Women's Army In Kurdistan

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From: newsdesk at newsdesk.aps.nl (Newsdesk Amsterdam)
Subject: Re: Women's Army In Kurdistan
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--------------- Forwarded from : Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org> ----------------

Women's Army In Kurdistan

By Deryagul Beran

     We have received word from Kurdistan that for some time a
women's army has been in existence among the guerrillas there. We
spoke to a representative of the Free Women's Movement of
Kurdistan (TAJK), who has herself taken part in the guerrilla
struggle, about this development.

Why was it necessary to set up this army? What was the position of
women among the guerrillas up to now?

     The structure of Kurdish society is in part also reflected in
the life of the guerrillas. So relations between men had women and
the roles played by the sexes were determined along traditional
lines. Men and women were kept strictly segregated, as if by a
wall. They were brought up so that the women always had to obey
the man while the man dominated the women in his capacity as the
one who gave the orders. The strong patriarchal oppression of
Kurdish women in Kurdistan is also a consequence of the despotism
perpetrated by the colonialists.
     Kurdish women see their fight for freedom reinforced by
Kurdistan's liberation movement. As the struggle has developed the
number of women involved has grown continually. Of course, here
too they were confronted with the classical social problems. Many
of them were still in the grip of tradition and patriarchy.
     The encounter of these two different worlds influences life
among the guerrillas. Our party, and especially our General
Secretary, Abdullah Ocalan, analysed this problem at the very
beginning of the liberation struggle and has taken important steps
towards resolving it.
     Resolving the question of women, of women's rights then, can
only take place if it is viewed as a "revolution inside the
revolution". Accordingly, in the guerrilla army, women are
learning about their own significance for Kurdistan's liberation.
They live with the knowledge that without their revolutionary
struggle for freedom there can be no revolution in Kurdistan. The
women have been politicised as a result of this awareness. Of
course this process also develops among the male guerrillas, for
the liberation movement of Kurdistan does not see the question of
women's rights as a matter merely for women. It is a social
problem historically connected with the occupation of Kurdistan in
way that is scientifically verifiable. I should like to try and
explain the collision between the two worlds of guerrillas by
using some examples.
     Female commanders rarely found that the role they played was
an acceptable one in the eyes of either men or women. Some men
still found it difficult to take orders from women commanders.
Equally, at first they did not receive respect from women either.
The inferiority complex of women resulting from social
conditioning was the decisive reason for this failure to accept
women commanders. At the same time the fact that a woman could
become a commander could be a source of self-confidence for women.
     The growing number of women in the guerrilla struggle made a
special organisation necessary, because the men inhibit the
independent development of the women's abilities. His presence is
embarassing.
     In order to gain full recognition in Kurdish society and
among the guerrillas, a military mode of organisation has to be
introduced alongside the political one. In this way women have the
possibility of developing independently, freely and to stand on
their own feet, without feeling themselves to be mere shadows of
the men. Each free practical step taken on her own accustoms the
woman to build confidence in herself. The achievement of the
"revolution" can only come to fruition via a women's army.
     For a radical social revolution in this area of culture, the
founding of the women's army is the beginning of such a new epoch
for our society just as was the 15 August 1984 (the beginning of
armed struggle).

Is it in any way different from the men's army?

     It is not correct to think in terms only of men's and women's
armies. Alongside the women's army which consists of about 2,000
women, many fight in mixed units. Both the women's army and the
regular army are subordinate to the same command structure. Both
fight according to the same plans and objectives. The only
difference is that the women's army concentrates on the
development of the personality of the individual woman.
     In addition, it has been found that strength at all levels of
struggle is not a monopoly of any particular sex. One can say
however that women in struggle adapt more quickly because they are
constantly aware of their thousands of years of slavery. So the
intention of winning freedom is much stronger among them than
among men. Most of the women understand that freedom is possible
now, or never.
     A sharp separation between men and women is not intended,
simply because male guerrillas are more experienced than we are.
And so it is necessary to work together.

Could you give us some example of women who have developed
particularly far as a result of the struggle?

     There are countless examples of this kind. I will talk about
some women of whom I have personal knowledge. Sozdar came from the
countryside, where she received the traditional and backward
upbringing of peasants. So she had not had the chance to go to
school. After she got to know the guerrillas, she joined them.
There she has rediscovered everything that she, like millions of
male and female Kurds, had lost because of colonisation. Sozdar is
learning to come to grips with her national and sexual identity
and she is overcoming all the old structures step by step. From a
women guerrilla she is turning into a commander. Another example,
Zelal became engaged in Dersim and was supposed to get married in
the Federal Republic of Germany later on. Previously in Dersim she
had become acquainted with the guerrillas a short time before her
trip to Germany. As she put it herself, Zelal wanted freedom.
     She lacked any conception of how to achieve it. In Germany
she came into contact again with the liberation movement and
joined it there some time later. In order to break the traditional
fetters she had her fiancee come to Germany so she could tell him
she wanted to become a part of the movement completely. She did
not want an engagement in the classical sense and she made him an
offer; they could both wage the struggle, or else break the
engagement. After he rejected her offer, she separated from him
and after a lengthy period of political activity in Germany, went
to Kurdistan. Today she is a commander there.

You are a representative of the Free Women's Movement (TAJK). What
connection does the TAJK have to the women's army?

     We women of TAJK consider ourselves generally as part of the
liberation movement of Kurdistan. Without it we would not exist.
Both politically and materially we support the women's movement in
Kurdistan. According to the aims we envisage, political support is
not simply the task of Kurdish women like ourselves but non-Kurdish
women should also engage in this task. For example the experiences
we have had with the women's army and through our practical
politics, can serve as a new perspective on the road to liberation
from patriarchy. This is our common desire. Therefore powerful
solidarity should be developed. Through our work in Europe, through
publications, discussions and demonstrations, we are trying to make
our presence felt. So our work has the aim of bringing attention to
the future, we are optimistic about every aspect of our work in
Europe. For example, our international women's conference in Cologne
was a great success for us, achieved by the efforts of a great many
friends from many lands.

(Translated by Steve Kaczynnski. Reprinted from Kurdistan Report #20
- January/February 1995)

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