHP had obtained this plan from Colonel Mehmet Alanyuva of the Agents Section of the Special Warfare Department, the MHP's militants, who were organised in accordance with this plan, went on to perpetuate a veritable massacre against innocent people from the opposition. The CIA also employed the MHP militants for terrorist plots on an international level. For example, the murderer of the journalist Abdi Ipekci was the same man who in 1991 carried out the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul. The MHP is also organised in Europe, and particularly in Germany. Until 1976 it was organised there under the same title. After that in Europe they took on the title Avrupa Ulkucu Dernekleri Federasyonu (Federation of National Associations in Europe). The MHP's organisation in Germany maintains connections with the German Secret Service. The journalist Ugur Mumcu, who was assassinated in 1993, wrote: "These connections were set up in Cologne by a German named Kannabin". (16) The MHP has another patron in Germany - Rudi Nazar. He is a CIA agent who was for many years active in Ankara and was later transferred to Bonn. Jurgen Roth went into this matter in detail in his book "Criminals Incorporated" and came to the conclusion, based on information from a president of one of the republics of the former Soviet Union, that the MHP is also involved in the heroin trade in Germany. General Haydar Saltik, one of those responsible for the September 12, 1980 coup, later left the army and became Consul in the Turkish consulate in Berne. He renewed his contacts with the Turkish nationalists and sent 15,000 officers and MHP militants, who came under the Special Warfare Department and had already had a hand in many attacks against the Armenians, to Azerbaijan. After their training, these militants were sent to Baku. The attacks on the Kurdish population in Antalya and other Turkish towns during the past year were also carried out by the MIT and the MHP. The MHP is still the paramilitary wing of the Special Warfare Department. This time, however, it was more effective, since the entire state with all its constituent parts has grown into an even more racist, anti-Kurdish and paramilitary organisation. The Operations Of The Turkish Contra-Guerrillas The bloody work of the Special Warfare Department is so wide- ranging that we can not go into everything here. We will, therefore, go straight over to Kurdistan, where the contra- guerrillas are employed in the front line against the national liberation struggle. First, however, we would like to recount some of the decisive points of the decisive points of the contra- guerrillas' activities prior to 1980: Agents from the Special Warfare Department threw a bomb into the house in Thessallonika in Greece which was used as the Mustafa Kemal Museum, and blamed this act on the Greek police. Consequently, on the 6 and 7 of September 1955, fanatical groups fired up by the contra-guerrillas wrecked Greek homes and businesses in Istanbul. The most important actions of the Special Warfare Department were the three military coups. This Department was responsible for the coup of May 27, 1967 and above all for the last two coups of the March 12, 1971 and September 12, 1980. The then Foreign Minister Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, who was invited to Teheran a few days before March 12, 1971, learned from the Shah of Iran that there was going to be a coup in Turkey. (17) The then commander of the Turkish airforce, Muhsin Batur, went the the USA just before the coup of September 12, 1980. Again the then airforce commander Tahsin Sahinkaya flew to the USA and the coup took place two days after his return. Carter, who was at the opera when he heard about the coup, called Paul Henze, the CIA agent responsible for Turkey, and told him: " Your people have just made a coup". (18) The torture chambers which opened in 1971 gave the contra- guerrillas an important opportunity to gain practical experience. The contra-guerrilla generals who took people to the torture chambers in Ziverbay in Istanbul told their victims for the first time that they were prisoners of the contra-guerrillas. The interrogations were carried out by contra-guerrilla specialists called EBU (Correct Information Officers). A team of interrogation specialists called the DAL (Deep Investigation Laboratory) was set up by the political police in Ankara. These torture specialists murdered or caused permanent damage to hundreds of people. Later on, these teams were dispatched all over Turkey and especially Kurdistan. In 1971 the contra-guerrillas' torture was directed by General Faik Turun, Turgut Sonap and Memduh Unluturk. (*7) The invasion of Cyprus was an action of the Special Warfare Department. In 1955 the Department set up a secret organisation called the Turk Mukavemet Hareketi (Turkish Resistance Movement). This organisation carried out systematic provocations in Cyprus in order to prepare the conditions for the 1974 coup. To prepare for the occupation of Cyprus, teams directed by Hiram Abbas and the Special Warfare Department established themselves in Beirut, from where they could organise activities in Cyprus. The Cyprus invasion was organised by the then chief of the Special Warfare Department Kemal Yemek. Cyprus was the first serious test for the Turkish contra-guerrillas. After 1980 Kurdistan took the place of Cyprus in this respect. The State Security Courts are a product of the Special Warfare Department and they are assigned the task of restructuring the judicial process to fit the demands of the contra-guerrillas. In accordance with a directive of the contra-guerrillas, the the State Security Courts aim "not to condemn the defendants according to the punishments set out for the political crimes, but to administer punishments as severe as those set out for murder and other crimes against the person". (19) The detainees were severely tortured and then came before a contra-guerrilla court. Most of the judges have come from the military and are therefore tools of the Special Warfare Department. The murders and terrorist acts committed by the MHP were actions of the Special Warfare Department. Their purpose was to intimidate the opposition and prepare the conditions for a coup. The Special Warfare Department was successful in this task: on September 12, they carried out the military coup d'etat. This coup was the most important action of the contra-guerrillas. All arms of the state were reorganised on paramilitary lines. The Special Warfare Department gained control over the underworld (the Turkish mafia), the press, commerce, the judicial system, parliament, the universities and all other areas of society. All administrative organs and laws were restructured along the same lines. Sources: 1. Interview with the President of the Turkish General Staff Dogan Gures, "Milliyet" 5/6 September 1992 2. "Hurriyet" 26 November 1992 3. "Milliyet" 28 November 1990 4. "Cumhuriyet" 17 November 1990 5. "Directive ST 31/15 for Operations Against Irregular Forces" 6. "The Contra-Guerrillas and the MHP" Vol 1, Aydinlik Yayinlari, p19 and Talat Turhan "The Contra-Guerrilla Republic", p19 7. "The Contra-Guerrillas and the MHP", p16 8. " The American Military Doctrine, Report of the Rockerfeller Foundation", p356 9. "The Age of Imperialism", Harry Magdorff (translated by M. Emin Doger., "CIA, Contra-Guerrillas and Turkey"), p104 10. ibid. p122 11. McNamara, 1967 (US State Department of Defense) 12. Franco Salinas, "State of Emergency", pp82-88 13. "Cumhuriyet" 21 November 1990 14. "Hurriyet" 19 November 1990 15. "Gunes" 17 November 1990 16. Ugur Mumcu "Pope-Mafia-Agca" p143 17. Cuneyit Arcayurek "Coups and the Secret Services" p160 18. ibid. p190 19. "Directive ST 31/15 for Operations Against Irregular Forces" Notes: *1 The "Super-NATO" organisation was set up under the control of the CIA in all the NATO countries. The headquarters of this organisation was in Brussels and was named the Allied Coordination Committee (ACC). Secret meetings were held annually in which delegates from all the member countries took part. The official purpose of the organisation is "to organise resistance using irregular warfare methods in case of a communist occupation". The organisation has at its disposal special funds and weapons depots. It is not answerable for its activities under the laws of the individual member states. The organisation's branch in Italy was called "Gladio", in Germany "Anti-Communist Assault Unit", in Greece " Hide of the Red Buck", in Belgium "Glavia". The "Super- NATO" also set up branch organisations in non-NATO countries such as Austria and Switzerland. *2 Referring to contra-guerrilla warfare conducted by the USA, former U.S. Secretary of State McNamara explained that "partisan wars call for a change in our understanding of warfare. In regions where partisan war has broken out, what is needed is not a great number of military units and weapons, but rather small units who have been well trained in guerrilla and counter-guerrilla tactics and armed with special weapons".(8) The American Delta Forces, the British Special Air Service (SAS), the Italian Special Forces Section and the German GSG-9 are units of this type. The former U.S. President Johnson declared in 1964 that 344 contra-guerrilla units had been trained by the USA in 49 countries of the world. *3 In the 70s the following persons, among others, who still occupy important positions today, were members of the Turkish police and secret service: Sekru Balci, Ilgaz Aykutlu, Kenan Koc, Umit Erdal, Hiram Abbas (who was killed in 1990 [by militants of the armed communist organization Devrimci Sol, was in the 70s one of the three most influential persons in the MIT), Mehmet Aymur (Abbas' right-hand man in the MIT), Hayri Kozakcioglu (who was trained by Scotland Yard and in 1987 made Governor with Special Powers), Unal Erkan (at that time Kozakcioglu's successor as "Supergovernor" in diyarbakir). *4 Divided among the 55 million people of the Turkish and Kurdish population, this means 949 Turkish Lira per head that every Turk and Kurd have to pay in order to finance the "work" of spying, torture and murder of this gang of killers. *5 Professors Abdulhaluk Cay, Ibrahim Kafescioglu, Bahattin Ogel, Ertugrul Zekai Okte, Aydin Yalcin, among others. *6 "In 1967 the CIA's budget for the funding of 'useful friends and elements' abroad was raised to 10 million U.S. dollars per year. Most of these funds flowed through our trade unions, student unions and special institutions into foreign institutions. The use of our trade unions and associations as a sort of screen prevented it from becoming known that the source of these funds was in reality the CIA". (Fron the book "CIA, Secret Services and Democracy" by the former CIA chief Stanfield Turner). *7 Faik Turun became an MP for the AP (Justice Party) in 1977. Turgut Sunalp became a minister in parliament in 1982 as a member of the MDP (National Democratic Party). The retired Memduh Unluturk was killed by militants of the organization Devrimci Sol (Revolutionary Left) in 1991. (From Kurdistan Report #17 - February/March 1994) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Fri Feb 24 06:24:07 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 24 Feb 1995 06:24:07 Subject: Free Kani Yilmaz! Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Free Kani Yilmaz! Information On Kani Yilmaz, European Representative Of The PKK Index: 1) PKK European Spokesperson Arrested 2) The Kani Yilmaz Case - By Ismet Imset 3) Free Kani Yilmaz - End The Criminalization Of The PKK And The Kurdish People In Europe - Statement From The Kurdistan Solidarity Committee, London 4) "Our Struggle Now Incorporates The Aspirations Of The Whole Kurdish Nation" - Interview With Kani Yilmaz 1) PKK European Spokesperson Arrested On October 26, 1994, British police arrested Kani Yilmaz, the European spokesperson for the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Yilmaz was arrested at Westminster subway station, as he was travelling to address a Labour Party event entitled "The Future Of The Kurdish People". Yilmaz was in London on the invitation of a member of the British parliament. It is certain that Kani Yilmaz was arrested on the order of officials at the Turkish embassy. After his arrest, Kani Yilmaz was placed in top-security detention. Officials in Germany are trying to have him deported back to Germany, where he has refugee status. Turkish officials have stated that they would then like Germany to deport Yilmaz back to Turkey. Kurdish groups and their supporters have organized several protests in London and in several German cities as well to demand the immediate release of Kani Yilmaz. British parliamentarians as well have expressed their extreme disgust at the fact that police have arrested and detained a man invited by some members of the British parliament to give a talk on the prospects for a political solution to the war in Kurdistan. On December 30, 1994, a judge was supposed to rule on whether or not Kani Yilmaz would be deported to Germany. This hearing was postponed. For more information on the case, contact: Kurdistan Information Centre 10 Glasshouse Yard London EC1A 4JN tel. 0171 250 1315 fax. 0171 250 1317 e-mail: kic.london at kurd.aps.nl 2) The Kani Yilmaz Case By Ismet Imset I have a file of many pages in my hands. On the first of these, somewhat squeezed into a pink dossier is inscribed: "Separatist terrorist organization-PKK." The mentality which aims to conceal everything has stamped both the cover and all its pages "Secret". The author of this product is the security (Police) General Directorate, the centre of those who manufacture lies and market them to their superiors for promotions... Almost every page of the dossier provides information on PKK leaders. From the commander of Serhat region to Fingerless Zeki, from Abdullah Ocalan to Riza Altun, here are many names. At the end of the dossier is a detailed, graphic explanation of the PKK's "separatist terror organization" and a section on "founders and directors of the organization". The most interesting part of this official file which I have in my possession is its final part. There is a two-paragraph explanation there on Faysal Dunlayici who is registered as "code named Kani Yilmaz". Instantly I recall the telephone conversation I had with the British police following Yilmaz's arrest. "I hear Kani Yilmaz is arrested. Could you confirm this?" I had asked the police spokesperson. "We have no one under that name", was the reply, before adding, "but we have a suspect by the name of Faysal Dunlayici." In the file of the Security General Directorate on Yilmaz and Dunlayici, there is no mention of a "concrete crime". The only crime which is evidenced is that he was "among the founders" of an organization created "to divide and separate the Turkish Republic through terrorist actions", and to "direct" this organization. Dunlayici or Yilmaz is on a Turkish search warrant for being "a founder and ringleader of a terrorist organization". The file of Security General Directorate that I have openly displays this. According to the laws of the Turkish Republic even membership and/or acting on behalf of it, is a capital offence, let alone being a founder or director of such an organization. In other words, had Yilmaz been in Turkey and had he been arrested by the police, he would have been put on trial for being "a founder and director of a separatist organization", facing and most likely being sentenced to, a penalty of death. Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Ferhat Ataman who held a press conference before the weekend has announced that Turkey had formally applied to Britain for the extradition of Yilmaz, who is under arrest here. He took care to add that the file prepared for Yilmaz's extradition "does not contain any criminal offenses which would require him facing capital punishment charges". It is understood that, using the opportunity, Turkey has sent London not the full dossier on Yilmaz who is being hunted as a "founder of a separatist organization", but a dossier "prepared to contain criminal charges not including capital punishment". In other words, it is playing a new game to achieve its objective. Despite this, every security unit throughout Europe is aware that if Yilmaz is extradited, he will face what has now become systematic torture in Turkey, that he will be tried not by an impartial court but a controversial State Security Court which has a special status and to which military prosecutors are assigned, and that he will eventually be executed either legally or by extra- judicial methods. For Britain to extradite Yilmaz under these circumstances will mean no less than sending someone to face a certain death sentence. Thus, neither an extradition nor Ankara's request can be expected to be taken seriously. But, there are other possibilities... The Yilmaz case, from the viewpoint of both legal implications and of international norms, is one of the most interesting cases Britain has been party to. Yilmaz, who had come to Britain three times in the past, was invited to this country as "the European Spokesperson of the PKK" and on arrival he was not only assisted through immigration control but was even given VIP treatment. But exactly three days later, while on his way to a meeting with British parliamentarians "to disclose the PKK's new proposals for dialogue", he was detained by police under instructions of the same immigration office. The first statement by the Home Minister claimed his presence in Britain was against 'public interest'. Although the Home Secretary who gave the order for his arrest later said it was a mistake to have allowed Yilmaz entry in the first place, sources from the same ministry now say the whole incident stemmed from orders issued through the Foreign Office. In a way, this suggests "foreign influences" have been at work. Thus, the "Yilmaz case" is no longer an issue concerning only Turkey and the Kurds but has turned into a debate concerning Britain's own laws as well. This is one of the reasons why his period of arrest has been extended. Day by day, with the legal advice of Winstanley- Burgess, the case is building up into a resistance. The British authorities, immediately after detaining Yilmaz, informed him through translators and attorneys that they wanted him deported. But the PKK spokesman was never asked which country he would prefer to be deported to. Moreover, although he was arrested a day before leaving for Holland, he has not been sent to that country either. At this stage, Kani Yilmaz's own decision was very important. While at the beginning he wanted to get the issue over with and return to his responsibilities as soon as possible, Yilmaz reviewed his position and took an interesting decision that he would resist. He argued that he had entered Britain quite legally, that his personal rights were violated through his arrest and that he should either be deported to a country of his choice or freed immediately. The British authorities have rejected Yilmaz's demands and, as required by the laws of the land, have asked for written guarantees from any country who would accept him. But, as if those countries applied to aimed to give a new dimension to the issue, none of them agreed to provide the written approval. It was at this very stage that Germany appeared on the scene with a surprise request. This request turned the Yilmaz case, which had started out as an issue of simple expulsion into a case of "extradition". Britain was informed that Yilmaz was wanted for violation of the German 129a Anti-Terror Law for provoking an arson attack. This request, coming as it does from a country where the Kurdish community in Europe is most concentrated and where the PKK influence is strongest, took even British officials by surprise. The British, who had arrested Yilmaz simply to "expel" him suddenly found themselves with "a suspect requiring extradition". The Yilmaz operation, which supposedly would end in a matter of days, was thus snatched out of their hands. Germany, one of the countries to which Yilmaz was expected to wish to be sent to after his detention, suddenly became a country which "wanted" him. Such a development has naturally led to suspicion among Kurdish circles that "a secret agreement may have been reached between Germany and Turkey" on this issue. Extraditing Yilmaz to Germany so he could be put on trial there would, according to international law, give Turkey the right to ask Germany for his extradition for trial as well. Now, what everyone asks is whether Germany has become a smoke screen for Turkish interests. Ataman, answering a question relating to Germany's extradition request, was observed to have abandoned the customarily harsh line of Turkish officialdom and replied that he would appreciate such an eventuality. "The British will decide on this", was all he had to say. Yilmaz's 'hearing' of last Friday lasted exactly four minutes and it was adjourned to November 28. Meanwhile, a brief struggle between demonstrators supporting Yilmaz and the police left behind seven injured. Kurds marching in eight separate cities of Europe are supporting Yilmaz with slogans against Turkey and Britain. These actions clearly give "a careful warning" both to German and other European governments. The only reason why there are no "larger explosions" is seen as the murky nature of the Yilmaz affair but the hidden message passed on with these demonstrations is being heard by the capitals involved. It could be appreciated that the Yilmaz case has already started to disturb England. The fact that a "simple" issue of expulsion has now turned into a legal case which could last for months, is raising some concern. According to those close to Yilmaz, the British actually want to solve the issue "without wasting time". As far as is known, there is no "concrete criminal charge" against Yilmaz in Britain. But Britain is faced by a legal dilemma both at home and on the international scene. Despite the possibility that the case may take time, it is not possible to keep Yilmaz captive "indefinitely". It is also difficult now to deport Yilmaz to another country while the German request for extradition is on the agenda. Furthermore both Yilmaz and Winstanley-Burgess appear determined "to resist to the end". They will force British law as far as they can, using their rights under these laws and appeal against an extradition were such a decision made. The situation surrounding Yilmaz is still murky and no one really knows what will happen. Even if there is no "secret agreement" between the Turkish Republic and Germany, extraditing Yilmaz to that country so he could be put on trial, is regarded as a step which could in the long term trouble both London and Bonn. The possibility of having another era of "Dusseldorf trials" in Germany, which has formally banned the activities of the PKK and ERNK, brings with it significant risks related to that country's internal security. It is certain that in such a period, Ankara will demand that Germany extradite Yilmaz. Under these circumstances, Britain is left with only two viable alternatives: either to expel Yilmaz to the country of his choice or "extradite" him to Germany. The possibility which does not exist is for Yilmaz to be extradited directly to Turkey where he will certainly be tortured, tried on capital charges and executed most probably by extra-judicial methods. It is at this point that Germany plays a key role... (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January-February 1995. Originally published in Turkish in Ozgur Ulke - November 22, 1994) 3) Free Kani Yilmaz - End The Criminalization Of The PKK And The Kurdish People In Europe The police seizure of Kani Yilmaz, the European Representative of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) and his subsequent imprisonment by the Home Office is a serious blow to the democratic rights of all people in Britain. It also reveals the sinister workings of a new and unaccountable European police force which is coordinating its actions across Europe in support of the Turkish state's war against the Kurdish people. Kani Yilmaz was invited to address a meeting at the House of Parliament on October 26 by British MPs and Lords. As he left Westminster tube station a carefully laid police trap seized him. He was detained under the National Security provision of the 1971 Immigration Act. What threat Kani Yilmaz posed to Britain's security was never stated. On November 11 his status was reclassified and under the European Convention for the Suppression of Terrorism Act of 1978 he now faces extradition to Germany where he has refugee asylum status. The German state has invented general, non-specific reasons for issuing an extradition order - a procedure which effectively overrides, ignores and prevents the exercise of the right to appeal. In her June 1994 maiden public speech Stella Rimington, head of MI5, identified the Kurds as a potential source of "terrorism" in Britain. A programme to criminalise Kurdish and Turkish opposition in Europe to the Turkish state is being coordinated by British and German police and military intelligence, together with their Turkish counterparts. The programme includes mobilisation of sections of the media and establishment of special police units to survey and attack the Kurdish communities. The PKK has been outlawed in Germany and France. Alerted, if not encouraged, by the undemocratic actions of the British and German governments, the Turkish state now demands the extradition of Kani Yilmaz to Turkey where he would face certain torture and death. The Kurdish struggle for national rights is seen by the British government as a threat to the Middle Eastern status quo. For the British government ever since it devised the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 which divided the Kurdish people up between Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, that status quo has meant oil and profits. Over 1,500 Kurdish villages have been destroyed by the Turkish army, Kurdish refugees from those burned out villages sheltering in the mountains of south Kurdistan are regularly bombed by Turkish aircraft, concentration camps have been set up in southeast Turkey by Turkish state forces, torture is rife, death squads murder open and legal Kurdish politicians, dozens of journalists and academics who try to tell the truth about Kurdistan are imprisoned and murdered. Eight Kurdish Democracy Party MPs are stripped of their constituencies and now face the death penalty at the hands of the Turkish state. This is what the British government condones by its seizure and criminalisation of Kani Yilmaz. All democrats in Britain must support the Kurdish people who have mounted a three week protest and hunger strike outside the Home Office for Kani Yilmaz's release. We must demand to know what is the relationship between Scotland Yard, MI5 and the Turkish police and military intelligence. What policy decisions have been taken by the Home Office towards the Kurdish community in Britain, for what reasons, in conjunction with what European powers and under whose authority? British companies are queuing up to sell arms to Turkey to carry on the slaughter of Kurds. They are queuing up to organise and benefit from the forthcoming privatisation of Turkish industry. Democrats in Britain must brand Turkey as an international pariah (as with apartheid in South Africa) until it recognises Kurdish people's basic human rights. We must end British and German govemmental collaboration with the Turkish state's war effort. End arms sales to Turkey. The rights of Kani Yilmaz to address people in Britain is a democratic right of all the British people. It must not be taken away. Kurdistan Solidarity Committee Statement - November 16, 1994 (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January-February 1995) 4) Our Struggle Now Incorporates The Aspirations Of The Whole Kurdish Nation Interview by Matthew Brady with PKK European representative Kani Yilmaz a few hours before his arrest in London on October 26, 1994. What stage have the endeavours to establish a national assembly reached and how will it respond to the needs of the present time? We had an earlier experience which we felt needed deepening. Therefore contact groups have been set up by intellectuals and DEP members which have met with varioUs sectors. The idea is to set up a National Congress of 1,000 to 1,500 members representing north Kurdistan, and for this Congress to establish an assembly. The make up and framework of the assembly will be determined by the results attained by the contact groups. I believe some Kurdish groups have also been consulted but they said they were not in favour of such an initiative. In fact these groups would not be able to make a con- structive contribution had they wished to. They simply don't have the resources. Therefore the projected assembly may not be a perfect, classical one as it will not be all-inclusive. For this reason the assembly is being projected as one that is oriented to external relations, to the outside world, an assembly capable of including all sections of society and with national symbols putting the emphasis on legal activities internationally. These are continuing. I believe that the founding of the assembly may be announced around Newroz (March 21). Ocalan made an important statement recently calling on Kurdish people to feel themselves to be Kurdish citizens and to live their Kurdish identity? There is no nation that is in need of the concept of citizenship than the Kurds. Thus the General Secretary's call is of the utmost significance. The Kurds have been dispersed to the four corners of the world. Even Kurds living in their own homeland have been unable to call it home. They are deprived of seeing their homeland as theirs and of seeing themselves as citizens for many years. This call is in essence an appeal to the people to involve themselves in the national liberation struggle and to realise a transformation in their minds, to realise a return to the motherland and to develop a national consciousness that enables them to make the link with the homeland. This is a call that incorporates broad layers of society: it means those who can do so should join the struggle en masse, it means the nation completing its self-mobilisation and the realisation of the training of tens and hundreds of thousands. We evaluate this call as one for national consciousness and a great sensitivity to the developments in the motherland. We say that it is high time to establish a Kurdish national reality, a reality that feels responsible for the motherland and takes action on its behalf. This is how we evaluate this call. In the past, calls for national unity were made to other northern Kurdistan organisations. However, it would appear that the desired unity has not been achieved. If the vital importance of national unity is taken into consideration, how then will the participation of different opinions in the assembly be ensured? What stage have such activities reached? I think it is necessary to clarify what is meant by this phrase "national unity", which has been used in a rhetorical way for years. Is national unity the unity of the nation or the unity of organisations? This is a crucial question. I believe the unity of the nation has been achieved in Kurdistan, that is, a great majority of the people support the national liberation struggle led by the PKK. What is the proof of this? The ten-year war. If a nation fights for 10 years and the struggle continues to develop, this can only occur if support is received from the nation. However, despite this, we felt it would be beneficial for those circles that claim to be organisations, that they be involved in a front of national unity. For about 18 months now, meetings have been held with various Kurdish groups. However we have now reached an impasse, a dead end. There are various reasons for this: Firstly seven or eight of the 12 Kurdish organisations involved are almost nonexistent. They have no people to contribute to a front organisation. Some of them haven't even issued a leaflet for four or five years, or organised a demonstration. Then there are organisations like Hevgirtin, that have contacts with village guards, that want any front that is set up to have the authority to impose a ceasefire decision on the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan). "If the war is not ended we will not participate in the front" they declare. They have a liquidationist approach. So there are problems, but talks are continuing. Even if we are unable to establish a front we at least believe we will be able to have an understanding for cooperation and be able to act together in some practical ways. We will take this proposal for an agreement on cooperation to the next meeting planned for the first week of November. Of course it would be ideal if a front of national unity could be set up but the groups working towards the national assembly have contacted broad circles to ensure a variety of views are represented. Also the national liberation struggle is continuing amidst blood and fire. Kurdistan is being burnt as the Turkish state tries to create a Kurdistan without forests or villages. Therefore, those people who feel they have an obligation will not wait for a front to be formed. It could take another five years. There are some people who, if you even kill them, they would still not go to Kurdistan. They have no sense of their responsibilities. But Kurdistan is not the country it was ten years ago. The struggle has grown massively. Soon in 1995, the PKK will have 50,000 guerrillas. A decision has been taken in this regard. So whether we have a front or not, at this time when Turkish colonialism is carrying out ferocious attacks, we will give the neces- sary response on the basis of the national unity that we have created. There is a campaign in Europe for the recognition of the Kurdish identity. It would seem to be an effective demand at this time. If this is recognised by the Western states how would you evaluate the consequences? KON-KURD is the largest confederation working for the rights of Kurds in Europe. On November 4, 1994, it is organising a conference in Brussels, in a hall at the European Parliament. This is a conference to force the acceptance of Kurdish identity in Europe. In my opinion it is a very important step. Of course the Kurdish identity is already recognised in various ways in some places in Europe but this must be made official in the whole of Europe. For instance, if 20 Kurdish students warrant the opening of a Kurdish school then they should also recognize the Kurdish identity. I believe this would also make a contribution to the political process in that it would serve to assist those circles in the west that want the West to play a role in the Kurdish question. It would change, the opinions of various circles. It would also deepen the expression of Kurdishness, the concept of citizenship amongst the Kurds in Europe. This would also put Turkey on the spot because if the Kurdish identity is recognised in Europe it would make it somewhat difficult for Turkey to explain the lack of such recognition in Turkey. In March the North-West Kurdistan Conference was held in Brussels. Following this conference has there been an intensification in diplomatic activities? The most important aspect of the Brussels conference was the package of proposals presented by our General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan. Did this have the effect it merited? I don't think it did. There should have been more interest. But some opinions were changed or, at least, some circles which had a superficial "anti-terrorist" approach, have become more circumspect and cautioUs. There were also a considerable number of messages of support from international and human rights organisations. Some countries also began to take this issue serioUsly and realised that steps should be taken. On November 18-19 the Olaf Palme Trust is organising an International Kurdish Conference in Barcelona. This is something that has come about partly as a result of the Brussels Conference. Of course the reason the conference did not find the necessary response is political. Although Turkey is losing its strategic importance, it is becoming an attractive market and countries like France and Germany have interests at stake. However it is still possible to state that the Brussels Conference did offer a perspective on the Kurdish question and gave Western countries and organisations the chance to learn what the PKK is, and this was particularly the case with Abdullah Ocalan's package of proposals. You say that France and Germany have adopted a negative attitude to the PKK on account of their economic interests. Europe's negative, even hostile, view of the national liberation struggle in Kurdistan is well known. Could you comment on Western support or at least silent approval for Turkey's genocidal policies? To remain silent, or approve, or support what Turkey is doing in Kurdistan implies support for a Kurdish genocide. But I can say that those who follow this policy in Germany, have begun to debate the PKK ban which will be one year old in November. They banned the PKK and what happened? I will tell you. The PKK increased its strength threefold in Germany. Now Germany wishes to play a role in the Middle East, a sensitive region from which it has been excluded since it was defeated in the 2nd World War. However it is now, particularly after its unification with the East, a world economic power. It desires political power to match. Thus, it is now targeting the parts of the Middle East which used to be under U.S. domination, such as Iran and Iraq. Iran now does more trade with Germany than it does with all the rest of the world put together. And since autumn 1993 there has been a stream of delegations from Germany visiting Saddam Hussein. Germany also uses Turkey as a bridgehead to reach Iraq. Therefore the reason for Germany's hostility towards us is its interests in the Middle East. An intriguing situation has emerged. We have relations with many countries. The world has not labelled us as terrorists but Germany has. However, Germany is developing friendship with Saddam, who the whole world regards as a terrorist. This illustrates the hypocrisy of Germany's approach to us. Let's get on to the war. From the world's press, or at least the British press, one gets the impression that the guerrilla movement has suffered serious setbacks as a result of the huge military operations of the Turkish state. Can you comment on this please? The war news emanating from Turkey and finding its way into the world press is onesided and has been taken under the control of those directing the dirty war. However, in the last 2 or 3 months the Turkish state has not mentioned "finishing us off" or "breaking our backs". They are silent. In Kurdistan we are now establishing a regional military command structure and we are preparing in 1995 to take complete control of areas which are already to a great extent under our control. Ciller claimed in Autumn 1993 that she was going to finish us off by Spring 1994. But we said then, that we would have 30,000 guerrillas by that time. Now we aim to field 50,000 guerrillas by the Spring of 1995. It is the Turkish army, which lost thousands of men in its last operation around Herekol mountain and in South Kurdistan, that has suffered severe blows. If the Turkish army has really broken our backs then why are they talking about extending military service and why are they sending marines to Kurdistan? It is Turkey that has its back to the wall, both militarily and economically. The guerrillas are in every part of Kurdistan. If the Turkish army had achieved success with its military operations it would not have to burn down so many villages or murder so many civilians. These are the methods to which a defeated army resorts. I would like to ask you about the situation in South Kurdistan. The clashes between the KDP and PUK seem to have ended. There are also reports of a KDP buildup in Behdinan, which has led to fears of a repeat of the southern war of 1992. Could you comment? South Kurdistan is a region where many circles are active and various forces are pursuing their interests. Turkey and Germany are striving to reconcile Massoud Barzani with Saddam and South Kurdistan with Iraq, and also to get Saddam a reprieve so that he can return to the international community. Recent Turkish operations into South Kurdistan have all ended in fiasco. At the beginning of October 30,000 troops crossed into the South with a fanfare from the Turkish press, but they suffered heavy blows and withdrew in great silence. The sole reason for the instability in South Kurdistan is the absolute domination the Turkish state exerts over the KDP, and Massoud Barzani's collaboration with Turkey. If only the KDP were able to act according to its own will, the situation in the South would have been well on the way to freedom, but the leadership of the KDP does not permit this. The reason for the KDP's attacks on the PUK and other forces, is Turkey's policy. Turkey wants to remove all forces except the KDP. Otherwise there is no ideological conflict between the parties there. The only possible clash would be of interests. All this stems from the fact that Massoud Barzani formulates all his policies at the Turkish brigade headquarters in Silopi. The situation at the moment may seem calm but this does not mean that the situation is stable. Massoud Barzani has sold himself to the Turkish state. Therefore there will always be the potential for provocations and attacks on opposition groups. Turkish intelligence operatives are in control of things there and move more freely than the Kurds. The KDP has taken part in all the recent military operations against the PKK and we think they will continue to do so. Turkey and Germany's policy in South Kurdistan and their plan to rehabilitate Saddam is seriously disturbing the USA. To keep the equilibrium intact the U.S. is supporting Talabani, but not actively. Now things seem to have subsided following Mitterand's intervention but this is misleading because nothing has been resolved there. Britain's policy is similar to that of the U.S. November 27, 1994 will be the 16th anniversary of the founding of the PKK. Could you comment on this please? The national liberation struggle led by the PKK has now reached the stage where it can not be defeated. The struggle now incorporates the aspirations of the whole Kurdish nation. The 16th anniversary of the founding of the PKK will be followed by the Party's 5th Congress which will be held in Kurdistan. Chairman APO has named this congress the Freedom and Liberation Congress, and as preparations for the anniversary and party congress continue, the PKK is evaluating the next period as one of liberation and freedom. Our people began to live again with the emergence of the PKK. As Chairman Apo has said, a revival was set in motion. Our 16-year-long struggle has brought about a revival and from now on we are heading for liberation. (Source: Kurdistan Report #20 - January/February 1995) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Sat Feb 25 15:06:28 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 25 Feb 1995 15:06:28 Subject: U.S. Vows To Support Turkey, Fight Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: U.S. Vows To Support Turkey, Fight PKK (From Voice of America) US / TURKEY -- ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE RICHARD HOLBROOKE COMPLETES HIS TALKS IN ANKARA. IN A NEWS CONFERENCE THE US OFFICIAL SAYS THE US WILL SUPPORT TURKEY IN ITS FIGHT AGAINST PKK TERRORISM AND IN ITS EFFORT TO FORM A CUSTOMS UNION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION. TURKISH OFFICIALS EXPRESS SATISFACTION ON THE US-TURKISH TALKS. STRINGER ZEYNEP TINAZ REPORTS FROM ANKARA. (TURKISH 2/21) --- APS (Newsdesk) From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Sat Feb 25 15:12:00 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 25 Feb 1995 15:12:00 Subject: Prison Resistance In Kurdistan And Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Prison Resistance In Kurdistan And Turkey (Reprinted from Arm The Spirit #17) Prison Resistance In Kurdistan And Turkey The following is a compilation of information regarding the resistance of political prisoners from the PKK as well as members of Turkish revolutionary organizations such as Devrimci Sol. Due to the difficulties of receiving information about the struggles of political prisoners in Turkish prisons we have not been able to follow up on the situation of the various hungerstrikes and the current conditions in the Turkish prisons. We hope to have more information in our next magazine. In April 1994, a trial-boycott was launched by PKK-prisoners in Diyarbakir prison. The action spread and was supported by many attorneys, as well as prisoners from the following organizations: TIKB, TDKP, TKP/ML, THKP/C, HDO, Direnis Hareketi, Devrimci Sol, TDP, DY, TKEP/L, TKP/ML-Hareketi, TKIH, HKG, Ekim, and Kawa. More and more organizations began to support the action, which was designed to build solidarity and to deny legitimacy to the Turkish judicial system. Throughout all of Kurdistan and Turkey, political prisoners launched a massive campaign of resistance. In response to political disturbances primarily organized by PKK-prisoners, the special prison in Antep was completely cleared out and all 200 political prisoners were split up and redistributed to more than a dozen different prisons. In Nazilli, 3 PKK-prisoners who were tortured in a prison in Buca and then transferred to Nazilli for refusing to renounce their membership in the PKK went on hungerstrike to demand a retransfer back to Buca. By mid-June, prisoners from Devrimci Sol and the organization TIKKO had been on hungerstrike in Kayseri for over a month, and several supporters and family members had started a solidarity hungerstrike as well. Devrimci Sol prisoners in Canakkale had also started a solidarity hungerstrike on June 9. In Urfa, several women PKK-prisoners had been continuing their hungerstrike, and prison officials would not allow family members to visit the women. In Sakarya, 6 women protesting deplorable prison conditions, supported by women PKK-prisoners, had been on hungerstrike for more than 50 days. Their health was very fragile, and all the women were threatened with solitary confinement if they do not stop their action. In Elbistan, approximately 200 PKK-prisoners had started death-fasts. Other hungerstrikes had been reported in Yozgat and Erzurum. The hungerstrikes launched by imprisoned PKK and Devrimci Sol guerrillas continued to spread throughout prisons in Turkey and Kurdistan. At the beginning of August 1994, at least 178 PKK and Devrimci Sol prisoners were on hungerstrike to demand better prison conditions. If their demands were not met, the prisoners vowed to continue their action indefinitely. At that point 8 prisoners had been hospitalized due to effects of the hungerstrike. On January 20, 1995, Suleyman Ongun from Cizre died from wounds he received when state security forces attacked 300 PKK- prisoners in Diyarbakir on April 10, 1994. Suleyman Ongun was one of 80 wounded prisoners who were forcibly transferred to Antep following the assault on the prison. There, he was denied medical treatment. The spokespersons for the PKK-prisoners in Antep, Mahmut Inal and Galip Tas, and the chairperson of the Antep branch of the human rights association IHD, Iman Ozkarat, blamed the Turkish justice ministry and prison officials for Suleyman Ongun's death. On January 21, political prisoners in Antep launched an indefinite hungerstrike to protest the prison's calculated murder by means of denying medical treatment. Sadrettin Aydinlik, a PKK-prisoner who has been detained in Bayrampasa prison in Istanbul for 11 years, has issued a complaint to the medical chamber in Istanbul because he has been denied cardiology treatment while in prison. Aydinlik has been in prison for 11 years and has serious heart trouble. So far, prison officials and the justice ministry have ignored his requests for medical treatment. Political prisoners in Buca and Aydin launched a hungerstrike on December 21, 1994. 10 of them are now in bad health. Since January 12, 1995, 20 families of political prisoners in Buca and Aydin have been on a solidarity hungerstrike. Members of the SKK (Izmir Anti-War Association) joined the hungerstrike for one day as well. Political prisoners in Ceyhan, Canakkale, Cankiri, Nevsehir, Amasya, Iskenderun, and Ankara have also started a solidarity hungerstrike. A rally in support of the hungerstrikers outside of Buca prison on January 23 was attacked by police. A 60-year-old woman and her 32-year-old daughter were injured. On day 43 of the hungerstrike, relatives of the prisoners blockaded the road to Buca prison. Security forces attacked the demonstration and wounded several people. The HADEP chairperson in Izmir, RA Kenan Bilgic, has since stated that there have been "positive developments" for negotiations between prison officials and the prisoners. (Source: various issues of Angehoerigen Info and Kurdistan Rundbrief) Statement From PKK Political Prisoners Prison Massacre In Diyarbakir For a long time now, before the eyes of the world, those of us in prison have been openly oppressed, tortured, and attacked in a manner which can only be described as a massacre. Our comrades were tortured almost every day on their way to court, beaten with clubs, boards, belts, shovels and other tools. Some were beaten so badly that they went into comas. As these injuries which our comrades suffered show, the aim of this torture was death. Dozens suffered cracked heads and broken arms, they had wounds all over their bodies, and some of our comrades will now be crippled for their entire lives. The continuity of such attacks reached the point where the prison officials even began denying us such basic things as food and water and other necessities of life. On October 4, 1994, on the pretext of acting on a confession by our comrade Erdogan Dincer, the prison was surrounded in the early morning by thousands of soldiers, police, plainclothes officers, special units, guards, "defectors" who had gone over to the contra-guerrilla, and special army forces. All visitors were turned away and the assembled forces carried out a major attack on the prison. The attack was directly coordinated and led by state officials, including the army commander in Diyarbakir, the governor, the security agency (political police), the state prosecutor's office, and prison officials. From 8:00 a.m. that day until the next day, October 5, prison blocks 27, 25, 31, and 18 were attacked. Hundreds of smokebombs and tear gas grenades were fired against our comrades and high-pressure water was blasted inside prison cells. Many of our comrades suffered from smoke inhalation and many were injured by the water blasts. Some were so badly injured that they fell into comas. But that wasn't all. The security forces of the fascist Turkish state tossed a firebomb into block 27 in the afternoon. The block was completely destroyed by fire. Then they detonated sticks of dynamite alongside the walls of blocks 27, 25, and 18 and blew up the burning buildings. Then the state forces entered the prison and opened fire on our comrades, some of whom were already dead or in comas, with G3, Kalashnikov, and Akrep weapons. Meanwhile the security forces on the outside were also firing at the prison walls. Many of our comrades were also injured when plainclothes police climbed up onto the roofs and entered into the other prison blocks and began beating people. After this, the soldiers removed 309 prisoners, who were either overpowered or already dead, from blocks 27, 25, 18, and 31. They were thrown face-down on the floor of a long corridor. Countless soldiers, plainclothes police, special team forces, and contra-guerrillas, all of whom were waiting, rushed in and immediately began beating people mercilessly, regardless of whether they were dead or alive, using clubs, iron bars, boards, and other items. The prisoners were then dragged down the stairs. Dozens has broken arms, legs, ribs, or cracked skulls. The halls were covered with blood. We do not know how many of the 309 comrades, who were taken to an undisclosed location, were killed or how many are still alive. All of us were witnesses to how our comrades, who were already in a lifeless situation, a situation totally out of their control, could be tortured in such a brutal fashion. These 309 comrades were taken away at 4:00 a.m., which seems to imply that several people had been killed. This attack is a massacre and a provocation which has been building up for some time now. It is becoming clear that the fascist Turkish Republic is seeking to surpass the cruelty in Diyarbakir prison of 1980. These attacks, which exceed those carried out unter the fascist junta of September 12, 1980 in Diyarbakir prison at the beginning of the 80s, are designed to destroy the prisoners and destroy our national identity, our convictions, and our worth. We, PKK prisoners of war imprisoned in Amed [the Kurdish name for Diyarbakir - trans.], are the ones who are seeking to transform this prison into a Saigon jail, a place where we can defend our worth and our political identity, and we will resist this cruelty with all means available, including death-fasts and self- immolation. The attackers must be made to pay for their crimes. This attack will remain a thorn in their side. At least one of our comrades burned himself to death during this attack. We expect from everyone that calls themself a person, from the democratic Turkish public and all of progressive humanity, to not ignore this attempted massacre in Amed prison and to try and find out what happened to our comrade Erdogan Dincer and the 309 of our comrades who were taken away following this attack. We will continue to resist this cruelty by means of our continuing 5-day rotating hungerstrike. We seek to inform the world about the cruelty in Amed prison and we expect everyone to take note. In the name of the PKK political prisoners in Diyarbakir prison, Yilmaz Yurek and Latif Cetin October 5, 1994 (Translated from Angehoerigen Info #156) ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- Arm The Spirit E-mail: ats at etext.org P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Tue Feb 28 04:13:51 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 28 Feb 1995 04:13:51 Subject: Ozgur Ulke Press Release Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Ozgur Ulke Press Release Press Release Dozens of our employees have been arrested, we have been bombed, and our offices are raided several times each night. Now, the State Security Court has enforced a closure of the Ozgur Ulke newspaper, claiming that it is a continuation of the previously closed down newspaper Ozgur Gundem. Over the past nine months, nearly every issue of our paper has been examined and put on trial in front of the State Security Court of the Turkish Republic in order to stop the publication of our paper. To stop the paper from reaching its readers, they are forced to try all channels, both legal and illegal ones, even without any evidence. On orders from the National Security Council of Turkey and prime minister Tansu Ciller to "eliminate" the democratic media by means of censorship and force, our headquarters in Ankara were bombed. After a meeting of the National Security Council on January 5, 1995, our newspaper was confiscated. After a recent meeting of the Istanbul Security Directories Fiscal Board, documents from our headquarters were seized and staff members were harassed. In Turkey, there is a saying: The law functions very slowly. But when it comes to closing down our paper, the same law works very quickly indeed. On February 2, 1995, after issue 280/1- 280/3, our paper met the same fate as Ozgur Gundem and was closed down by a court order. All these incidents clearly show how the Turkish government has committed itself to silencing the voice of the people. The government has used all possible means against our employees, even going so far as to abduct, murder, torture, and imprison them. The offices of Ozgur Ulke have been bombed. After trying in every way to crush freedom of expression, the authorities are now changing their tactics, claiming: "There is no need for this, we can resolve these matters using legal means." This is an admission of their crime against freedom of expression in Turkey. Under these conditions, it is almost impossible now to publish a newspaper in Turkey. By closing down Ozgur Gundem and Ozgur Ulke, there is no longer any basis for freedom of expression or democracy. This is another blemish on the state's record. The dirty war in Kurdistan being waged by the Turkish government has given rise to poverty, torture, irregularities, unemployment, refugees, and misery. Our land cannot take this anymore. There are people of the international public who are concerned about this issue, such as human rights organizations, and who are aware of this tragedy. For the sake of representing the voice of our people, at the risk of bullets, torture, imprisonment, killings, and bombings, we have committed ourselves to carrying out our activities. We are honoured by this. Ozgur Ulke is not just a newspaper, it is the voice of the people's suffering. The people have risen their voice through Ozgur Ulke and this voice will never be silenced. We will soon find different channels to communicate our people's voice throughout the world. No one should have any doubts about that. A. Baki Karadeniz Ozgur Ulke Newspaper, Director of General Publication From kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU Tue Feb 28 10:19:47 1995 From: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU (kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU) Date: 28 Feb 1995 10:19:47 Subject: Kurds fleeing war say they find tor Message-ID: Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.UCSD.EDU From: Arm The Spirit Subject: Kurds fleeing war say they find torture instead (fwd) Kurds fleeing war say they find torture instead By Aliza Marcus ADANA, Turkey, Feb 26 (Reuter) - The 14-year-old Kurdish boy's voice was flat and unemotional as he recounted how Turkish police strung him up by the arms, hosed him with ice-cold water and jolted him with electric shocks. ``For four days, it was the same things, night, day...,'' said the boy, sitting in a concrete house in one of the muddy Kurdish neighbourhoods on the outskirts of this pleasant southern city near the Mediterranean. ``First they started torturing me, then they started asking me questions, saying I was a terrorist,'' he said, wrapped up in dirty white sweater and baggy trousers. ``But the real thing they were charging me with was being a Kurd,'' he added defiantly. ``And I will never change.'' Not so long ago, the decade-old fight between the Turkish state and Kurdish insurgents seemed far off, confined to rugged mountainous areas in Turkey's wild east. But in the past few years it has spilled over into Adana, 370 km (225 miles) southeast of the capital Ankara. Kurdish refugees fleeing dire poverty and bitter fighting further east have poured into the city and its environs. Their numbers are now swelling by 20,000 a month and Kurds now make up 30 percent of the province's 1.2 million population. And in these Kurdish backstreets, with ankle-deep mud and bleak houses overflowing with children, tales of torture are common, human rights activists and pro-Kurdish politicians say. Government officials say torture in Turkey is neither widespread nor systematic. State minister for human rights Azimet Koyluoglu told Reuters: ``I am not saying there is no torture in Turkey, but problems happen all over the world and certainly there is no systematic torture here.'' But in a series of interviews arranged through the Adana office of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP) -- whose officials say they are followed and threatened by security forces -- more than a dozen Kurds told stories of abuse. Some say they were tortured in the southeast, where most of the estimated 14,000 deaths in the conflict have occurred. But others were picked up in and around Adana. The refugee influx has turned this fertile cotton-growing region into a hotbed of Kurdish resentment and radicalism, residents said. One 30-year-old woman, interviewed at HADEP's headquarters, said she was in bed for 10 days after police in January raided her house, arrested her husband and beat her with the butt of their rifles. ``I told them, our guilt is that we are Kurdish, but even if you beat us we are still Kurdish. History will show they are sending people on the road (to the guerrillas),'' she said. Last month, a man was killed when unknown gunmen raked a cafe with machinegun fire. The month before, 16 people were wounded by a bomb at the town's racecourse. Security forces have made at least three round-ups of suspected Kurdish guerrillas in the area since December. Charges of torture in Turkey are not new. Human rights experts say it has been a common interrogation method for years. But as the war heats up in the southeast, torture appears to be used more commonly, they say. To combat torture against Kurds in the southeast, the independent Human Rights Foundation of Turkey this month opened a rehabilitation centre -- its fourth in Turkey -- in Adana. The plans originally called for the centre to be in Diyarbakir, the main city in the southeast, but doctors there refused, saying they were afraid the police would retaliate against them and their patients. ``Even here the risk of retaliation is high. Things here are more anti-democratic because we are close to the southeast and there are so many Kurdish migrants,'' said Tufan Kose, a doctor affiliated with the Adana centre. Four members of HADEP have been killed by unknown gunmen in the area in recent months. Human rights officials stress the rehabilitation centres are no solution to the problem of torture in Turkey, but they say they have not seen any sign that government officials are taking the issue seriously. But for the Kurdish residents of Adana, torture is a very real experience. ``They put me in the room with the landlord and then they made him take off all his clothes and they started to hit him,'' said a nine-year-old Kurdish girl. ``I could hear my mother screaming in another room and I was scared and started to cry,'' said the girl, suddenly running to her father's side. Her father said: ``Every night she wakes up screaming now and won't sleep alone. We tell her the police won't come again, but really, they could come any time.'' Reuter N:Copyright 1995, Reuters News Service