From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:28:03 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:28:03
Subject: AI: Turkey bulletin
References: <bac1c849.020695212409Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071395130330Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

---------- Forwarded from : Ray Mitchell <RMITCHEL at ai-uk.gn.apc.org> -----------


EXTERNAL (for general distribution)  AI Index: EUR 44/78/95

                                     Distr: UA/SC       



UA 170/95         Fear of "disappearance"     12 July 1995
                  / Fear of torture    


TURKEY     Mehmet Tunelli, livestock dealer from Diyarbakir
           Abdurrahman Tunelli, his son, aged about 18

Mehmet and Abdurrahman Tunelli, father and son from Diyarbakir,
have been held in unacknowledged police detention since 6 July
1995.  Amnesty International fears that they may be tortured, and
that they are at risk of "disappearance".

At 2am on 6 July, five or six men came to Mehmet Tunelli's home
in a van with police markings and a car.  They knocked and kicked
at the door, saying, "We are police". They carried automatic
weapons and walkie-talkies.  They briefly looked under the beds
and after some five minutes took Mehmet Tunelli and his eldest
son, Abdurrahman, without giving any reason for their detention. 

Mehmet Tunelli's wife and six other children stayed behind.

The family has been living in Diyarbakir since they were forced
to leave their village (Kurdish name: Mesitki) near the town of
Cinar in Diyarbakir province, five years ago because they had not
become village guards. Only the families of villagers who had
agreed to become village guards were allowed to stay.  Mehmet
Tunelli has been making a living by dealing in livestock while
his eldest son did painting jobs on construction sites.
Abdurrahman Tunelli was briefly detained twice previously. Mehmet
Tunelli's brother, Salih Tunelli, is a member of HADEP (People's
Democracy Party - a legal political party with largely Kurdish
membership) and currently in Diyarbakir prison while on trial for
either alleged membership or support of PKK, the illegal Kurdish
Workers' Party.

On the day of their detention, Mehmet Tunelli's wife submitted
a petition for information of her husband's and son's whereabouts
to Diyarbakir State Security Court.  Police officers at the
court, to whom she gives the petition every day, telephone the
prosecutor for confirmation of Mehmet and Abdurrahman Tunelli's
detention, and come back with a verbal response that the two men
are not in custody.      



BACKGROUND INFORMATION



The conflict in southeast Turkey between government forces and
armed members of the PKK has claimed more than 17,000 lives since
it began in August 1984. Police operations against suspected PKK
supporters and other Kurdish activists are being carried out all
over Turkey. A state of emergency remains in force in 10
provinces in the east and southeast, including Diyarbakir.

Any person suspected of supporting the PKK is at serious risk of
torture, "disappearance" or extrajudicial execution. Detainees
taken into custody on suspicion of political offences may be held
without charge for up to 15 days. In the 10 provinces under
emergency legislation the maximum detention period for political
detainees may be doubled to 30 days. 

In 1994 there were more than 55 confirmed "disappearances", and
more than 400 people were killed in unclarified circumstances.
Most of the victims were shot by unidentified assailants in the
streets of cities in the southeast such as Batman where a member
of parliament was shot in 1993. In many cases their relatives
believe that they have been killed for political reasons by
agents of the State. 

----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Jul  3 14:03:16 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Jul 1995 14:03:16
Subject: Poem By An Anonymous Kurdish Guerri
References: <bac1c849.199503060304.WAA01977@locust.cic>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507031240.AA04865@magi.com>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Poem By An Anonymous Kurdish Guerrilla Fighter

Poem By An Anonymous Kurdish Guerrilla Fighter

We are a hurricane, we sweep down from the hills to the town.
We roam with the soaring bird and the rushing wind.
We strike by night and by day pass on.
We are the armed hand of the Kurdish people.

We rise like the sun over the darkness.
We destroy our miserable destiny.
We roar, hurl bombs, and are ardent.
We are the life blood of the Kurdish people.

We flow crimson like the Munzur.
We smash every obstacle like the Tigris.
We cascade deliriously like the Euphrates.
We are the swelling anger of the Kurdish people.

We are red roses, we open on the mountains.
If one branch falls a thousand take root,
If one dies we are reborn in hundreds of thousands.
We are the flowers of honour of the Kurdish people.

We are Bloka, we are Axshun and Teman.
We are Sason, Hezil, and Gabar.
We are thousands of souls martyred in Botan.
We are the Kurdish people's chain of martyrs.

We were born with the longing of the Kurdish people.
We were created with Kemal and Agit.
We've endured pain and suffering.
We are the pillar of science of the Kurdistan people.

We swore to live like human beings.
We have come as far as today with blood.
We have made peace with the sullen mountain.
We are the cries of joy of the Kurdish people.

We are the army, fire, and rancour.
We are workers, villagers, we are united.
We are hundreds of thousands crying vengeance.
We are the voice of the Kurdish people shouting "rebellion".


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:48:48 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:48:48
Subject: mainstream news
References: <bac1c849.gate.T93B5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.moV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>


Chirac Backs Customs Union With Turkey
  STRASBOURG, France, July 11 (Reuter) - French President Jacques Chirac
appealed to the European Parliament on Tuesday to ratify a customs union
between Turkey and the European Union, saying Ankara might otherwise turn its
back on the West.

    But parliament President Klaus Haensch later told reporters that with
things as they stood he did not see the assembly mustering the necessary
majority to let the deal go ahead.

    Reporting to the Strasbourg-based assembly on France's recently ended
six-month EU presidency, Chirac said: ``We must not discourage Turkey's
aspiration to be associated with Europe.''

    Chirac said Ankara's European policy went hand-in-hand with efforts by
Prime Minister Tansu Ciller to make her country more democratic and improve
the protection of human rights.

    ``If we reject this appeal, we run a double risk: reinforcing the
supporters of fundamentalism in Turkey, and driving this big neighbour, if it
is disappointed by Europe, towards other forms of cooperation which we may
later regret.''

    Parliament is due to vote later this year on the customs pact, signed on
March 6.

    The assembly's president said that once the assembly had received the
necessary documentation it would take around four months to prepare for the
vital vote on ratification.

    ``Then we ratify or we do not ratify. I do not see how we will arrive at
a majority as things are at the moment but by then maybe things will be
different,'' he said.

    Left-wing groups have threatened to block ratification in protest against
Ankara's human right record and recent incursions into Iraq to fight Kurdish
separatist guerrillas.

    The conservative French leader said it was in Europe's interest to give
greater support and understanding to a Turkish government which he said
``wants to progress towards our values.''

    ``Our message will be heard by 60 million Turks but also by 240 million
Turkish-speakers who live in the region,'' Chirac said.

    ``Let's avoid playing into the hands of the fundamentalist movements, who
are trying to persuade the Turkish people that Europe rejects them because of
their Moslem religion.''

    His speech was heckled by anti-nuclear protesters but also apparently by
Greek members of the European Parliament when he raised the issue of Turkey.
Reut10:38 07-11-9

Highlights From the Press of Turkey
      ANKARA, July 11 (Reuter) - These are the leading stories in the Turkish
press on Tuesday.

    HURRIYET

    -- Kurdish PKK rebels raid village in the eastern province of Van to
seize heroin worth $23.5 million stored by smugglers.

    CUMHURIYET

    -- Survey shows majority of leftwing extremists are high-school or
university educated while 20 percent of separatist PKK militants have had no
education and 48 percent have been only to primary school.

    YENI YUZYIL

    -- German security says more than 70 percent of narcotic sales in Germany
are handled by the PKK which earns more than half a billion DM a year from
the traffic.

    YENI POLITIKA

    -- Cukurca villagers forced to evacuate their homes and migrate to the
eastern province of Van, complain of lack of food, medicine and tents.

    DUNYA

    -- Parties move to change the legal procedure of amending the
constitution to facilitate a possible new attempt to pass democratic
revisions.


Turkish Troops Withdraw From Northern Iraq
      ANKARA, Turkey  (Reuter) - Turkey's military Tuesday ended an
anti-guerrilla raid into northern Iraq after almost a week across the border,
Anatolian news agency said.

    ``The operation reached its purpose and ended today,'' the agency quoted
a foreign ministry statement as saying.

    Up to 3,000 troops, sometimes backed by air power, have been
criss-crossing the border since last Wednesday in pursuit of mobile
guerrillas from the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) who often strike into
Turkey from bases in north Iraq.

    The furthest extent of the Turkish incursion was about 12 miles south of
the border.

    Turkey says 167 rebels and 26 troops died in the push. The PKK, in
statements released in Europe, has put Turkish casualties much higher and its
own losses much lower.

    Turkey sent 35,000 troops into Iraq in March for a big assault against
the PKK which lasted six weeks.

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Fri Jul  7 11:58:33 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 07 Jul 1995 11:58:33
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.3FkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Turkish Press Review
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl

   id VT10342; Fri, 07 Jul 1995 11:26:41 -0800


                    TURKISH PRESS REVIEW
                       JUNE 30, 1995

GREECE SUPPORTS THE PKK

The Greek government has recently started a campaign against
Turkey:   1)  The Greek Parliament Speaker has gone to Syria
and presented the leader of the PKK  terrorist  organization
"Apo"  with  a Greek state award.  2) Greece has treated the
head of the  so-called  Kurdish  Parliament-in-exile,  Yasar
Kaya  in  Athens  almost as an official guest.  3) The first
bureau of the PKK has been opened in Athens.  4) Greece  has
allowed  PKK  militants  to be trained in Greek territories.
The PKK militants who set fire to Turkish  forests  recently
confessed  that they had been trained in Greece.  Yesterday,
three militants were captured who were  thought  to  be  the
ones  who  torched the Girne forests in Northern Cyprus.  5)
Greece has signed an agreement for defence cooperation  with
Syria  which  wants  to corner Turkey.  With this agreement,
Syria has opened its Mediterranean military bases  to  Greek
airplanes.  The Greek airplanes deployed at these bases will
be able to arrive on Cyprus within one hour  in  case  of  a
Turkish-Greek  Cypriot war.  Greece, which armed its islands
close to Turkish coasts  during  the  last  year,  began  to
increase  its  armament  efforts  in  the Southern Cyprus in
recent months.   Reacting  to  these  provocations,  Turkish
President  Suleyman  Demirel said:  "I wrote a letter to the
Greek President.  `We are  neighbours.   You  support  these
people.   This is shameful'.  The Greek President absolutely
denied this.  However, you all  know  that  Greece  shelters
these people".  /Sabah/


PKK'S NEW RELAY STATION SEIZED

Working in  close  cooperation,  the  National  Intelligence
Organization  (MIT) and the General Directorate of Security,
units have seized a wireless relay station destined for  the
Amanos  mountains  near the Mediterranean province of Hatay.
The  relay  station  was   reportedly   to   be   used   for
communications  purposes  by the PKK terrorist organization,
which  is  conducting  a  violent  separatist  campaign   in
Southeast  Anatolia  and was said to have been smuggled into
the country from Germany.  /Sabah/


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Fri Jul  7 12:01:32 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 07 Jul 1995 12:01:32
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.9FkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Turkish Press Review
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl


                    TURKISH PRESS REVIEW
                        JULY 3, 1995

DEMIREL:  "OUR NEIGHBOUR SHOULD TAKE CARE"

Making a speech in Edirne, President Demirel said:  "I think
Greece  is  a  very  bad  example of good neighbourliness by
contributing  to  matters  which  could   disturb   Turkey".
Stating   that   Greece   should   avoid  controversies  and
particularly terrorism which could disturb  Turkey,  Demirel
said  that  Greece  should  be  more  careful.   Answering a
question about the PKK's cooperation  with  Greece,  Demirel
said:   "When Turkey complains about this issue to them they
ignore us.  Sending a letter to Karamanlis  before  he  left
the  Presidency, I noted that the PKK terrorist organization
was a criminal organization, shedding blood,  and  that  all
the  Western  countries,  the  United  Nations,  NATO member
countries  and  the  countries  of  the  European   Security
Conference  were  condemning  terrorism  and  joining in the
struggle against it, and that Greece, which was one of these
countries,  should  also  do  so.  I added that supporting a
criminal organization was  a  crime  against  humanity,  and
Karamanlis  stated  that  Greece had never supported such an
organization, but now we are  again  complaining  about  the
same   issue.   Of  course,  there  is  no  connection  with
humanitarian issues when a neighbour country  by  supporting
terrorism gives damage to the other.  It is possible for two
neighbour countries to go their separate ways in  peace  and
solidarity  in  spite  of  the  problems  between them.  The
Presidents of the two countries sat at the same table  at  a
recent meeting of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC).
/Milliyet/


FOUR MILITANTS TURN THEMSELVES IN

Four militants from the PKK  terrorist  organization  turned
themselves  over  last  week to the Turkish Security Forces,
the Anatolia news agency reported yesterday.  The  militants
were  qouted  as  saying  that  the  PKK  was  in  difficult
condition financially and that  morale  was  low  among  its
militants.   Meanwhile, three security officials were killed
by PKK terrrorists in Tunceli yesterday.  Interior  Minister
Nahit  Mentese  stated  that  30 terrorists and two security
officials had died during clashes in Sirnak, Siirt and Van.

SECURITY AGREEMENT BETWEEN TURKEY AND  ARGENTINA  GOES  INTO
EFFECT

A security agremeent signed  between  Turkey  and  Argentina
went  into  effect  yesterday  with  its  publication in the
Official Gazette.  The agreement calls for  the  parties  to
cooperate  and  consult each other in their struggle against
drug  trafficking,  international  terrorism  and  organized
crime.

MILITARY PROMISES NATIONAL UNITY

Military representatives say that  Turkey  is  one  country,
with one language, one flag, secular and democratic.

Speaking  over   the   weekend,   a   statement   from   the
Chief-of-Staff  said  that the state would continue to exert
every effort to eliminate  divisive  elements,  despite  the
political   activities  of  the  PKK  in  Europe.   Military
officials said that Turkish security forces  had  made  real
progress  in  the  fight  against  terrorism.  Nevertheless,
there were still sacrifices  to  be  made  to  preserve  the
nation's unity.  /Cumhuriyet/

CAMPAIGN AGANST GREECE

Interior Minister Nahit Mentese said that there was evidence
that Greece entertained unfavourable motives against Turkey.
He added that evidence of this  had  already  been  sent  to
"friendly"  countries  like  the  US,  Britain,  France, and
Germany.  Mentese claimed that the terrorists who  sabotaged
forests  recently  had  been trained in Greece.  Criticizing
Greece severely, Mentese said  that  Greece  was  trying  to
disturb  Turkey  by  cooperating  with Syria.  Mentese said:
"Greek-Syrian cooperation is proved by  evidence.   We  have
already  started our contacts and we will initiate extensive
anti-Greek propoganda throughout Europe." Interior  Minister
Nahit  Mentese  pointed  out that Greek relations with Syria
and its support for the PKK could not  be  evaluated  within
the  framework  of  neighbourly  or  friendly ties.  Greece,
which  has  signed  international  agreements   within   the
framework   of   NATO   and  Organization  on  Security  and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) that call  for  cooperation  in
the  struggle  against  terrorism,  gives  support to ASALA,
DEV-SOL and the PKK all of which have carried out  terrorist
activities  against  Turkey.   State Minister Ayvaz Gokdemir
also stated that  these  groups  wanted  to  block  Turkey's
development.  He said:  "Turkey is becoming a leader country
in its region.  Some circles are jealous of  Turkey's  power
which  streches  from the Balkans to the Middle East and the
Caucasus.  And they are trying to provoke domestic upheavel.
However, Turkey is powerful enough to struggle against these
damaging strategies." /Milliyet/

GUARANTEE FROM IRAN

Iranian  Interior  Minister  Besareti  and  Deputy   Foreign
Minister Brocerdi have declared that Iran sees the Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK) as an enemy, and  that  PKK  activities
were  not permitted in Iraqi territories.  Interior Minister
Besareti, who has the final word about domestic security and
the  PKK,  said that the Turco-Iranian border was secure and
Irani security forces had absolute control  in  the  region.
This  is the first time that Iranian authorities have issued
a clear  statetement  regarding  the  PKK  issue.   Besareti
pointed  out that Turkey was very important for Iran so they
would not allow any activities that could cause  unstability
in  Turkey.   Officials  announced that military cooperation
had  been  agreed  upon,   following   closer   intelligence
cooperation   between  Turkey  and  Iran.   Deputy  Interior
Minister Brujerdi also stated that  Turkey  could  trust  in
Iran  and  added  that Turco-Iranian relations were at their
healthiest ever level.  Following these assurances,  Turkish
representatives  expressed  their  pleasure regarding Iran's
attitude towards the PKK.  /Sabah/


TURKEY IS RIGHT IN HER DECISION ABOUT THE DEP

Marlene Lenz, Head of the Human  Rights  Commission  of  the
European  Parliament  (EP) said that she has learnt that the
Democracy Party deputies were in an  organic  relation  with
the  PKK  terrorist  organization.   Attending  the  Antalya
Programme of the EP Turkish Friendship  Group,  Lenz  stated
that  they had noticed of late that the PKK and the DEP were
working jointly and said that if this partnership was  still
working,  Turkey  was  right to lift the immunity of the DEP
deputies and arrest them.  But these people should not  have
been   excluded   from  the  Turkish  parliament  by  force.
Everybody accepts that the PKK is a terrorist organization."
Stressing that there were claims mainly about torture by the
police, imprisonment of the DEP  deputies  and  restrictions
against  freedom  of  thought in the Human Rights Commission
files regarding Turkey, Lenz said:  "There is  a  noticeable
decrease   in  claims  of  police  brutality.   We  are  not
receiving such claims from the big cities, but in towns  and
small  cities  people are still claiming that police torture
exists.  The Turkish government also does not permit torture
and bad treatment.  /Milliyet/


1399 SEEK AMNESTY

The fourth extension of the "Repentance Law" will end  on  7
July.  The number of terrorists taking advantage of this law
by escaping from the PKK terrorist organization in spite  of
every  pressure  has  reached  1399  to date.  The number of
terrorists with positions of command  in  the  PKK  who  are
taking  advantage  of  the  repentance  provision,  is  also
increasing.  Interior Ministry officials  have  stated  that
besides  changing  the  physical  aspects  of  those seeking
rehabilitation and providing them with new identities,  help
was  also  given  for  them  to find jobs and they were also
protected from PKK retaliation.  /Sabah/


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Fri Jul  7 12:02:48 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 07 Jul 1995 12:02:48
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.RJkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Turkish Press Review
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl


                         JUL 4, 1995


Summary of the political and  economic  news  in  the  Turkish
press this morning

BAVARIAN   MINISTER:"KURDISH   PARLIAMENT-IN-EXILE   IS    PKK
PROPAGANDA"

Guenther Beckstein, Interior Minister of the German  State  of
Bavaria,  said  that  the  Kurdish Parliament-in-exile was PKK
terrorist organization propaganda, the  Anatolia  news  agency
reported  yesterday.   Beckstein  sent a letter to deputies of
the Bavarian state that the Kurdish parliament  had  not  been
formed  as  the  result  of an election and thus was not real.
Beckstein added that this parliament did  not  even  claim  to
talk  on  behalf  of  the Kurdish people.  Beckstein also said
that  the  parliament  had  been  established  with  financial
support from the PKK, the agency reported.


GREEK-PKK COOPERATION ANGERS EP DEPUTY

The meeting of several Greek deputies with the  PKK  terrorist
organization  leader  Abdullah  Ocalan  in the Bekaa Valley in
Lebanon has angered Marlene Lenz, head  of  the  Human  Rights
Commission  of  the  European  Parliament,  the  Anatolia news
agency  reported  yesterday.   Lenz,  who  is  in  Antalya  at
present,  said:   "I  did  not know about this.  I first heard
about it in Turkey.  We cannot  interfere  in  Greek  domestic
affairs  but  I will ask Greek parliamentarians how they could
do such a thing.  It is a  part  of  Papandreau's  tactics  to
support such anti-Turk institutions".


DEMIREL COMMENTS ON CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES

President Suleyman Demirel yesterday offered his own  thoughts
on  the  changes to education laws as included in the proposed
changes to the constitution.  The changes to the  constitution
and  other  matters related to changes in the law are a matter
of hot debate, but Demirel noted that in some areas there  was
unity of thought about the changes.

There  is  evidence  of  a  spirit  of  compromise  among  the
political  parties  as  debate  speeds up in view of the short
time remaining  for  passing  the  changes  into  law.   Prime
Minister  Ciller  has  also  stepped  up  the  pressure to get
parliament to move faster.  /Cumhuriyet/



SNEAKY ATHENS

The Greek government maintains its indifferent  attitude  with
respect to the contacts of Greek parliamentarians with the PKK
terrorist  organization.    Government   Spokesman   Evangelos
Venizelos  reiterated  that the meeting of these "independent"
parliamentarians,  led  by  Greek  Paliament  Deputy   Speaker
Panayotus  Sguridis, with PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan had in no
way any binding effect upon the Greek government.  At the same
time,  Greek  newspapers evaluate the meeting of the six Greek
parliamentarians with the PKK  leader  as  a  "foreign  policy
mistake".  /Milliyet/


HEAVY CUSTOMS UNION TRAFFIC

Sides are revising and intensifying technical preparations and
relations  with  the  European  Parliament  (EP)  which is the
decision making body with a view to completing  customs  union
between Turkey and the EU which is agreed to be put into force
on 1 January, 1996.  The European Parliament  will  start  the
approval process of the customs union during a general council
to be held on 10 July.  The count-down for the  customs  union
has begun at technical levels and politically.  Fulfillment of
the promises by the sides within the framework of the  Customs
Union   Agreement   accepted   on  6  March,  1995,  following
negotiations between Turkey and the EU  during  the  last  two
years,  and  the attitude of the EP about suspending relations
with the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) will  be  made
clear  during  the  next  six  months.   Husamettin  Cindoruk,
Speaker of the TGNA spoke about measures to be  taken  for  an
easy  customs  union  transition process with Foreign Minister
Erdal Inonu yesterday.  Sergei Abou, chief of  the  EU  Turkey
desk will come to Turkey within the framework of relations for
customs union.  Tomorrow Onur Oymen, the Undersecretary of the
Foreign  Ministry  will go to Spain, which will be the EU term
chairman and will confirm the date  of  Prime  Minister  Tansu
Ciller's  upcoming  visit  to  Spain.  A visit by deputy Prime
Minister Hikmet Cetin to Strasbourg and a visit by Erdal Inonu
to  Brussels are on the agenda.  The European Democratic Group
and the heads  of  the  European  Democratic  Federation  will
arrive  in  Ankara  at the end of July and at the beginning of
August.  A decision has  been  made  regarding  meeting  their
commitments  by  the  sides  by  the  beginning  of  1996,  an
agreement for which was made during  the  Partnership  Council
meeting between Turkey and the EU on 6 March, 1995.  According
to the decision, EU  financial  support  to  Turkey  is  being
considered.   In  the  decision  regarding  the  customs union
process, Turkey's responsibilities were given  priority.   The
EU  accelerated  the  dialogue  process  with  the  Greek side
representing the "Republic of Cyprus" in return for an end  to
the  Greek  veto  on  6 March when the customs union text with
Turkey was prepared.  /Cumhuriyet/


END

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Fri Jul  7 12:04:18 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 07 Jul 1995 12:04:18
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.uNkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Turkish Press Review
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl


           id VT10370; Fri, 07 Jul 1995 11:27:01 -0800


                        JULY 5, 1995

CILLER SPEAKS OPENLY TO GREECE

In another  round  of  sabre  clashing  between  Turkey  and
Greece,  Prime  Minister  Ciller yesterday said very clearly
that Greece should indeed be afraid  of  Turkish  animosity.
Laying  her cards on the table, Ciller again denounced Greek
support  for  the  PKK  terrorist  organization,  and   drew
attention  to  the  way  history  had  recorded  the Turkish
response to those who wished to challenge Turkey.

Issues between Turkey and Greece are increasing and  getting
deeper,  with  tensions  running  high.  Turkey is resisting
Greek efforts to increase its coastal limits in  the  Aegean
Sea  to  twelve  miles.   Then  there  is  the Cyprus issue,
problems in the Balkans and  Greek  opposition  to  Turkey's
membership in the European Union.

Deputy Prime Minister Hikmet Cetin also said yesterday  that
Turkey  has warned right from the beginning that Turkey will
not tolerate the kind of things that Greece is doing now  by
supporting the PKK and moves to create division in Turkey.

Prime  Minister  Ciller's  tough  response  to   the   Greek
challenge  is  notable in her comment that dishonour was bad
enough  in  the  individual,  but   that   a   dishonourable
government  was  far  worse.   Ciller  also  said  that  the
blinkered Athens government need to wake up to the realities
the  situation.   Although  Ciller's  comments  to the Greek
government have been described as "hard", her  call  to  the
Greek people underlined that the people of Greece and Turkey
were of the same mould-enjoying the same things without  the
taint of enmity.  Ciller noted however that the Greek people
had   certain   responsibilities   they   had    to    meet.
/Hurriyet-Cumhuriyet/

ANOTHER CHANCE FOR TERRORISTS

An extension of the Repentance Law,  designed  to  encourage
PKK  and  illegal organization militants to surrender to the
Turkish authorities is on the agenda.  Work has been started
in  order  to extend the law beginning from 7 July following
the surrender of 55 PKK, 2 TIKKO and 3 DHKP militants.   The
Interior   Ministry   has   applied  to  the  Chief-of-Staff
regarding this issue.  The same sources have  stressed  that
military  and  police  units  support the extension.  In her
speech yesterday at  the  True  Path  Party  (DYP)  Assembly
Group,  Prime Minister Tansu Ciller made another call to PKK
militants  to  hand  themselves  over  to  the  authorities.
Stressing  that  1,300  young  militants  had surrendered to
date, Ciller said:  "Our aim is to gain these young people."
/Hurriyet/


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Mon Jul 10 21:37:43 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 10 Jul 1995 21:37:43
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.auPy8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>


                    TURKISH PRESS REVIEW
                        JULY 6, 1995


Summary of the political and economic news  in  the  Turkish
press this morning.


DEMIREL CALLS FOR PRE-EU INTEGRATION WITH BULGARIA

President Suleyman Demirel yesterday formalized his call  to
Bulgaria   to   "eliminate   the   border  between  the  two
countries".  "Aren't we both going  to  be  members  of  the
European  Union?" asked Demirel at a press conference at the
Boyana Palace in Sofia yesterday after he issued a call  for
a  free-trade  agreement during his address to the Bulgarian
Parliament.  Demirel said he  had  also  made  the  proposal
involving the free circulation of goods, people, capital and
labour at the officials  talks  he  held  Tuesday  with  his
Bulgarian counterpart Jelu Jelev.

On the second day of his current state visit,  Demirel  also
met  with  Bulgarian  Prime  Minister Jan Videnov as well as
representatives of the Turkish business community in Sofia.

Demirel told the press conference that Turkey wanted nothing
more  than  to see ethnic Turks enjoying the same rights and
privileges as  Bulgarians.   During  his  meeting  with  the
Turkish  minority  representatives,  Demirel  said that they
wanted him to lift  visa  restrictions,  make  possible  the
integration  of divided families and increase investments by
Turkish businessmen.

In his address to the  Bulgarian  parliamentarians,  Demirel
took   up   the  issues  of  PKK  terrorism,  Turkish-origin
Bulgarian   citizens,   regional   problems   and   economic
cooperation.   Pointing  out that Turkey had become a target
for separatist terrorism,  Demirel  expressed  his  pleasure
over  Bulgarian  cooperation  on  this issue.  Demirel said:
"We expect this attitude from all our neighbours.  Those who
support  terrorism for their own interests, should take into
consideration that terrorism will crush them one day".

"There is no problem with Greece that we  have  caused.   If
you  support  a murder squad which disturbs Turkey very much
and acts against Turkey in every  issue,  then  it  is  very
natural  for  us  to  express  our  displeasure"  he  added.
Demirel is due to visit a mosque near Shoumen and meet  with
the  people  of the town, which is dominated by Turks before
returning to Turkey today.  /Milliyet-Hurriyet/

TURKEY PLEASED ABOUT EXTENSION OF CEASE-FIRE IN N.IRAQ

Ankara yesterday voiced its pleasure over the  extension  of
the  cease-fire  between  the  two  rival  Kurdish groups in
northern Iraq.  "We welcome all positive developemnts  which
serve  to  create  a  secure  environment  in northern Iraq"
Foreign Ministry Spokesman Omer  Akbel  said  at  his  press
conference.   The  Kurdistan  Democratic Party (KDP), led by
Mesut Barzani, and the Patriotic Union of  Kurdistan  (PUK),
led by Jalal Talabani, decided to extend their cease-fire by
one more month at the end  of  talks  held  in  Tehran  last
weekend.  /Milliyet/


PKK-GREEK LINK

As Athens rejected Prime  Minister  Tansu  Ciller's  remarks
that  Athens  backed the PKK separatist organization, Ankara
declared that it would pursue the matter and raise  it  with
various  international  organizations and governments.  "The
backing of terrorism by a NATO country is a serious  matter.
Turkey  will  continue  to  pursue it" Foreign Ministry Omer
Akbel said at yesterday's  weekly  conference.   Akbel  said
that  Turkey  had  raised the issue of "Greek support to the
outlawed terrorist organization"  with  various  "interested
international institutions and governments" but he refrained
from naming them.   A  file,  which  contained  photographs,
documents  and  information on Greek support to the PKK, had
been submitted he said.  Noting that  necessary  initiatives
have  been made also under the auspices of the Greek Embassy
in Ankara, Akbel indicated  that  Greek  authorities  should
make an explanation over this matter.  /Hurriyet-Sabah/

TWENTY-NINE MILITANTS KILLED, EIGHT CAPTURED

Security  forces  have  killed  29  militants  of  the   PKK
terrorist  organization  near  the  Iraqi  border  and eight
militants  have  been  captured  in   military   operations.
Officials  from  the  State  of  Emergency  region said that
eighteen militants had  been  killed  in  Hakkari's  Cukurca
district  -in  the  Hisar and Guven mountains.  One security
official died and five wounded during  the  clashes.   Eight
militants  -one  female-  were  killed in Hakkari's Semdinli
district  and  three  in  Hakkari's  Cukurca  district,  and
weapons  were  confiscated.   Eight  militants were captured
during military operations in Bitlis, Elazig,  Tunceli,  Mus
and Siirt.  Fifteen bazookas, 13 mines, 56 hand grenades and
ammunition were confiscated during operations near the Iraqi
border in Hakkari.  /Hurriyet/


UNDERLYING TURKEY-GREEK FRIENDSHIP

According to the chairman of  the  Turkey-Greece  Friendship
Association,  architect  Cengiz  Bektas,  there is no emnity
between the peoples of Turkey and Greece.

Commenting on the current tension between Greece and Turkey,
Bektas  noted yesterday that Greek phobias about Turkey were
mainly in the minds of the political leaders, not the man in
the street.

Bektas said that much of the trouble stemmed from the desire
of  politicians  to collect points and enlarge themselves in
the eyes of the public often at the cost of creating massive
domestic  and  foreign problems.  Bektas added however, that
Greek connections with the PKK terrorist leaders was a  real
obstacle  to  improving relations between the two countries.
/Cumhuriyet/

US FEARS A SPLIT WITH THE WEST

Reports from Washington suggest that the  US  administration
fears  that  Turkey  could split away from the west.  Noting
that if Turkey does not make the changes needed to get  into
the  customs  union with the EU, this could lead to severing
ties with the western countries.

US administration officials have expressed the thought  that
democratic  reforms to the extent needed to get into customs
union could be beyond Turkey's present capacity.   Based  on
reports   from   US  ambassadors  in  Europe,  officials  in
Washington are already looking at different situations  that
could  arise  stemming  from Turkey's inability to cross the
threshold into the European Union.  /Hurriyet/

TURKEY STANDS SURROUNDED

Using the PKK terror card, Iran, Iraq, Greece and Syria  are
all playing a dangerous game with Turkey which now stands at
the centre of a region where new risks  and  threats  appear
daily.

Turkey now stands  surrounded  by  threats  from  all  sides
including  the Balkans.  Threats include terrorism, moves to
block  Turkey's  interests  in  petrol   and   natural   gas
development  projects,  the  Aegean  and  other  areas where
Turkey is involved.  /Cumhuriyet/

END

 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:46:36 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:46:36
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.goV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>



Highlights From the Turkish Press (July 10th)
      ANKARA, July 10 (Reuter) - These are the leading stories in the Turkish
press on Monday.

    SABAH

    -- Veteran politician Bulent Ecevit blames main opposition Motherland
Party for failure of constitiutional amendment package.

    -- Washington tells Greece it is just as disturbed as Turkey over the
meeting of Greek MPs with PKK's rebel Kurdish leader.

    -- New Democracy Movement leader Cem Boyner calls on all parliament
deputies with ``honesty and integrity'' to resign from parliament which he
says has gone ``bankrupt.''

    MILLIYET

    -- Greek deputy parliament speaker says chamber knew of and backed their
meeting with PKK leader.

    CUMHURIYET

    -- Washington puts pressure on Iraqi Kurdish leaders to reconcile. A U.S.
team may mediate if the sides agree to meet in a European capital.

    YENI POLITIKA

    -- PKK's local leader says his guerrillas will become active in capital
Ankara. ``This problem began in Ankara and must end there,'' he says.


Businessmen Invest in Southeaster Turkey
      By Aydan Eksin

    ISTANBUL, July 10 (Reuter) - Turkish businessmen have started to tap the
economic potential of the southeastern region where an 11-year-old separatist
Kurdish insurgency has claimed more than 17,000 lives.

    A company manufacturing ready-to-wear clothes being set up by businessmen
from western and southeastern Turkey is the first venture to take advantage
of the textile potential of the southeast's main city, Diyarbakir.

    ``My aim is to create jobs for the poor and unemployed people here. There
is cheap labour and local businessmen with some funds to invest, but they
need guidance and now the west is giving us a hand,'' said Mustafa Akyil, a
cotton farmer who is the local partner in the venture.

    The venture's partners are a group of Aegean region readywear
industrialists and exporters, who will export the output to existing European
markets after operations start in October. It expects to earn $10 million a
year from exports.

    Diyarbakir, the heart of Turkey's fight against the Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK) rebel group, has in recent years seen an influx of migrants from
poor rural areas where traditional animal grazing has been dealt a serious
blow by intensified fighting.

    Its urban population has swelled to more than one million from 481,000 in
1985, leading to massive unemployment.

    The city, where residents feared going out at night in the early 1990s
because of a series of mystery killings, is now relatively trouble-free.

    The new firm -- its name yet to be decided --  will produce cotton
bedsheets, underwear and T-shirts, with a 15-billion lira ($337,000) capital
and 250 workers.

    ``We have a pioneer mission. Local Akyil firm is new in the readywear
sector. We studied the region, there is qualified labour and good cotton,''
Selami Gurguc, chairman of EGS export company formed by 200 Aegean readywear
producers, told Reuters.

    Businessmen in the mainly Kurdish southeast have long complained of a
lack of private and state investment there.

    ``I think the region's potential is very big for future investments in
textile and readywear because there is the opportunity to grow cotton with
better quality than the one in the (Mediterranean) Adana region,'' Gurguc
said, listing food and soil-based production as other promising sectors.


Ciller: Turkey Will Continue Fight Against PKK
      TASHKENT, July 10 (Reuter) - Turkey will continue military action to
drive Kurdish rebels out of northern Iraq as long as needed to complete the
job, Prime Minister Tansu Ciller told a news conference here late on Sunday.

    Ciller, on a two-day visit to Uzbekistan, said the attack had been
necessary because Baghdad had failed to stop fighters from the separatist
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) from using northern Iraq as a base for
terrorism inside Turkey.

    ``They launched terrorist activities into Turkey and the Iraqi government
was not able to control them. That is why we had to act to protect our
territorial integrity,'' Ciller said.

    ``We are going to continue our operations there until we are safe and
secure, and we are going to fight as long as the PKK is there,'' she said in
remarks translated into Russian.

    Turkish troops, backed by air power, pushed into northern Iraq last
Wednesday in the first big assault on PKK rebels since a six-week operation
in March. The United States has backed the action.

    The United Nations in Baghdad said more than 700 Iraqi Kurdish families
had been displaced by the attack. Turkish military commanders said 110 rebels
had been killed in fighting along a 70-km (40-mile) front stretching 40 km
(25 miles) into Iraq.


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:47:34 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:47:34
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.JoV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>


                  TURKISH  PRESS  REVIEW
                      JULY 10, 1995


Summary of the political andeconomic  news  in  the  Turkish
press this morning



PKK BECOMING A PROBLEM FOR GERMANY

According to a report by the German security services, the PKK
terroristorganization  is fast becoming a serious problem in
Germany.The German report notes the developments made by the
PKKin  Germany  and confirms that the PKK has been behind an
increasing number of seriouscrimes  in  various  regions  of
Germany.  Back  in  Turkey,  where  the  fight  against  PKK
terrorism continues unabated, representatives ofthe  Turkish
military forces said over the weekend that they were preparing
even now to carry on the fight through the winter, keeping PKK
groupsbottled  up  in  the  mountains.   Military and police
security points will be specially equipped todeal  with  PKK
attacksthat  in the past have caused many deaths and serious
damage.The military representatives also claim that  Turkish
forcesduring  the last military incursion into northern Iraq
killed 110 PKK terrorists.Although the fighting  has  ended,
militaryunits  are still carrying on with search and destroy
operations.Reports from the southeast  of  the  country  say
thatweekend  clashes between security forces and the PKK led
to the death of six more PKK terrorists in the Cukurca region.
Thirteenmore  are  reported  to  have  been  killed in other
regions./All papers/

US WARNS ATHENS ABOUT PKK

TheWashington  administration  has   warned   Athens   about
developingties  with the PKK terror organization at the cost
of increasing tension with Turkey.The  US  has  told  Athens
that an increase in tension between Greece and Turkey over the
PKK issues and developments in theAegean  Sea  must  not  be
allowedto  develop  into  something more serious.  With more
evidence accumulating that Greece is giving extensivesupport
tothe PKK, the US has let it be known that it is most uneasy
over developmentsbetween  Turkey  and  Greece.   The  US  is
concernedthat a serious clash could erupt between Turkey and
Greece in the Aegean Sea.Despite the US  warning  and  sharp
wordsfrom  Turkey,  reports  from  Athens say that the Greek
government is getting ready to send more military units to the
Greekislands  that  fill the Aegean Sea.  The Greek Military
DefenceCouncil  meeting  for  the  first  time  will  likely
considera  "new  defence policy" against Turkey, and support
this by beefing up the Greek islands with weapons andtroops.
/All papers/


US MEETING WITH KURDISH LEADERS

In a move to exert more pressure against theKurdish  leaders
in northern Iraq, US government representatives will meet with
Kurdish party leaders Mesut Barzani and CelalTalabani  in  a
yetundisclosed European city.  There are rumours that Ankara
couldhost  the  meeting.   The  main  message  that  the  US
representativeswill  convey  to Talabani and Barzani is that
they must do something about the PKK by blocking its movesin
theregion.   Turkey and Iraq will be involved to some extent
in the new US initiatives./Cumhuriyet/


GUEST FOR THE CUSTOMS UNION

Turkish Desk Chief of the EU, Serge Abou will arrive in Ankara
todayand make important contacts on the customs union issue.
At the meetings with Abou, who will stayin  Ankara  for  two
days,technical  studies  that the sides are obliged to carry
out beforethe  customs  union  goes  into  effect,  will  be
reviewed./Hurriyet/

IRAN ENTERS IRAQ AND HITS REBEL CAMP WITH ROCKETS

Iranian troops yesterdayblasted  the  country's  main  armed
oppositiongroup  at a base inside Iraq after slipping across
the border, but caused no casualties, the People'sMujahedeen
groupsaid.   Revolutionary  Guards hit Ashraf Camp with five
107 mm Katyusha rocketsafter  staging  the  pre-dawn  attack
sevenkilometres  from  the  camp,  the  Mujahedeen said in a
statement.Other rockets landed outside the  camp,  which  is
eastof  Baghdad  and about 50 kilometres west of the border.
The People's Mujahedeen National Liberation Army tookcontrol
of the site where the attack was staged about 45 minutes later
and seized rocket launchers, the group saidin  a  statement.
Mujahedeenleader  Massoud  Rajavi  told UN Secretary-General
Boutros Ghali in a letter that the attack was "the 34th attack
stagedby  the  Iranian regime against the Mujahedeen in Iraq
since the start of 1993".The  last  Iranian  attack  against
Ashraf camp was staged on October 19, 1994./Cumhuriyet/

TURKEY:"AI HAS LONG LOST ITS CREDIBILITY"

Turkey, angered by a severe human rights reportfrom  Amnesty
International,retorted by saying that the London-based group
had lost its credibility longago.   "As  far  as  claims  of
tortureare  concerned,  this  organization  has made so many
exaggerated and false claims in the pastthat  is  no  longer
possibleto  understand  how many of its claims are true this
time" Foreign Ministry Omer Akbel saidin  a  response  to  a
question on the report.

                        JULY 7, 1995


Summary of the political and economic news  in  the  Turkish
press this morning.

DM 175 MILLION CREDIT FROM BONN

A DM 175 million-credit agreement has  been  signed  between
Turkey  and  Germany.  Within the framework of the Financial
Cooperation  Agreement,  which  continues  between  the  two
countries,  a  DM  135  million-credit has been provided for
various projects from the budget  of  the  Federal  Economic
Cooperation and Development Ministry.  Meanwhile, besides DM
25 million from previous years, an agreement has been signed
for  a DM 10 million-credit including Technical Cooperation.
/Hurriyet/


THIRTY-FOUR PKK MILITANTS KILLED

Thirty-four militants of the PKK terrorist organization have
been  killed  in  military operations in the Southeast.  The
Governorship of the State  of  Emergency  region  said  that
clashes  took  place  between the PKK and security forces in
the provinces of Diyarbakir,  Hakkari,  Bitlis  and  Sirnak.
Three  soldiers  died  in  the clashes, two PKK members were
captured and two surrendered.  /Hurriyet/


FRENCH DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY IN ANKARA

Claude  Marten,   the   French   Foreign   Ministry   deputy
undersecretary  for  European affairs, has arrived in Ankara
for consultations with Turkish officials,  Foreign  Ministry
Spokesman  Omer Akbel said yesterday.  Akbel said that talks
would concentrate on structural relations between Turkey and
the  EU  and  bilateral  relations between Paris and Ankara.
/All papers/


US TO NEGOTIATE IN NORTHERN IRAQ

The Washington administration is seeking a way to  negotiate
a  settlement between the Kurdish factions in northern Iraq.
The US wants to find a way to end the bickering which  often
flares up into serious clashes.

US State Department Head of the  Gulf  Region  Desk,  Robert
Deutsch  yesterday  began contacts in Ankara as a prelude to
mediating between Kurdish leaders Celal Talabani  and  Mesud
Barzani.  Turkey supports the development as a way of making
the border between Turkey and Iraq secure.

A special group  is  evaluating  developments  and  planning
accordingly.   The  US  hopes  that  continuing dialogue and
compromise will lead to a solution.  /All papers/


GREECE AND THE PKK

Greece has been warned again by the US about its  ties  with
the  terrorist  PKK  organization.  Sending a message to the
Athens government  via  its  ambassador  in  Athens,  Thomas
Niles, the US administration has warned the Greeks that ties
with the PKK will only lead to more problems.

Greece is now caught in two lines of fire:  on the one  side
the US is increasing pressure against Greece -warning Athens
of the consequences if the  PKK  targets  US  facilities  in
Greece;  and  on  the  other side, the PKK itself has warned
Greece  of  repercussions  should  Athens  abandon  its  PKK
connection.   The  PKK has extended its thanks to Athens for
support so far shown, but has also threatened  dire  results
should Athens try to back off under US and other pressure.

Greek government officials still claim  that  the  issue  is
being  exaggerated,  and  that  US  and  claims  from  other
countries  contrary  to  Greek  foreign  policy.   In  fact,
officials  deny  that Kurdish parliament-in-exile head Yasar
Kaya ever spoke with top level Greek  officials  in  Athens.
/All papers/


PKK BANK RESERVES IN ATHENS

Although Greek officials claim that the issue of  ties  with
the  PKK is being blown up out of proportion, Turkish secret
services say that they have proved that  the  PKK  has  bank
accounts  in  Athens.   Turkish undercover groups have again
confirmed that the PKK has been using the Lavrion Camp, just
70 kms to the south of Athens.

According to the statements of PKK suspects, Greece has been
involved  in some aspects of PKK activity, and has certainly
provided training expertise.

Greek involvement with the PKK has led to a  report  on  the
situation  in  the  latest  Amnesty  International review of
world terror and human rights abuses in countries around the
world.  /All papers/


DEV-SOL OFFICE IN HOLLAND

Only a short time ago, relations between Turkey and  Holland
were  more than chilly over issues stemming from the opening
of the Kurdish parliament-in-exile in the Hague  with  Dutch
government permission.

Now the political arm of the  extremist  Dev-Sol  group  has
opened  an  information  office  in Amsterdam.  The official
opening will be on this coming Sunday.   An  unamed  Dev-sol
representative spoke recently on Dutch TV.

Turkey has already initiated moves  to  increase  diplomatic
pressure  against  the  Dutch government to have the Dev-Sol
blocked.  Turkish officials warn too, that  tension  between
Turkey  and  Holland  could  arise  again  if the Dev-Sol is
allowed to go ahead.  /Milliyet/

TURKEY SENDS COMPLAINTS TO NATO AND UN

Ankara has begun to increase pressure against Athens and its
connections  with  the  PKK  terror  organization by sending
details of the Greek connection to the UN and NATO.

Ankara has prepared a comprehensive dossier on the Greek-PKK
affiliation  that  proves  beyond doubt that Greece has ties
with the PKK despite its  claims  to  the  contrary.   Other
international  organizations  will  also  be  informed about
Greek dabbling in terrorism.  /Cumhuriyet/


NORTHERN IRAQ OPERATION

The Turkish Armed Forces have carried out another  operation
in  northern  Iraq to prevent Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)
attacks.  A special team started operations in northern Iraq
on  4  July  immediately  after  five  Turkish soldiers were
killed by terrorists.

According to statement  by  the  Turkish  Foreign  Ministry,
operations   in  northern  Iraq  will  continue  unless  the
political parties in the region meet their responsibilities.
Military  officials  have also stressed that the utmost care
has   been   taken   to   prevent   harm    to    civilians.
/Cumhuriyet-Hurriyet/



MINISTER KANTHER CALLS ON KURDS IN GERMANY

German Interior Minister Manfred Kanther  called  on  ethnic
Kurds  in  Germany  to stay away from the outlawed Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK) which he  called  a  violent  terrorist
organization.   Kanther  was  quoted  by  the  Anatolia news
agency as saying that more than 500,000 ethnic  Kurds  lived
in  Germany.   He  said  that  the  PKK  destroyed peace and
stability in Germany.


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Mon Jul 17 15:29:16 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 17 Jul 1995 15:29:16
Subject: Turkish Press Review
References: <bac1c849.gate.c3VN5c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.9e2D9c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

T11501; Mon, 17 Jul 1995 12:16:25 -0800


                   TURKISH  PRESS  REVIEW
                       JULY 14, 1995
Summary of the political and economic news  in  the  Turkish
press this morning.

HIGH LEVEL BORDER SECURITY

Military representatives said yesterday  that  new  measures
being taken along the borders between Turkey, Iran, Iraq and
Syria will  boost  security  and  make  the  border  like  a
"fortress."

Tough new measures will  prevent  the  infiltration  of  PKK
terrorists  from  Syria,  Iraq and Iran.  Military officials
added that the new controls  would  be  fully  effective  by
winter.   Units  in  the  region have also been beefed up in
readiness for  further  action  against  the  PKK  terrorist
organization.  /All papers/

CONFESSION ABOUT GREEK-PKK COOPERATION

New evidence about the close cooperation between Athens  and
the  PKK  terrorist  organization  has come to light through
statements claiming that 174 PKK terrorists  wounded  during
combat  with  the  Turkish Armed Forces have been treated in
Greece.   Bahtiyar  Can,  representative  in  Greece  of   a
PKK-affiliated   organization   called  the  "Kurdistan  Red
Crescent" stated yesterday  that  174  terrorists  had  been
treated in Greek hospitals and that last year 37 operatiopns
had been carried out.  Commenting  on  the  results  of  the
activities  of  the  PKK  terrorist organization during last
year after opening a bureau in Athens, Can  said:   "We  are
pleased  with  the  support  of Greece but we are asking for
more support".  ERNK, the political wing of the  PKK  stated
yesterday  in  Athens that they would make a call for hunger
strikes throughout Europe and Turkey on 20 July in order  to
protest  the  latest military operation of the Turkish Armed
Forces against PKK camps in northern Iraq.  /Milliyet/


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)

From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:32:38 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:32:38
Subject: Mainstream news on the war in Kurdi
References: <bac1c849.052595195424Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.XNV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

Subject: Mainstream news on the War in Kurdistan


Baghad  Condems Latest Turkish Incursion Into Iraq
  BAGHDAD, July 7 (Reuter) - Iraq denounced on Friday Turkey's incursion into
northern Iraq as a ``flagrant violation of Iraqi sovereignty and
international law.''

    A Foreign Ministry spokesman, quoted by the official news agency INA,
said the invasion, the second in five months, contradicted Baghdad's desire
to improve relations between the two countries.

    Turkish troops, backed by planes and helicopters, pushed into northern
Iraq on Thursday in a drive to root out Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) rebels
from their mountain strongholds.

    ``While reiterating its strong condemnation of the fresh Turkish military
invasion, the government of Iraq categorically rejects the pretexts cited by
the Turkish government to justify its military operations inside the Iraqi
territory,'' the spokesman said.

    ``The new invasion is a flagrant violation of Iraq's sovereignty and
international law.''

    Ankara previously invaded northern Iraq in March with 35,000 troops to
destroy the PKK in an operation which lasted six weeks.

    The fighting is centred in a region controlled by Iraqi rebel Kurds and
protected by U.S., British and French planes based in Turkey enforcing a
no-fly zone in northern Iraq.

    Relations between Baghdad and Ankara have been strained since Turkey
helped a U.S.-led coalition which drove Iraq out of Kuwait in 1991.

    Ankara says the PKK, whose 11-year fight for an independent or autonomous
state in southeastern Turkey has cost more than 17,000 lives, takes advantage
of lax security in northern Iraq to set up bases there to mount cross-border
attacks in Turkey.

    The Iraqi spokesman said Baghdad had explained to the Turkish government
that the risks stemming from the ``abnormal condition in northern Iraq''
could be dealt with only through cooperation with the central government in
Baghdad and ending ``colonial intervention in the region.''

Highlights From the Turkish Press
 ANKARA, July 7 (Reuter) - These are the leading stories in the Turkish press
on Friday.

    SABAH

    -- Shock raid on PKK Kurdish rebels in northern Iraq. Turkish troops
strike rebel concentrations across the border.

    -- Constitutional amendments suspended. Revisions are sacrificed to
opposition fears that Prime Minister Tansu Ciller may reap political gains
from the success.

    MILLIYET

    -- Ruling party MPs hold private talks with senior general who voiced
opinion against lifting of restrictive anti-terror law clause.

    HURRIYET

    -- Constitutional amendments turn out to be a total fiasco. Coalition
withdraws proposal to revise 21 articles.

    -- Turkish commandos hit PKK groups inside northern Iraq and kill 57
guerrillas.

    YENI YUZYIL

    -- Hot pursuit in northern Iraq. 57 rebels die in the first clash between
Turkish troops and PKK.

    YENI POLITIKA

    -- Troops and PKK fight to gain initiative on the border.

    -- The dream of a civilian constitution ends.

    ZAMAN

    -- Civilian constitution a fiasco.

    -- The seventh five-year development plan was overshadowed by
constitution debates and has come before the general assembly without careful
study.

PKK Loses At 104 in Northern Iraq Incursion
      DIYARBAKIR, Turkey, July 8 (Reuter) - Turkish troops have killed 104
Kurdish guerrillas for the loss of six of their own men in an anti-rebel
incursion into northern Iraq, on its fourth day on Saturday and winding down,
security officials said.

    Fourteen Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) guerrillas were killed on Saturday
on the Turkish side of the Iraqi border, which troops have been
criss-crossing since mid-week, they said.

    The regional governor's office in the city of Diyarbakir, the nerve
centre of Turkey's fight against the PKK, said security forces killed 13
other rebels in Turkey's southeastern provinces of Diyarbakir, Siirt, Mardin,
Sirnak and Tunceli.

    Six members of the security forces also died in clashes in the southeast,
the Anatolian news agency said.

    More than 17,000 people have died in the PKK's 11-year-old fight for
autonomy or independence in southeast Turkey.

Turkish Troops Start Returning From Northern Iraq
      ANKARA, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey said Friday small units had begun to
return from a three-day-old cross-border incursion into northern Iraq in
pursuit of rebel Kurds.

    ``Small units that have completed their mission in the cross-border
operation have gradually begun to return,'' Turkish state television quoted
military authorities as saying.

    Turkish troops, backed by jets and helicopters, pushed into northern Iraq
Wednesday in the first big assault on Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) rebels
since a six-week operation in March.

    Turkey's general staff said in a statement that the operation had
involved fewer than 3,000 troops operating within a restricted area.

    Television said 90 rebels of the separatist PKK had been killed in the
operation. The military said it lost five soldiers.

Turks: No Civilian Loses In Latest Incursion
      ANKARA, July 7 (Reuter) - Turkey said on Friday there had been no
civilian casualties in its latest operation against rebel Kurds in northern
Iraq.

    ``According to information reaching us, no civilian has been killed in
the region during the operation,'' a foreign ministry source told the
semi-official Anatolian news agency.

    Turkish troops, backed by jets and helicopters, pushed into northern Iraq
on Wednesday, in the first big assault on Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
rebels since a six-week operation in March.

    The United States expressed concern that the operation be limited in
scope and duration, and that the safety of civilians be safeguarded.

    The foreign ministry sources told Anatolian that every effort was being
made to protect civilians. They denied what they said were reports that
serious damage had been inflicted on the Iraqi Kurd population.

    The Iraqi Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which nominally controls the
border area with Turkey, has said three civilians were injured in the push so
far.

Turkey Extends Amnesty Offer for Disillusioned PKK
      DIYARBAKIR, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey is expected to extend for two
months an amnesty law for repentant Kurdish rebels fighting a separatist
insurgency in the southeast of the country, security officials said Saturday.


    The law, which expired Friday, allows Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
members who have not taken part in acts of violence to avoid prosecution if
they surrender.

    Guerrillas who have carried out attacks get a lighter sentence if they
give themselves up.

    Anatolian news agency quoted Prime Minister Tansu Ciller's office Friday
as saying a bill outlining an extension of the amnesty had been sent to the
cabinet.

    The agency said about 200 PKK members had surrendered and taken advantage
of the amnesty in recent months. More than 17,000 people have died in the
PKK's 11-year-old armed campaign for Kurdish independence or autonomy in
southeast Turkey.

    Turkish troops this week took their fight against the rebels into
northern Iraq from where the PKK often launches cross-border attacks into
Turkey.

    More than 100 rebels and six soldiers have died in the Turkish raid on
PKK bases there, security officials in the southeastern city of Diyarbakir
said.

    The assault, involving up to 3,000 troops, appeared to be winding down
Saturday after four days.

    Seven members of the security forces and 13 rebels also died in different
clashes in eastern Turkish provinces Saturday.

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Jul  1 20:04:49 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 01 Jul 1995 20:04:49
Subject: The Legal Status Of Kurds In Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507011830.AA17947@magi.com>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: The Legal Status Of Kurds In Turkey

The Legal And Actual Status Of The Kurds With Respect To Domestic
And International Law

"All people have the right to claim the rights and freedoms
outlined in this declaration, without discrimination based on race,
color, gender, language, religion, political or other convictions,
national or social background, property, place of birth, or any
other circumstance."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 2)

"All people are equal in the eyes of the law and are to be granted
equal protection under the law. All have the right of equal
protection from differential treatment, which would violate this
declaration, and from all attempts at differential treatment."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 7)

"All people have the right to access public institutions in their
country under equal conditions."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 21/2)

"All people, as members of society, have the right of social
security and have recourse to domestic measures, international
cooperation under the auspices of this organization, or the
assistance of any state so as to enjoy their worth and the free
development of their personality as guaranteed by their inalienable
economic, social, and cultural rights."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 22)

"1. Member states will condemn racial discrimination and are called
upon to use all their means to defeat the politics of racial
discrimination in all its forms and to cultivate understanding
among races. To this end:
     a. All member states are called upon to reject any agreement
or practice which racially discriminates against persons, groups of
people, or institutions, and to see to it that all state and local
authorities and public institutions are in agreement with these
requirements;
     c. All members states will have the measures and practices of
its public officials tested and will be required to change,
abolish, or invalidate all laws and regulations which racially
discriminate.
2. Member states, if conditions warrant, must take special and
concrete measures in the areas of social, economic, cultural, and
other affairs to protect the adequate development and sufficient
protection of certain racial groups, or their individual members,
so as to insure that they are fully equal with respect to the
enjoyment of human rights and basic freedoms."
(International Agreement On The Eradication Of All Forms Of Racial
Discrimination, Art. 2)

"In states with ethnic, religious, or language minorities, members
of such minorities must not be denied the right, along with other
members of their group, to cultivate their own cultural life, to
practice their own religion, or to speak and learn their own
language."
(International Agreement On Civil And Political Rights, Art. 27)

"We declare that the ethnic, cultural, language, and religious
identity of national minorities must be protected and that members
of national minorities have the right to express, protect, and
further develop their identity in full equality and without
discrimination."
(Paris Charter)

     The Turkish Republic is a member of the United Nations, the
Council of Europe, and the CSCE. It is signatory to all the above-
mentioned declarations, pacts, and agreements. To what degree does
the Turkish Republic abide by these declarations, pacts, and
agreements, as it is required to do at the international level? To
what degree has the Turkish Republic adopted these agreements and
declarations into its national legal system? Does the Turkish
government abide by these agreements? What is the legal and actual
status of the Kurds in Turkey with reference to these international
agreements? In the following report, we will examine these
questions.

I. The Status Of The Kurds In Turkey With Respect To Domestic Law

a. The fundamental rights and freedoms which the Kurds are denied:

1. It is forbidden for Kurds to give their children Kurdish names.

"Parents give names to their children. Names may not be given which
are illegal or which offend or do not represent the nation's
culture, moral values, traditions, or customs."
(Personal Status Law Nr. 1587, Art. 16)

"If an officer determines that the name chosen for the child does
not conform to principles stated in Paragraph 1, he will reject the
name, prepare an appropriate protocol, and enter this into the
family register. At the same time, he will inform the state
prosecutor so that a hearing can be arranged to change the name."
(Enforcement Order On Personal Status Regulations, 8 March 1977,
Nr. 7/13269, Art. 77)

"New family names which are permissible are to be drawn from the
Turkish language. Names from foreign races and nations may not be
used as family names."
(Regulation On Family Names, 24 December 1931, Nr. 2/1759, Art. 5
Section 7)

     As can be seen from the body of Turkish law, Kurds are not
allowed to give their children Kurdish names. Because the existence
of Kurdish people is not tolerated in Turkey, Kurdish names are
viewed as contradicting Turkish national culture. They are seen as
names from a foreign race and nation. In conjunction with this,
thousands of Kurdish names were forcibly changed in the aftermath
of the 12 September 1980 military coup, for example for girls,
Zozan was changed to Suzan, and for boys, Rosan was changed to
Resat. Parents who resisted this were threatened by police and
interrogated. At the present time, name registries in the Kurdish
regions have lists of acceptable names and names are often forcibly
changed as a result of threats.

2. Kurds may not use Kurdish place names for cities and villages.

"Village names which are not Turkish and which should be changed
are to be brought before the provincial council and changed by the
interior minister within the shortest possible time."
(Art. 1 Section D/2 of Provincial Administration Law Nr. 5442 which
went into effect on 10 June 1949)

     The use of the legal to systematically assimilate the Kurds
can be seen from this law of 1949. The names of towns and villages
where Kurds lived were changed to Turkish. This continued until the
point when there were no longer any villages with Kurdish names.
Officials claimed that this was done to prevent confusion, but the
true reason is racism. Today, it is forbidden for Kurds to use
their own Kurdish names for cities, localities, and villages in
public institutions.

3. Kurds may not express their thoughts in their native language,
Kurdish.

"The Turkish state, with its territory and people, is an
indivisible whole. The language is Turkish. These facts may not be
changed, nor may any changes be proposed."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 3 Section 4)

"The press is free and may not be censored. Printing presses must
not be made dependent through regulations nor financial insecurity.
Publications may not use any language which is prohibited by law."
(Constitutions Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 28)

"Any language which is prohibited by law may not be used to express
or distribute ideas. Printed matter, records, acoustic and video
cassettes, or any other productions can be confiscated on the order
of the authorities if they are in violation of this regulation."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 26)

     As these articles from the Constitution show, the Kurds are
forbidden to express their thoughts in their own language, because
the expression or distribution of ideas in the Kurdish language is
an attack on the unitary state and its territorial integrity and
such activity is considered separatism in Turkey.
     What the Constitution refers to as language prohibited by law
actually refers to Kurdish, since the Kurdish language was banned
by Law Nr. 2932 following the 12 September 1980 military coup. This
law was repealed by Turgut Ozal, and the international and Turkish
public praised this as a major reform. But the reality does not
match the propaganda of the Turkish government. Under current law,
Turkish prosecutors and police are still able to confiscate Kurdish
music cassettes, videos, and publications simply by claiming that
they aren't able to understand the content and therefore the
content could possibly be illegal. This is allowed for under the
still-valid Law Nr. 2559 and Article 8 of the police code and these
materials are continually confiscated by prosecutors and police.

4. According to Turkish law, the language of the Kurds is Turkish,
not Kurdish. Kurds may not open any schools or course which offer
instruction in Kurdish.

"In educational and learning institutions, Turkish citizens may not
use any language other than Turkish as their native language or in
classroom instruction."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 42)

"Turkish citizens may not have learned any other language besides
Turkish as their native language."
(Law Nr. 2923 concerning foreign language instruction, Art. 2a)

"Foreign languages which may be taught in Turkey are to be
determined by ministerial decision through the National Security
Council."
(Law Nr. 2923 concerning foreign language instruction, Art. 2c)

     As was mentioned before, Law Nr. 2932 concerning "forbidden
languages" was implemented after the 12 September 1980 military
coup. This law stated that the native language of the Kurds was
Turkish, not Kurdish. As was mentioned above, this law was repealed
during a series of "Kurdish reforms", causing quite an uproar, but
the above-mentioned law concerning foreign language instruction,
Law. Nr. 2923, is still effect. Under this law as well, the native
language of the Kurds is Turkish, not Kurdish, thereby showing once
again the insincerity of the Turkish government.
     According to this law, no Kurdish-speaking schools or learning
institutions may be established. For example, the "Upper
Mesopotamian Cultural Centre" in Istanbul established a Kurdish
language course for its members. This course was banned by the
Governor and the Education Ministry in February 1992 on the orders
of the National Security Council.
     For more than 100 years, there have been Greek and Armenian
schools in Turkey. Many schools teach courses in English, French,
and German, and no special permits are required for these courses.
But Kurdish language courses and Kurdish schools must be approved
by the National Security Council and the Council of Ministers.
According to Turkish law, Kurdish is not a language which is spoken
in Turkey, rather it is a foreign language, because according to
official Turkish policy there are no Kurds in Turkey.
     State institutions have regulated Greek and Armenian schools
according to the clauses of the Treaty of Lasuanne which deal with
minorities in Turkey. Because this treaty did not foresee a
minority status for Kurds (since the Kurds are not an official
minority), Kurds are prohibited from teaching their own language in
schools and from organizing Kurdish language courses. Officially,
Kurds are not a minority, rather they are an integral part of the
state. In other words, they are a fixed part, not a minority,
meaning that Kurds have no language and may not speak Kurdish,
rather they must abandon their language and identity and become
assimilated so that they can be an integral part of the state!

5. No one in Turkey may claim that Kurds exist as a separate people
or minority.

"All forms of written and oral propaganda, including gatherings,
demonstrations, or protest marches, which have as their aim the
destruction of the territorial and national integrity of the
Turkish Republic, are prohibited. Any violation of this will result
in a prison term of 2-5 years and a fine of 50-100 million TL."
(Anti-Terror Law Nr. 3713, Art. 8)

"Anyone who commits a crime on behalf of a terrorist organization,
even without being a member of such an organization, will be
treated as a terrorist and will punished in the same manner as a
member of that organization."
(Anti-Terror Law Nr. 3713, Art. 2/2)

     The two-facedness and lies of the Turkish government can be
clearly seen in these articles. It is true that Turgut Ozal
repealed Articles 141, 142, and 163 of the old criminal code, an
act which the Turkish and European public praised as a major reform
and a remarkable display of democratization. Sections 2 and 3 of
the discarded Article 142 stated that "the thoughts of Kurdish
nationalists are a form a separatism" and proposed heavy sentences.
After Article 142 was abolished, however, the content of this
article was simply transplanted into the Anti-Terror Law which made
certain forms of expression criminal offences. In other words, the
crime of Kurdish expression was abolished and then a new law was
passed which made the same expression a crime. This shows Turkey's
two-facedness.
     No one is allowed to claim that Kurds exist in Turkey, that
they are people of a different race and ethnic group than the
Turks, that they are a separate nation with a right to self-
determination, or that this people should have its own cultural
rights. According to Turkish officials, such claims are a form of
propaganda which contradict the national and territorial integrity
of the Turkish state. Such claims or propaganda are, therefore,
terrorist crimes and those who spread such propaganda are
terrorists and must be treated as such. In fact, such laws have
resulted in the daily confiscation of books, magazines, newspapers,
and other printed materials in Turkey. Publishers, editors, and
correspondents have been placed on trial. For example, several
editions of the newspapers "Ikibine dogru", "Ulku", "Medya Gunesi",
and "Newroz" have been confiscated and the publishers,
correspondents, and commentators have been put on trial. These
cases are still in court.

6. Kurds in Turkey cannot produce publications in the form of
newspapers and magazines, nor may import publications about the
Kurds which have published in other countries.

     Freedom of the press:

"Anyone who writes or publishes news items or texts which threaten
the foreign or domestic security of the state or the indivisible
unity of the state's territory or people, or which incite people to
commit crimes or launch an uprising or rebellion, or which reveal
state secrets, or anyone who writes or prints news items or texts
with a similar purpose or who distributes them, must answer for
such criminal conduct in accordance with the law."

"Periodic or non-periodic publications may be confiscated if they
are part of an investigation or prosecution of punishable conduct,
or if the appropriate authorities order their confiscation in order
to protect the security of the indivisible unity of the state's
territory and people, national security, public order, general
customs, or to prevent any delay in criminal prosecutions."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 28 Sections 5 and 7)

"Printing presses and their associated offices and materials which
are operating in accordance with the law may not be confiscated on
the charge of having operated as an accessory to a criminal offence
unless there is a conviction for a criminal offence directed
against the indivisible unity of the state's territory and people,
the fundamental principles of the Republic, or national security."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 30)

"Presses which produce publications which are guilty of criminal
offences shall be closed down."
(Additional Art. 2 of Press Law Nr. 5680)

"The importation and distribution of published materials which are
produced in foreign countries and which violate the territorial and
national integrity of the state, national sovereignty, the
existence of the Republic, national security, the public and
general order, the public interest, general morals, or the health
of the people can be banned by the decision of the Council of
Ministers."
(Press Law Nr. 5680, Art. 31/1)

     Due to these legal restrictions, it is forbidden to import
publications about the Kurds which are published abroad. Whether or
not the content is criminal or not, the Council of Ministers can
prohibit the importation of publications into Turkey which deal
with the Kurds. The Turkish government often makes use of this
right and the state register is full of lists of publications about
Kurds which may not be imported into Turkey.
     Under these same laws, it is forbidden for Kurds to publish
newspapers and publications in their own language or in Turkish. It
doesn't matter if their content is criminal or not, the police or
state prosecutor can simply confiscate any publication which has to
do with the Kurds.
     Even if a court decision decides that the publication is not
criminal and the publisher or author is acquitted, the publications
are not returned. In praxis, the following occurs: When a
publication which deals with the Kurds is published, it is
immediately confiscated by the police on the grounds that it
violates the "territorial and national integrity" of Turkey. In the
end, the state prosecutor files charges against the authors, the
publisher, and the printer. The police then destroy the confiscated
publications, usually by burning them, before the trial has been
concluded. That's why even if the trial ends in an acquittal, the
publications cannot be returned, because, according to the police,
"we can't give them back because we destroyed them".
     Although publishers in Turkey can't actually be closed down,
publishers which produce works about the Kurds are closed down
under these laws. The government and the Interior Ministry often
make use of this right.

7. Kurds in Turkey cannot produce any theatre works, video
cassettes, musical works, films, etc.

"Films, video cassettes, and musical works must be legally
registered."
(Law Nr. 3257 concerning films, video cassettes, and musical works)

"Any work can be banned or subjected to prosecution which incites
people to commit crimes with respect to the territorial and
national integrity of the state, national sovereignty, the
Republic, national security, the public and general order, or the
public interest, general morals, and health."
(Law Nr. 3257 concerning films, video cassettes, and musical works)

"Indoor assemblies during which plays, films, or video cassettes
are shown which violate the territorial and national integrity of
the state, the Constitutional social order, or general security and
morality can be banned on the order of the highest ranking local
police official."
(Law Nr. 2559 concerning police powers, Art. 8d)

     According to these laws, the production and display of films,
video cassettes, music cassettes, and theatre pieces in Turkey are
dependent on the approval of the Ministry of Culture. It is
forbidden to display such works without first having received a
permit from the Ministry of Culture.
     If producers or publishers create a work in Kurdish and then
seek to get a permit from the Ministry of Culture, permits can be
denied simply on the basis that the works in question violate the
territorial and national integrity of the state. Until now, only
one single Kurdish work has even been granted a permit, and this
was a film of a Kurdish myth performed in Turkish. All other
Kurdish works, which are produced illegally without permits, can be
confiscated and destroyed on the order of the police since they
endanger the "indivisible territorial and national integrity of the
state".

8. Kurds are not allowed to establish radio or TV stations for
Kurdish programming, nor may works in Kurdish be broadcast over
Turkish radio or TV.

"The state has a monopoly over the regulation of radio and TV
transmissions, both domestic and foreign."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 4a)

"Radio and TV stations are required to broadcast their programmes
in Turkish."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 5f)

"Radio and TV stations are required to keep the content of their
programmes within the Constitutional framework and in line with and
to protect the territorial and national integrity of the state,
national sovereignty, the Republic, and the public order and
interest."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 5f)

     As these laws show, there is a state monopoly in Turkey over
all radio and TV stations. Private individuals are prohibited from
establishing and broadcasting radio and TV programmes. Nonetheless,
there are three privately-owned TV stations in Turkey.
     According to these laws, it is forbidden for radio and TV
stations to violate the state's monopoly, and it is illegal to
broadcast private transmissions in Kurdish. In addition to this,
there has never been any accurate radio or TV news about the Kurds,
because it is possible in Turkey to censor news items on the
grounds that they might endanger the "territorial and national
integrity of the state". Because all stations are aware of this
fact, they generally avoid broadcasting reports about the Kurds.

9. Kurds in Turkey are not allowed to establish Kurdish cultural
associations or associations which seek to protect the rights of
the Kurdish population. Existing associations may not carry out any
activities of this kind. Associations may not use the Kurdish
language while conducting their activities.

"It is forbidden to establish associations which violate the
Preamble of the Constitution. Associations may not be established
if their aim is to destroy the 'territorial and national identity
of the state', or if they seek to claim that minorities of
different races, religions, sects, cultures, or languages exist
within the Turkish Republic, or if through the promotion of other
languages and cultures other than Turkish they seek for one
religion, race, class, or group to win privileges over another
group of a certain religion or sect."
(Association Law Nr. 2908, Art. 5)

"Persons who establish associations in violation of Article 5 are
to be punished with a jail term of 1-3 years."

"When drawing up the charter of an association, or during
assemblies in both public and private places, it is forbidden to
use signs, posters, music or video cassettes, brochures, flyers,
publications, etc. in a language which is prohibited by law."
(Association Law Nr. 2908, Art. 6)

"Fundamental rights and freedoms, as spelled out in the Articles of
the Constitution, can be limited through legislation, which is in
conjunction with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, in
order to protect the 'indivisible unity of the state' in both
territory and population, the sovereignty of the people, the
Republican form of state, national security, the public order and
the common good, general customs, public health, or other special
reasons."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 13)

"Associations may not violate Article 13; (they may not pursue
political goals, engage in political activity, be supported by
political parties, nor operate in conjunction with trade unions or
other labor groups in a public or legal manner). Associations may
be disbanded by a court order under the provisions of the law.
Their activities may be curtailed in order to protect the health of
the state and its 'indivisible territorial and national integrity',
national sovereignty, the public order, the rights and freedoms of
others, or to prevent criminal acts, or they can be stopped
altogether by a court order under the provisions of the law."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic)

     Under these laws, it is forbidden in Turkey to establish
associations which seek to promote the Kurdish language or culture,
or even to claim that Kurds live in Turkey and constitute a
minority group within Turkey. Associations which pursue such aims
can be disbanded by a court order and people can be sentenced to 1-
3 years in prison. Until the court case is resolved, the
association in question may be banned under the provisions of the
laws concerning police powers and authority. Furthermore,
associations which already exist may not publish their statutes in
Kurdish. During public and private meetings, no Kurdish posters,
publications, or declarations may be presented.

10. Kurds is Turkey may not form a political party to defend their
rights. Existing political parties must not claim to represent the
interests of a particular people or minority. They are also not
allowed to engage in activities to defend the rights of the Kurdish
people.

"Political parties may not claim that there are minorities of
religion, culture, sect, race, or language in the Turkish Republic.
Political parties may not engage in activities to promote languages
or cultures other than Turkish, thereby seeking to create
minorities which threaten the unity of the nation."

"Political parties may not use any other language than Turkish in
their statutes, programmes, congresses, or rallies. They may not
distribute posters, records, cassettes, videos, brochures, or
statements in any other language than Turkish. Nor can they remain
inactive in the face of such activities. It is possible, however,
to have statutes and programmes translated into languages which are
not prohibited by law."
(Party Law Nr. 2820, Art. 81)

"Statutes and programmes of political parties must not be in
violation of the territorial and national identity of the state,
human rights, the sovereignty of the people, or the principles of
the democratic and secular Republic."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 68)

"The right to found political parties must not be utilized in order
to violate the fundamental principle of the territorial and
national integrity of the state, as outlined in the Preamble of the
Constitution, to endanger to state or the Republic, to abolish
fundamental rights and freedoms, to harm the state by means of an
individual or a group, to have one class rule over the other
classes, to create inequalities between languages, races,
religions, sects, or geographic regions, or to in any way create a
form of state which is based on these ideas or any type of
dictatorship."
(Party Law Nr. 2820, Art. 5)

     As is clear from these laws, it is impossible to establish a
Kurdish political party in Turkey, one which seeks to represent the
interests and freedoms of the Kurdish people. At the same time,
existing parties may not take the position that there is a Kurdish
people living in Turkey who have the right to enjoy equal cultural
and national rights. Also, no posters, publications, or
declarations may be made in the Kurdish language. Statutes and
programmes may not be published in the Kurdish language, because
such an act would violate the unitary state and would be considered
separatism. This was the reasoning behind the banning of the TBK
(Turkish United Communist Party) by the Constitutional Court,
because the party's statutes and programme mentioned the existence
of the Kurdish people.

11. Kurdish youths in Turkey are forced to become "Turkish and
Kemalist".

"The state will take appropriate measures to secure the growth and
development of youth, who are entrusted to protect our independence
and Republic, in light of the positive knowledge and principles of
Ataturk and his reforms and loyal to the territorial and national
integrity of the state."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 58)

     As is made clear by the Article above, the Constitution of the
Turkish Republic requires the government to educate youths in the
Kemalist spirit. Naturally, this Article from the Constitution
makes it clear that Kurdish youths are to be educated as Turks and
Kemalists.

12. Kurds cannot become civic officials.

"Persons who have been convicted of crimes against the state,
embezzlement, perjury, or active or passive corruption may not
become civic officials if they were sentenced to terms of 6 months
or more. This is true even if the sentences are suspended. Excepted
from this are negligence offences, even if the sentences are
suspended."
(Officials Law Nr. 657, Art. 17/5)

     The "crimes against the state" mentioned above are actually
those spelled out in Articles 125-172 of the Turkish Criminal Code.
These offences are purely political crimes. In the past, thousands
of Kurds were charged and convicted under these articles, and the
same is true today. Therefore, any Kurds convicted of these
charges, even if the sentences were suspended, cannot become state
officials.
     Even without ever having been charged with any crimes, still
today thousands of Kurds are denied posts as civic officials
because of security checks or police reports, simply because of
their Kurdish heritage.

13. Kurds do not have passports.

"Persons who are forbidden by court order from travelling abroad,
or persons whom the Interior Ministry have denied permission for
foreign travel on security grounds, may not have passports or
travel documents."
(Passport Law Nr. 5682, Art. 22/1)

     At the present time, thousands of Kurdish intellectuals, due
to their ideas, are forbidden from travelling abroad because of
this law. Kurdish intellectuals are not allowed to leave Turkey.

14. Kurds may not be elected to serve as Members of Parliament,
Mayors, Village Elders, or Members of Provincial Legislatures.

"Persons who have been sentenced to crimes according to Volume 2,
Section 1 of the Turkish Criminal Code, or who have been convicted
of inciting other to commit such offences, may not be elected to
public office, even if their sentences were suspended."
(Voting Law Nr. 2839, Art. 11, Section f/2)

"All Turkish citizens who have reached age 25 can be elected to
serve as Mayor or Member of the Provincial Legislature or City
Council, so long as they are not in violation of Article 11 of
Voting Law Nr. 2839."
(Local Elections Law Nr. 2972, Art. 9)

     The crimes mentioned in Volume 2, Section 1 of the Turkish
Criminal Code are political and propaganda offences spelled out in
Articles 125-174. At the present time, thousands of Kurds have been
charged and sentenced for these offences. Even if their sentences
are suspended, the Kurds are not allowed to hold public office.
Kurds who haven't been convicted and who do hold public, if they
acknowledge their Kurdish identity, they will be in trouble. A
trial will be opened against them and, if convicted, the above-
mentioned article allows them to be suspended from office.

a. Activities open for Kurds to participate in:

1. Although contemporary law in Turkey, as illustrated above,
seriously restricts the rights and freedoms of the Kurds, Kurds in
Turkey who deny their identity and accept the lie that there are no
Kurdish people or Kurdish nation in Turkey can become Members of
Parliament, Ministers, civic officials, soldiers, and even military
generals. But if they acknowledge their Kurdish identity they can
do nothing. Then they can just be charged with criminal offences,
like Kurdish nationalism or separatism, and convicted.
Unfortunately, that is the reality for Kurds in Turkey.

2. Kurds in Turkey can denounce fellow Kurds who acknowledge their
identity and turn them into the police. Such conduct is covered in
Article 5/2 of Law Nr. 1481 concerning "the prevention of conduct
which damages the public order". This law states: "Persons may be
rewarded with money for helping to arrest persons who are wanted by
the Interior Ministry for crimes against the indivisible
territorial and national integrity of the state and general
security, or if they give information about such persons or there
whereabouts and thereby help to arrest them."

     These are the only freedoms which the Kurds in Turkey enjoy!

II. Contradictions Between The Legal Status And Reality

     We have tried to convey the present legal prescriptions in
Turkey which regulate the rights and freedoms of the Kurds.
Although domestic law is as described above, there has been a
relative improvement over the last few years with respect to the
status of the Kurds in Turkey contrary to these laws. For the first
time since the founding of the Turkish Republic, 22 people of
Kurdish identity were elected as Members of Parliament. [These
people eventually had their parliamentary immunity lifted and were
charged with "high treason"; some were jailed in December 1994 and
some are in exile. -trans.] For the first time ever, two weekly
papers are being published in Kurdish. Furthermore, for the first
time ever it has been possible for some publications to discuss
Kurdish history and folklore.
     But these improvements have also been exhausted. It would be
a mistake to attribute this progress to the good will and
understanding of the Turkish government. These improvements were
the direct result of continuing Kurdish struggle and international
pressure. It is unrealistic to think that these relative
improvements will endure so long as the laws mentioned in this text
are still in force. It could be that the Turkish government is
tolerating these relative improvements for tactical reasons. The
imprisonment of the Members of Parliament mentioned above needs no
further comment. In the past, Turkey has tolerated minor
improvements for tactical reasons. In the early years of the
Turkish Republic, Kurdish publications were tolerated, but
following the suppression of the uprising led by Sheik Said and the
revolt in Dersim (Tunceli) these were banned forever and Kurdish
identity was officially denied. Therefore, there is no reason to
believe that this old conduct wouldn't return should the armed
Kurdish resistance in Turkey be defeated.

III. The Big Lie: "Kurds In Turkey Are Citizens With Equal Rights"

     As the laws discussed in this text clearly show, there is a de
jure and de facto system in Turkey which denies the identity of the
Kurdish people. This denial hasn't just been the policy of the last
few years, rather it is part of an unbroken 70-year tradition.
     As a cursory look at the Turkish legal system will show, from
the beginning all laws were drafted in such a way so as to prevent
there being any loopholes which the Kurds could make use of, and
special regulations were enacted to ensure that Kurds, people with
a Kurdish identity, could not enjoy their fundamental rights and
freedoms. One example, all but 22 of the 177 Articles of the
Turkish Constitution insure that the Kurds are not allowed to
possess their fundamental rights and freedoms. Of course, neither
the Constitution nor the Criminal Code makes use of the word
"Kurd", rather Kurdish nationality and Kurdish identity are covered
by the notion of that which "violates the territorial and national
integrity of the state".
     Turkey ignores international agreements and treaties. In
addition to its refusal to recognize the existence of its Kurdish
minority, the Turkish government is not even prepared to guarantee
conditions for the Kurdish people which comply with the "Universal
Declaration On Human Rights". This is clearly evident if one
compares sections of international agreements to sections of
Turkish law. Furthermore, a comparison between international and
domestic Turkish law clearly shows that the Turkish government is
practicing a racist form of assimilation politics with respect to
the Kurds. This practice is unique in the world.
     Despite all of these realities, the Turkish government
continues to insist to the world's public that the Kurds in Turkey
are not oppressed, that they are not a minority population, and
that they are citizens with equal rights. These lies are
shamelessly told to the world's public. No one is allowed to reply
and accuse the Turkish government: "What sort of equal rights is it
that you practice?" The Turkish state exists and it has Turkish
schools which teach the Turkish language, political parties, radio
and TV stations, and national institutions. The Kurds, on the other
hand, have nothing, not even their own identity. What kind of equal
rights is that? How can such citizens be called equal? Where else
in all the world is there a situation like this? These questions
must be asked of the Turkish government.
     The fact is, the Turkish government can sum up its policies
with respect to the Kurds in Turkey with the following sentence:
"DESTROY THE MILITANT ELEMENTS, ASSIMILATE THE REST." In other
words, destroy the Kurds and kill all those who resist, the rest
can be dealt with through the process of assimilation. Those that
remain will be Turkified and will no longer have a Kurdish
identity. Then there will no longer be a Kurdish problem. That is
the foundation of Turkey's policies against the Kurds.
     Up until now, there has been no end to these practices.
Neither Ozal's statement that "there are 12 million Kurds in
Turkey" nor Demirel's claim that "we have recognized the Kurdish
reality" have resulted in any change of the policies mentioned
above. This is because Kurdish policy in Turkey is not dictated by
the President, the Prime Minister, or the Turkish Parliament, but
rather by the Turkish army, the Turkish secret service (MIT), and
the Special War Department. This has always been the case, and
things are no different today.
     In short, that is the status of the Kurds in Turkey.


Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Mon Jul  3 06:06:16 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 03 Jul 1995 06:06:16
Subject: The Legal Status Of Kurds In Turkey
References: <bac1c849.9507011830.AA17947@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.070295202857Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Re: The Legal Status Of Kurds In Turkey
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl

-------- Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada) ---------

The Legal And Actual Status Of The Kurds With Respect To Domestic
And International Law

"All people have the right to claim the rights and freedoms
outlined in this declaration, without discrimination based on race,
color, gender, language, religion, political or other convictions,
national or social background, property, place of birth, or any
other circumstance."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 2)

"All people are equal in the eyes of the law and are to be granted
equal protection under the law. All have the right of equal
protection from differential treatment, which would violate this
declaration, and from all attempts at differential treatment."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 7)

"All people have the right to access public institutions in their
country under equal conditions."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 21/2)

"All people, as members of society, have the right of social
security and have recourse to domestic measures, international
cooperation under the auspices of this organization, or the
assistance of any state so as to enjoy their worth and the free
development of their personality as guaranteed by their inalienable
economic, social, and cultural rights."
(Universal Declaration On Human Rights, Art. 22)

"1. Member states will condemn racial discrimination and are called
upon to use all their means to defeat the politics of racial
discrimination in all its forms and to cultivate understanding
among races. To this end:
     a. All member states are called upon to reject any agreement
or practice which racially discriminates against persons, groups of
people, or institutions, and to see to it that all state and local
authorities and public institutions are in agreement with these
requirements;
     c. All members states will have the measures and practices of
its public officials tested and will be required to change,
abolish, or invalidate all laws and regulations which racially
discriminate.
2. Member states, if conditions warrant, must take special and
concrete measures in the areas of social, economic, cultural, and
other affairs to protect the adequate development and sufficient
protection of certain racial groups, or their individual members,
so as to insure that they are fully equal with respect to the
enjoyment of human rights and basic freedoms."
(International Agreement On The Eradication Of All Forms Of Racial
Discrimination, Art. 2)

"In states with ethnic, religious, or language minorities, members
of such minorities must not be denied the right, along with other
members of their group, to cultivate their own cultural life, to
practice their own religion, or to speak and learn their own
language."
(International Agreement On Civil And Political Rights, Art. 27)

"We declare that the ethnic, cultural, language, and religious
identity of national minorities must be protected and that members
of national minorities have the right to express, protect, and
further develop their identity in full equality and without
discrimination."
(Paris Charter)

     The Turkish Republic is a member of the United Nations, the
Council of Europe, and the CSCE. It is signatory to all the above-
mentioned declarations, pacts, and agreements. To what degree does
the Turkish Republic abide by these declarations, pacts, and
agreements, as it is required to do at the international level? To
what degree has the Turkish Republic adopted these agreements and
declarations into its national legal system? Does the Turkish
government abide by these agreements? What is the legal and actual
status of the Kurds in Turkey with reference to these international
agreements? In the following report, we will examine these
questions.

I. The Status Of The Kurds In Turkey With Respect To Domestic Law

a. The fundamental rights and freedoms which the Kurds are denied:

1. It is forbidden for Kurds to give their children Kurdish names.

"Parents give names to their children. Names may not be given which
are illegal or which offend or do not represent the nation's
culture, moral values, traditions, or customs."
(Personal Status Law Nr. 1587, Art. 16)

"If an officer determines that the name chosen for the child does
not conform to principles stated in Paragraph 1, he will reject the
name, prepare an appropriate protocol, and enter this into the
family register. At the same time, he will inform the state
prosecutor so that a hearing can be arranged to change the name."
(Enforcement Order On Personal Status Regulations, 8 March 1977,
Nr. 7/13269, Art. 77)

"New family names which are permissible are to be drawn from the
Turkish language. Names from foreign races and nations may not be
used as family names."
(Regulation On Family Names, 24 December 1931, Nr. 2/1759, Art. 5
Section 7)

     As can be seen from the body of Turkish law, Kurds are not
allowed to give their children Kurdish names. Because the existence
of Kurdish people is not tolerated in Turkey, Kurdish names are
viewed as contradicting Turkish national culture. They are seen as
names from a foreign race and nation. In conjunction with this,
thousands of Kurdish names were forcibly changed in the aftermath
of the 12 September 1980 military coup, for example for girls,
Zozan was changed to Suzan, and for boys, Rosan was changed to
Resat. Parents who resisted this were threatened by police and
interrogated. At the present time, name registries in the Kurdish
regions have lists of acceptable names and names are often forcibly
changed as a result of threats.

2. Kurds may not use Kurdish place names for cities and villages.

"Village names which are not Turkish and which should be changed
are to be brought before the provincial council and changed by the
interior minister within the shortest possible time."
(Art. 1 Section D/2 of Provincial Administration Law Nr. 5442 which
went into effect on 10 June 1949)

     The use of the legal to systematically assimilate the Kurds
can be seen from this law of 1949. The names of towns and villages
where Kurds lived were changed to Turkish. This continued until the
point when there were no longer any villages with Kurdish names.
Officials claimed that this was done to prevent confusion, but the
true reason is racism. Today, it is forbidden for Kurds to use
their own Kurdish names for cities, localities, and villages in
public institutions.

3. Kurds may not express their thoughts in their native language,
Kurdish.

"The Turkish state, with its territory and people, is an
indivisible whole. The language is Turkish. These facts may not be
changed, nor may any changes be proposed."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 3 Section 4)

"The press is free and may not be censored. Printing presses must
not be made dependent through regulations nor financial insecurity.
Publications may not use any language which is prohibited by law."
(Constitutions Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 28)

"Any language which is prohibited by law may not be used to express
or distribute ideas. Printed matter, records, acoustic and video
cassettes, or any other productions can be confiscated on the order
of the authorities if they are in violation of this regulation."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 26)

     As these articles from the Constitution show, the Kurds are
forbidden to express their thoughts in their own language, because
the expression or distribution of ideas in the Kurdish language is
an attack on the unitary state and its territorial integrity and
such activity is considered separatism in Turkey.
     What the Constitution refers to as language prohibited by law
actually refers to Kurdish, since the Kurdish language was banned
by Law Nr. 2932 following the 12 September 1980 military coup. This
law was repealed by Turgut Ozal, and the international and Turkish
public praised this as a major reform. But the reality does not
match the propaganda of the Turkish government. Under current law,
Turkish prosecutors and police are still able to confiscate Kurdish
music cassettes, videos, and publications simply by claiming that
they aren't able to understand the content and therefore the
content could possibly be illegal. This is allowed for under the
still-valid Law Nr. 2559 and Article 8 of the police code and these
materials are continually confiscated by prosecutors and police.

4. According to Turkish law, the language of the Kurds is Turkish,
not Kurdish. Kurds may not open any schools or course which offer
instruction in Kurdish.

"In educational and learning institutions, Turkish citizens may not
use any language other than Turkish as their native language or in
classroom instruction."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 42)

"Turkish citizens may not have learned any other language besides
Turkish as their native language."
(Law Nr. 2923 concerning foreign language instruction, Art. 2a)

"Foreign languages which may be taught in Turkey are to be
determined by ministerial decision through the National Security
Council."
(Law Nr. 2923 concerning foreign language instruction, Art. 2c)

     As was mentioned before, Law Nr. 2932 concerning "forbidden
languages" was implemented after the 12 September 1980 military
coup. This law stated that the native language of the Kurds was
Turkish, not Kurdish. As was mentioned above, this law was repealed
during a series of "Kurdish reforms", causing quite an uproar, but
the above-mentioned law concerning foreign language instruction,
Law. Nr. 2923, is still effect. Under this law as well, the native
language of the Kurds is Turkish, not Kurdish, thereby showing once
again the insincerity of the Turkish government.
     According to this law, no Kurdish-speaking schools or learning
institutions may be established. For example, the "Upper
Mesopotamian Cultural Centre" in Istanbul established a Kurdish
language course for its members. This course was banned by the
Governor and the Education Ministry in February 1992 on the orders
of the National Security Council.
     For more than 100 years, there have been Greek and Armenian
schools in Turkey. Many schools teach courses in English, French,
and German, and no special permits are required for these courses.
But Kurdish language courses and Kurdish schools must be approved
by the National Security Council and the Council of Ministers.
According to Turkish law, Kurdish is not a language which is spoken
in Turkey, rather it is a foreign language, because according to
official Turkish policy there are no Kurds in Turkey.
     State institutions have regulated Greek and Armenian schools
according to the clauses of the Treaty of Lasuanne which deal with
minorities in Turkey. Because this treaty did not foresee a
minority status for Kurds (since the Kurds are not an official
minority), Kurds are prohibited from teaching their own language in
schools and from organizing Kurdish language courses. Officially,
Kurds are not a minority, rather they are an integral part of the
state. In other words, they are a fixed part, not a minority,
meaning that Kurds have no language and may not speak Kurdish,
rather they must abandon their language and identity and become
assimilated so that they can be an integral part of the state!

5. No one in Turkey may claim that Kurds exist as a separate people
or minority.

"All forms of written and oral propaganda, including gatherings,
demonstrations, or protest marches, which have as their aim the
destruction of the territorial and national integrity of the
Turkish Republic, are prohibited. Any violation of this will result
in a prison term of 2-5 years and a fine of 50-100 million TL."
(Anti-Terror Law Nr. 3713, Art. 8)

"Anyone who commits a crime on behalf of a terrorist organization,
even without being a member of such an organization, will be
treated as a terrorist and will punished in the same manner as a
member of that organization."
(Anti-Terror Law Nr. 3713, Art. 2/2)

     The two-facedness and lies of the Turkish government can be
clearly seen in these articles. It is true that Turgut Ozal
repealed Articles 141, 142, and 163 of the old criminal code, an
act which the Turkish and European public praised as a major reform
and a remarkable display of democratization. Sections 2 and 3 of
the discarded Article 142 stated that "the thoughts of Kurdish
nationalists are a form a separatism" and proposed heavy sentences.
After Article 142 was abolished, however, the content of this
article was simply transplanted into the Anti-Terror Law which made
certain forms of expression criminal offences. In other words, the
crime of Kurdish expression was abolished and then a new law was
passed which made the same expression a crime. This shows Turkey's
two-facedness.
     No one is allowed to claim that Kurds exist in Turkey, that
they are people of a different race and ethnic group than the
Turks, that they are a separate nation with a right to self-
determination, or that this people should have its own cultural
rights. According to Turkish officials, such claims are a form of
propaganda which contradict the national and territorial integrity
of the Turkish state. Such claims or propaganda are, therefore,
terrorist crimes and those who spread such propaganda are
terrorists and must be treated as such. In fact, such laws have
resulted in the daily confiscation of books, magazines, newspapers,
and other printed materials in Turkey. Publishers, editors, and
correspondents have been placed on trial. For example, several
editions of the newspapers "Ikibine dogru", "Ulku", "Medya Gunesi",
and "Newroz" have been confiscated and the publishers,
correspondents, and commentators have been put on trial. These
cases are still in court.

6. Kurds in Turkey cannot produce publications in the form of
newspapers and magazines, nor may import publications about the
Kurds which have published in other countries.

     Freedom of the press:

"Anyone who writes or publishes news items or texts which threaten
the foreign or domestic security of the state or the indivisible
unity of the state's territory or people, or which incite people to
commit crimes or launch an uprising or rebellion, or which reveal
state secrets, or anyone who writes or prints news items or texts
with a similar purpose or who distributes them, must answer for
such criminal conduct in accordance with the law."

"Periodic or non-periodic publications may be confiscated if they
are part of an investigation or prosecution of punishable conduct,
or if the appropriate authorities order their confiscation in order
to protect the security of the indivisible unity of the state's
territory and people, national security, public order, general
customs, or to prevent any delay in criminal prosecutions."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 28 Sections 5 and 7)

"Printing presses and their associated offices and materials which
are operating in accordance with the law may not be confiscated on
the charge of having operated as an accessory to a criminal offence
unless there is a conviction for a criminal offence directed
against the indivisible unity of the state's territory and people,
the fundamental principles of the Republic, or national security."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 30)

"Presses which produce publications which are guilty of criminal
offences shall be closed down."
(Additional Art. 2 of Press Law Nr. 5680)

"The importation and distribution of published materials which are
produced in foreign countries and which violate the territorial and
national integrity of the state, national sovereignty, the
existence of the Republic, national security, the public and
general order, the public interest, general morals, or the health
of the people can be banned by the decision of the Council of
Ministers."
(Press Law Nr. 5680, Art. 31/1)

     Due to these legal restrictions, it is forbidden to import
publications about the Kurds which are published abroad. Whether or
not the content is criminal or not, the Council of Ministers can
prohibit the importation of publications into Turkey which deal
with the Kurds. The Turkish government often makes use of this
right and the state register is full of lists of publications about
Kurds which may not be imported into Turkey.
     Under these same laws, it is forbidden for Kurds to publish
newspapers and publications in their own language or in Turkish. It
doesn't matter if their content is criminal or not, the police or
state prosecutor can simply confiscate any publication which has to
do with the Kurds.
     Even if a court decision decides that the publication is not
criminal and the publisher or author is acquitted, the publications
are not returned. In praxis, the following occurs: When a
publication which deals with the Kurds is published, it is
immediately confiscated by the police on the grounds that it
violates the "territorial and national integrity" of Turkey. In the
end, the state prosecutor files charges against the authors, the
publisher, and the printer. The police then destroy the confiscated
publications, usually by burning them, before the trial has been
concluded. That's why even if the trial ends in an acquittal, the
publications cannot be returned, because, according to the police,
"we can't give them back because we destroyed them".
     Although publishers in Turkey can't actually be closed down,
publishers which produce works about the Kurds are closed down
under these laws. The government and the Interior Ministry often
make use of this right.

7. Kurds in Turkey cannot produce any theatre works, video
cassettes, musical works, films, etc.

"Films, video cassettes, and musical works must be legally
registered."
(Law Nr. 3257 concerning films, video cassettes, and musical works)

"Any work can be banned or subjected to prosecution which incites
people to commit crimes with respect to the territorial and
national integrity of the state, national sovereignty, the
Republic, national security, the public and general order, or the
public interest, general morals, and health."
(Law Nr. 3257 concerning films, video cassettes, and musical works)

"Indoor assemblies during which plays, films, or video cassettes
are shown which violate the territorial and national integrity of
the state, the Constitutional social order, or general security and
morality can be banned on the order of the highest ranking local
police official."
(Law Nr. 2559 concerning police powers, Art. 8d)

     According to these laws, the production and display of films,
video cassettes, music cassettes, and theatre pieces in Turkey are
dependent on the approval of the Ministry of Culture. It is
forbidden to display such works without first having received a
permit from the Ministry of Culture.
     If producers or publishers create a work in Kurdish and then
seek to get a permit from the Ministry of Culture, permits can be
denied simply on the basis that the works in question violate the
territorial and national integrity of the state. Until now, only
one single Kurdish work has even been granted a permit, and this
was a film of a Kurdish myth performed in Turkish. All other
Kurdish works, which are produced illegally without permits, can be
confiscated and destroyed on the order of the police since they
endanger the "indivisible territorial and national integrity of the
state".

8. Kurds are not allowed to establish radio or TV stations for
Kurdish programming, nor may works in Kurdish be broadcast over
Turkish radio or TV.

"The state has a monopoly over the regulation of radio and TV
transmissions, both domestic and foreign."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 4a)

"Radio and TV stations are required to broadcast their programmes
in Turkish."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 5f)

"Radio and TV stations are required to keep the content of their
programmes within the Constitutional framework and in line with and
to protect the territorial and national integrity of the state,
national sovereignty, the Republic, and the public order and
interest."
(Law Nr. 2954 concerning radio and TV, Art. 5f)

     As these laws show, there is a state monopoly in Turkey over
all radio and TV stations. Private individuals are prohibited from
establishing and broadcasting radio and TV programmes. Nonetheless,
there are three privately-owned TV stations in Turkey.
     According to these laws, it is forbidden for radio and TV
stations to violate the state's monopoly, and it is illegal to
broadcast private transmissions in Kurdish. In addition to this,
there has never been any accurate radio or TV news about the Kurds,
because it is possible in Turkey to censor news items on the
grounds that they might endanger the "territorial and national
integrity of the state". Because all stations are aware of this
fact, they generally avoid broadcasting reports about the Kurds.

9. Kurds in Turkey are not allowed to establish Kurdish cultural
associations or associations which seek to protect the rights of
the Kurdish population. Existing associations may not carry out any
activities of this kind. Associations may not use the Kurdish
language while conducting their activities.

"It is forbidden to establish associations which violate the
Preamble of the Constitution. Associations may not be established
if their aim is to destroy the 'territorial and national identity
of the state', or if they seek to claim that minorities of
different races, religions, sects, cultures, or languages exist
within the Turkish Republic, or if through the promotion of other
languages and cultures other than Turkish they seek for one
religion, race, class, or group to win privileges over another
group of a certain religion or sect."
(Association Law Nr. 2908, Art. 5)

"Persons who establish associations in violation of Article 5 are
to be punished with a jail term of 1-3 years."

"When drawing up the charter of an association, or during
assemblies in both public and private places, it is forbidden to
use signs, posters, music or video cassettes, brochures, flyers,
publications, etc. in a language which is prohibited by law."
(Association Law Nr. 2908, Art. 6)

"Fundamental rights and freedoms, as spelled out in the Articles of
the Constitution, can be limited through legislation, which is in
conjunction with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, in
order to protect the 'indivisible unity of the state' in both
territory and population, the sovereignty of the people, the
Republican form of state, national security, the public order and
the common good, general customs, public health, or other special
reasons."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 13)

"Associations may not violate Article 13; (they may not pursue
political goals, engage in political activity, be supported by
political parties, nor operate in conjunction with trade unions or
other labor groups in a public or legal manner). Associations may
be disbanded by a court order under the provisions of the law.
Their activities may be curtailed in order to protect the health of
the state and its 'indivisible territorial and national integrity',
national sovereignty, the public order, the rights and freedoms of
others, or to prevent criminal acts, or they can be stopped
altogether by a court order under the provisions of the law."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic)

     Under these laws, it is forbidden in Turkey to establish
associations which seek to promote the Kurdish language or culture,
or even to claim that Kurds live in Turkey and constitute a
minority group within Turkey. Associations which pursue such aims
can be disbanded by a court order and people can be sentenced to 1-
3 years in prison. Until the court case is resolved, the
association in question may be banned under the provisions of the
laws concerning police powers and authority. Furthermore,
associations which already exist may not publish their statutes in
Kurdish. During public and private meetings, no Kurdish posters,
publications, or declarations may be presented.

10. Kurds is Turkey may not form a political party to defend their
rights. Existing political parties must not claim to represent the
interests of a particular people or minority. They are also not
allowed to engage in activities to defend the rights of the Kurdish
people.

"Political parties may not claim that there are minorities of
religion, culture, sect, race, or language in the Turkish Republic.
Political parties may not engage in activities to promote languages
or cultures other than Turkish, thereby seeking to create
minorities which threaten the unity of the nation."

"Political parties may not use any other language than Turkish in
their statutes, programmes, congresses, or rallies. They may not
distribute posters, records, cassettes, videos, brochures, or
statements in any other language than Turkish. Nor can they remain
inactive in the face of such activities. It is possible, however,
to have statutes and programmes translated into languages which are
not prohibited by law."
(Party Law Nr. 2820, Art. 81)

"Statutes and programmes of political parties must not be in
violation of the territorial and national identity of the state,
human rights, the sovereignty of the people, or the principles of
the democratic and secular Republic."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 68)

"The right to found political parties must not be utilized in order
to violate the fundamental principle of the territorial and
national integrity of the state, as outlined in the Preamble of the
Constitution, to endanger to state or the Republic, to abolish
fundamental rights and freedoms, to harm the state by means of an
individual or a group, to have one class rule over the other
classes, to create inequalities between languages, races,
religions, sects, or geographic regions, or to in any way create a
form of state which is based on these ideas or any type of
dictatorship."
(Party Law Nr. 2820, Art. 5)

     As is clear from these laws, it is impossible to establish a
Kurdish political party in Turkey, one which seeks to represent the
interests and freedoms of the Kurdish people. At the same time,
existing parties may not take the position that there is a Kurdish
people living in Turkey who have the right to enjoy equal cultural
and national rights. Also, no posters, publications, or
declarations may be made in the Kurdish language. Statutes and
programmes may not be published in the Kurdish language, because
such an act would violate the unitary state and would be considered
separatism. This was the reasoning behind the banning of the TBK
(Turkish United Communist Party) by the Constitutional Court,
because the party's statutes and programme mentioned the existence
of the Kurdish people.

11. Kurdish youths in Turkey are forced to become "Turkish and
Kemalist".

"The state will take appropriate measures to secure the growth and
development of youth, who are entrusted to protect our independence
and Republic, in light of the positive knowledge and principles of
Ataturk and his reforms and loyal to the territorial and national
integrity of the state."
(Constitution Of The Turkish Republic, Art. 58)

     As is made clear by the Article above, the Constitution of the
Turkish Republic requires the government to educate youths in the
Kemalist spirit. Naturally, this Article from the Constitution
makes it clear that Kurdish youths are to be educated as Turks and
Kemalists.

12. Kurds cannot become civic officials.

"Persons who have been convicted of crimes against the state,
embezzlement, perjury, or active or passive corruption may not
become civic officials if they were sentenced to terms of 6 months
or more. This is true even if the sentences are suspended. Excepted
from this are negligence offences, even if the sentences are
suspended."
(Officials Law Nr. 657, Art. 17/5)

     The "crimes against the state" mentioned above are actually
those spelled out in Articles 125-172 of the Turkish Criminal Code.
These offences are purely political crimes. In the past, thousands
of Kurds were charged and convicted under these articles, and the
same is true today. Therefore, any Kurds convicted of these
charges, even if the sentences were suspended, cannot become state
officials.
     Even without ever having been charged with any crimes, still
today thousands of Kurds are denied posts as civic officials
because of security checks or police reports, simply because of
their Kurdish heritage.

13. Kurds do not have passports.

"Persons who are forbidden by court order from travelling abroad,
or persons whom the Interior Ministry have denied permission for
foreign travel on security grounds, may not have passports or
travel documents."
(Passport Law Nr. 5682, Art. 22/1)

     At the present time, thousands of Kurdish intellectuals, due
to their ideas, are forbidden from travelling abroad because of
this law. Kurdish intellectuals are not allowed to leave Turkey.

14. Kurds may not be elected to serve as Members of Parliament,
Mayors, Village Elders, or Members of Provincial Legislatures.

"Persons who have been sentenced to crimes according to Volume 2,
Section 1 of the Turkish Criminal Code, or who have been convicted
of inciting other to commit such offences, may not be elected to
public office, even if their sentences were suspended."
(Voting Law Nr. 2839, Art. 11, Section f/2)

"All Turkish citizens who have reached age 25 can be elected to
serve as Mayor or Member of the Provincial Legislature or City
Council, so long as they are not in violation of Article 11 of
Voting Law Nr. 2839."
(Local Elections Law Nr. 2972, Art. 9)

     The crimes mentioned in Volume 2, Section 1 of the Turkish
Criminal Code are political and propaganda offences spelled out in
Articles 125-174. At the present time, thousands of Kurds have been
charged and sentenced for these offences. Even if their sentences
are suspended, the Kurds are not allowed to hold public office.
Kurds who haven't been convicted and who do hold public, if they
acknowledge their Kurdish identity, they will be in trouble. A
trial will be opened against them and, if convicted, the above-
mentioned article allows them to be suspended from office.

a. Activities open for Kurds to participate in:

1. Although contemporary law in Turkey, as illustrated above,
seriously restricts the rights and freedoms of the Kurds, Kurds in
Turkey who deny their identity and accept the lie that there are no
Kurdish people or Kurdish nation in Turkey can become Members of
Parliament, Ministers, civic officials, soldiers, and even military
generals. But if they acknowledge their Kurdish identity they can
do nothing. Then they can just be charged with criminal offences,
like Kurdish nationalism or separatism, and convicted.
Unfortunately, that is the reality for Kurds in Turkey.

2. Kurds in Turkey can denounce fellow Kurds who acknowledge their
identity and turn them into the police. Such conduct is covered in
Article 5/2 of Law Nr. 1481 concerning "the prevention of conduct
which damages the public order". This law states: "Persons may be
rewarded with money for helping to arrest persons who are wanted by
the Interior Ministry for crimes against the indivisible
territorial and national integrity of the state and general
security, or if they give information about such persons or there
whereabouts and thereby help to arrest them."

     These are the only freedoms which the Kurds in Turkey enjoy!

II. Contradictions Between The Legal Status And Reality

     We have tried to convey the present legal prescriptions in
Turkey which regulate the rights and freedoms of the Kurds.
Although domestic law is as described above, there has been a
relative improvement over the last few years with respect to the
status of the Kurds in Turkey contrary to these laws. For the first
time since the founding of the Turkish Republic, 22 people of
Kurdish identity were elected as Members of Parliament. [These
people eventually had their parliamentary immunity lifted and were
charged with "high treason"; some were jailed in December 1994 and
some are in exile. -trans.] For the first time ever, two weekly
papers are being published in Kurdish. Furthermore, for the first
time ever it has been possible for some publications to discuss
Kurdish history and folklore.
     But these improvements have also been exhausted. It would be
a mistake to attribute this progress to the good will and
understanding of the Turkish government. These improvements were
the direct result of continuing Kurdish struggle and international
pressure. It is unrealistic to think that these relative
improvements will endure so long as the laws mentioned in this text
are still in force. It could be that the Turkish government is
tolerating these relative improvements for tactical reasons. The
imprisonment of the Members of Parliament mentioned above needs no
further comment. In the past, Turkey has tolerated minor
improvements for tactical reasons. In the early years of the
Turkish Republic, Kurdish publications were tolerated, but
following the suppression of the uprising led by Sheik Said and the
revolt in Dersim (Tunceli) these were banned forever and Kurdish
identity was officially denied. Therefore, there is no reason to
believe that this old conduct wouldn't return should the armed
Kurdish resistance in Turkey be defeated.

III. The Big Lie: "Kurds In Turkey Are Citizens With Equal Rights"

     As the laws discussed in this text clearly show, there is a de
jure and de facto system in Turkey which denies the identity of the
Kurdish people. This denial hasn't just been the policy of the last
few years, rather it is part of an unbroken 70-year tradition.
     As a cursory look at the Turkish legal system will show, from
the beginning all laws were drafted in such a way so as to prevent
there being any loopholes which the Kurds could make use of, and
special regulations were enacted to ensure that Kurds, people with
a Kurdish identity, could not enjoy their fundamental rights and
freedoms. One example, all but 22 of the 177 Articles of the
Turkish Constitution insure that the Kurds are not allowed to
possess their fundamental rights and freedoms. Of course, neither
the Constitution nor the Criminal Code makes use of the word
"Kurd", rather Kurdish nationality and Kurdish identity are covered
by the notion of that which "violates the territorial and national
integrity of the state".
     Turkey ignores international agreements and treaties. In
addition to its refusal to recognize the existence of its Kurdish
minority, the Turkish government is not even prepared to guarantee
conditions for the Kurdish people which comply with the "Universal
Declaration On Human Rights". This is clearly evident if one
compares sections of international agreements to sections of
Turkish law. Furthermore, a comparison between international and
domestic Turkish law clearly shows that the Turkish government is
practicing a racist form of assimilation politics with respect to
the Kurds. This practice is unique in the world.
     Despite all of these realities, the Turkish government
continues to insist to the world's public that the Kurds in Turkey
are not oppressed, that they are not a minority population, and
that they are citizens with equal rights. These lies are
shamelessly told to the world's public. No one is allowed to reply
and accuse the Turkish government: "What sort of equal rights is it
that you practice?" The Turkish state exists and it has Turkish
schools which teach the Turkish language, political parties, radio
and TV stations, and national institutions. The Kurds, on the other
hand, have nothing, not even their own identity. What kind of equal
rights is that? How can such citizens be called equal? Where else
in all the world is there a situation like this? These questions
must be asked of the Turkish government.
     The fact is, the Turkish government can sum up its policies
with respect to the Kurds in Turkey with the following sentence:
"DESTROY THE MILITANT ELEMENTS, ASSIMILATE THE REST." In other
words, destroy the Kurds and kill all those who resist, the rest
can be dealt with through the process of assimilation. Those that
remain will be Turkified and will no longer have a Kurdish
identity. Then there will no longer be a Kurdish problem. That is
the foundation of Turkey's policies against the Kurds.
     Up until now, there has been no end to these practices.
Neither Ozal's statement that "there are 12 million Kurds in
Turkey" nor Demirel's claim that "we have recognized the Kurdish
reality" have resulted in any change of the policies mentioned
above. This is because Kurdish policy in Turkey is not dictated by
the President, the Prime Minister, or the Turkish Parliament, but
rather by the Turkish army, the Turkish secret service (MIT), and
the Special War Department. This has always been the case, and
things are no different today.
     In short, that is the status of the Kurds in Turkey.


Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sun Jul  2 21:34:07 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 02 Jul 1995 21:34:07
Subject: 5,000 Remember Halim Dener In Hanno
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507022024.AA15484@magi.com>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: 5,000 Remember Halim Dener In Hannover

Thousands Commemorate The Death Of Halim Dener

     More than 5,000 Kurds and just a few Germans demonstrated on
the first anniversary of the death of 16-year-old Kurdish youth
Halim Dener. The 16-year-old was shot to death on the night of
July 1 last year by an undercover SEK cop in Hannover. Halim and
his friends had been out hanging posters for the "outlawed"
National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) when they were
attacked by police. The other youths got away, but Halim was
murdered. It now looks like the cop responsible will face
criminal charges. The trial against him could start in October.
During Saturday's demonstration, many people carried "illegal"
PKK flags and banners. Police did not intervene and there were no
confrontations.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Mon Jul  3 11:02:13 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 03 Jul 1995 11:02:13
Subject: 5,000 Remember Halim Dener In Hanno
References: <bac1c849.9507022024.AA15484@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.070395102655Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Re: 5,000 Remember Halim Dener In Hannover
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl

 Jul 1995 11:06:37 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Thousands Commemorate The Death Of Halim Dener

     More than 5,000 Kurds and just a few Germans demonstrated on
the first anniversary of the death of 16-year-old Kurdish youth
Halim Dener. The 16-year-old was shot to death on the night of
July 1 last year by an undercover SEK cop in Hannover. Halim and
his friends had been out hanging posters for the "outlawed"
National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) when they were
attacked by police. The other youths got away, but Halim was
murdered. It now looks like the cop responsible will face
criminal charges. The trial against him could start in October.
During Saturday's demonstration, many people carried "illegal"
PKK flags and banners. Police did not intervene and there were no
confrontations.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurdeng at aps.nl  Mon Jul  3 06:03:55 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 03 Jul 1995 06:03:55
Subject: Turkish paper bullshit
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.m7um8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Turkish paper bullshit
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl

2.20)
           id VT10031; Mon, 03 Jul 1995 00:28:07 -0800


      ANKARA, June 29 (Reuter) - These are the leading stories in the Turkish
press on Thursday. Reuters has not verified these stories and does not vouch
for their accuracy.

    SABAH

    ** Kurdish rebels of the PKK caught in Turkey admit they were given arson
training in Greece. Forestry minister says 70 percent of this year's forest
fires were caused by arson.

    ** Prime Minister Tansu Ciller accuses the Islamist Welfare Party of
blocking measures designed to fight terrorism.

    ** European Union to give Turkey $928 million dollar financial support
under its Mediterranean programme.

    MILLIYET

    ** PKK trying to obtain deadly Sarin gas for urban chemical attacks like
the Tokyo subway incident.

    ** A ``strange alliance'' is in force to prevent Turkey's customs union
with Europe, businessman's association chief says. Only democratisation can
stop it, he adds.

    HURRIYET

    ** Women leftwing extremists of the Revolutionary Left strangle to death
woman cellmate in Istanbul prison for being an alleged informer.

    CUMHURIYET

    ** PKK militants who have turned evidence against the rebel group want to
have plastic surgery abroad under a protection programme to give them new
faces and identities.

    YENI YUZYIL

    ** Ciller's attacks on the Welfare Party for obstructing anti-terrorist
measures may be signs that she is willing to call a referendum on
constitutional amendments largely stalled by the Islamists.

    YENI POLITIKA

    ** Pro-Turkish and pro-Kurdish lobbies at the U.S. congress fight to
influence legislators over military aid to Turkey.

    ** U.S. administration worried over continuing close contacts in Athens
between Greek officials and a Kurdish ``exile parliament.''

    DUNYA

    ** Parliament speaker says a way out is sure to be found to assure
passage of liberal constitutional amendments in the second ballot.

    ZAMAN

    ** Senior PKK leader who surrendered in eastern Tunceli province says
many European MPs visit PKK camps at the Bekaa valley and support comes from
Greece, Syria and Germany.

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Jul  3 18:33:14 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Jul 1995 18:33:14
Subject: KPE Letter To The OSCE
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507031701.AA12948@magi.com>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: KPE Letter To The OSCE

To The Attention Of The Parliamentary Session Of The 
Organization For Security And Cooperation In Europe (OSCE)

Ottawa, Canada
July 4-8, 1995

Document Concerning The Present Situation In Kurdistan

Prepared by the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile


General Observations

     Respect for human rights occupies a growing interest in
modern societies. At the international level, the fact that human
rights and democratic principles largely define international
relations is a shared idea for all communities which call
themselves civilized.
     Turkey, because of its mistreatment of the Kurdish people,
is near the top of the list of countries which violate human
rights. Although a member of NATO and the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and associate member
of the European Union, Turkey is not actually a European country,
even less so is it a democracy which tolerates the free
expression of differences. This truth helps explain why defeating
the democratic struggle of the Kurds is such an impossible
mission.
     After 70 years of Turkish persecution, after many massacres,
deportations, summary executions, tortures, and arrests, after
the terrible consequences of the special war which has been waged
for more than 10 years now in Kurdistan, one believes less than
ever that there will be an evolution in the Turkish mentality in
the foreseeable future. In the context of a Turkish state which
is so repressive, those people that stand up to demand their
elementary rights display a great deal of courage.
     Access to certain high posts in government for a few
assimilated Kurds, who have not only renounced their identity but
who display a Turkish nationalism even more radical and fierce
than that of their masters, does not contradict this rule. Though
Ankara claims that they do not make distinctions between Kurds
and Turks, who are supposed to be citizens with equal rights, 7
Kurdish MPs were expelled from their party, the Social Democratic
Populist Party (SHP), simply because they had participated in a
conference about Kurdistan in Paris in 1989.
     In our recent history, there have been 28 uprisings against
Turkish central governments which have been bloodily suppressed.
It is only the national liberation struggle waged by the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), the legitimate combat of the
Kurdish people, which has not been stopped. In 1984, once again the
Kurds summed up all their intensity to demand their identity. At
that time, there was a brief period when it looked as though the
Kurdish question might finally be solved after 70 years. The
deceased President of the Turkish Republic, Mr. Turgut Ozal,
announced that "this question has been imprisoning our political
life for 70 years" and he hinted at the possibility of the
recognition of Kurdish identity. Then he opened a public debate
to discuss different solutions to this problem with respect to
democracy and the state's borders.
     In March 1993, the PKK announced a unilateral cease-fire.
Ozal prepared to take major steps in favour of dialogue and
peace. Unfortunately, he did not have time to put his plan into
action - because he died. After he passed away, things changed
dramatically and all hopes for peace and dialogue evaporated.
     Tansu Ciller has taken a more traditional approach to the
Kurdish question, stating that "there are neither Kurds nor a
Kurdish problem, there is only a terrorism problem which must be
firmly eradicated". She has given the army free reign in
Kurdistan. Political parties which are formed to represent the
Kurds are banned and they have become targets for contra-
guerrilla attacks. Such attacks have claimed the lives of 74
national and regional Kurdish leaders.

The Causes Of Rising Fundamentalism In Turkey

     Aware of the rising popularity of the fundamentalist Refah
Party (RP), or Welfare Party, which continues to become more
strong as a result of bad government policy, Prime Minister
Ciller has launched a double campaign to soften her decline.
     On December 6, 1994, while speaking to journalists on her
way the CSCE Summit in Budapest, Ciller said that her government
possessed "important documents" about the RP. It seemed as though
the Refah Party would meet the same fate as the banned Democracy
Party (DEP). But while threatening RP on the one hand, with the
other hand she openly reaches out to flirt with fundamentalist
groups in order to seduce the Islamist vote.
     On December 13, 1994, the daily newspaper 'Milliyet'
reported that Ciller had met with Feyzettin Erol, nephew of
Nakisbendi sect leader Muhammad Rasit Erol. Before that, Ciller
had invited the leader of the Fathullaci sect to her official
residence where they discussed matters, thereby seeming to convey
state legitimacy on the Fathullaci movement. That same day, the
official state daily newspaper 'Hurriyet' reported that Ciller
had not only met with Fathullah Hoca but also with Mehmet
Kutlular of the Nurcus sect. All the while, she received a
favourable reaction from religious leaders.
     Ciller has also taken the lead in opening new Islamic
schools. The ruling DYP-SHP coalition has set a record for
opening new Islamic schools. Turgut Ozal, the first civilian
leader following the September 12, 1980 military coup, opened 375
Islamic schools. When the Demirel government came into office,
there were 406 Islamic schools. By permitting the construction of
11 Anadolu-Islamic grammar schools and 32 other ones, a total of
43 new Islamic institutions, the total grew to 449 schools.
     In addition to this, the National Security Council has
granted permission for Islamic schools to be opened for Turkish
children in The Netherlands with instruction in English and
Dutch.
     While the number of Islamic schools was 375 at the beginning
of Ozal's reign, today they number 515 with the total number of
students climbing from 150,000 to 285,000 in middle schools and
from 83,000 to 198,000 in grammar schools.
     Although the Welfare Party (RP) enjoys representation on the
political scene, the rising tide of fundamentalism cannot be
solely attributed to this party. Even today, in addition to the
RP, the leaders of all political parties, including Ciller, jump
at any opportunity to give themselves an Islamist image.
Successive Turkish governments, both military and civilian, have
consistently used the threat of the fundamentalism nourished by
them as an instrument of blackmail against Europe.

The Fake Reforms Of Madame Ciller

     Faced with criticism and pressure from international
organizations like the Council of Europe and the European
Parliament, Turkey likes to present itself by proposing
constitutional reforms, only to abort this process at the last
minute.
     The plans for reform discussed by Turkish parliamentary
delegations to the spring sessions of the Council of Europe and
the Western European Union (WEU) do not comprise any substantial
change. Turkish policy will never waver from the Constitution
drafted in 1982 following the military coup of September 12,
1980.
     The proposed plans clearly show that Turkey is only looking
for superficial reforms, not great changes of basic arrangements.
But a little change will not suffice to bring democracy to
Turkey. Turkey does not need a little reform, but rather a great
Constitutional change. It needs to write a new Constitution.
     Aware of this fact, the Minister of Culture, Ercan Karakas,
announced his resignation on June 25, 1995. Mr. Karakas decided
that there is no hope of democratization under the present
government in Turkey because the Constitution causes continual
delays in reform. He decided it was better to resign than to work
under such conditions.
     Nor will lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 while
increasing the seats in Parliament from 450 to 600 help solve the
Kurdish question and bring democratization to Turkey.

The Continuation Of The War Is Not In The Interest Of The Kurdish
And Turkish Peoples

     Kurdish people have lived in Kurdistan for more than 3,000
years. But the Kurds have been deprived of their rights and had
their very existence denied by successive occupying nations. The
founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923 changed nothing, on the
contrary, the new Turkish Constitution made the Kurds' situation
even worse by imposing a totalitarian constitutional system.
     Turkey is a strategic NATO pillar in the Middle East. This
fact has granted it licence to violate human rights and spread
terror on civilians. The destruction of 3,000 villages, the
deportation of an entire people, 20,000 political prisoners who
are subjected to systematic and daily torture, the imprisonment
of Kurdish and Turkish intellectuals, and summary executions by
death squads are the reality of this situation.
     By ratifying international accords, states are bound to
respect them. But Turkey is signatory to several international
agreements, including the United Nations Charter, the Paris
Charter, and the European Convention On The Safeguarding Of Human
Rights And Fundamental Freedoms. In 1960, the UN General Assembly
adopted a resolution concerning the decolonization of peoples. In
spite of that, Turkey violates all of these conventions and
continues to mock international institutions, thereby damaging
its credibility.
     The Kurdish people have continually asked for dialogue with
Ankara. The PKK maintained a unilateral cease-fire for 83 days.
But Ankara continues to insist that the PKK is seeking to destroy
the territorial integrity and unity of Turkey. Furthermore,
states which call for a political solution to the Kurdish
question are criticized and accused of meddling in Turkey's
internal affairs.
     On March 20, 1995, before the Turkish invasion of northern
Iraq, and again on May 23, 1995, the PKK renewed its calls for
peace. The continuation of this war is not in the interest of the
Kurdish or Turkish peoples.
     Anatolia represents a mosaic of cultures and peoples,
including Turks, Kurds, Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, and Assyrians.
These people have lived together for centuries in the same
territory. But they can't continue living together unless they
grant each other mutual recognition and respect.
     Turkey calls itself a secular democracy, one which does not
promote any confession or ethnic group. But non-Turkish
individuals have only one right, the right to be silent.
     Yesterday it was the threat of communism which allowed the
world to be silent in the face of Turkey's suppression of human
rights, today it is the threat of Islamic fundamentalism which
causes some people to ask that Turkey be integrated into the
European Customs Union. The integration of an anti-democratic
Turkey would violate the very principles of democracy. That's why
if European institutions wish to preserve their credibility, it
would be to their benefit to see to it that their members respect
basic democratic norms.
     Persuaded that democratization in Turkey will not be
possible without a peaceful and political solution to the Kurdish
question, it would be in the interest of international
institutions to take the PKK's offer for peace into
consideration.
     Therefore, the OSCE, as guarantor of universal rights,
should take all useful and necessary measures in order to
reestablish peace and to find a political solution to the Kurdish
question by taking to following steps:

1. Viewing the urgency and gravity of the situation due to the
state of war, a delegation should be named to assess the
immediate needs of civilians;

2. A mediator with the task of hearing both sides should be
assigned;

3. An international conference should be organized to find a
negotiated solution to the Kurdish question, as was done with the
Israel/Palestine problem.

     These proposals may seem bold and ambitious, but was not the
history of humanity shaped by similar desires?
     Convinced that these initiatives would contribute to the
growing prestige and credibility of the OSCE, it would be very
timely to take immediate steps in this direction.

Sincerely,

The Kurdistan Parliament in Exile

Contact address:
Avenue Louise 129a
1050 Brussels, Belgium

Tel: +322-539-3033
Fax: +322-539-3887



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Jul  4 20:34:11 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Jul 1995 20:34:11
Subject: Kurdish News #18 - July 1995
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507041632.AA21380@magi.com>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Kurdish News #18 - July 1995

Kurdish News
A Monthly Publication Of The Kurdistan Committee Of Canada
Number 18 - July 1995

Index:

1) 200,000 Demonstrate In Bonn, Germany
2) Tax On Immigration Denounced
3) Attempted Assasination Of Pro-Kurdish Activist
4) Balance Sheet For The Month Of May
5) Nationalism And The Kurdish National Liberation Movement
6) PKK 5th Party Congress


1) 200,000 Demonstrate In Bonn, Germany

     On Saturday, June 17, supporters of the Kurdish national
liberation movement organized the biggest demonstration ever in
support of a political solution to the dirty war in Kurdistan.
The march was held in Bonn, Germany and 200,000 people took part.
There were ERNK flags and huge pictures of Abdullah Ocalan
everywhere (despite being banned in Germany) as people chanted
"Biji PKK!" and "Long Live International Solidarity!". In
addition to Kurdish groups in Europe, the demonstration was also
supported by various progressive and socialist organizations, and
even some European MPs joined in. The demonstration was a clear
sign to the world that Turkey must be called upon to stop its
dirty war against the Kurdish people. Also, any political
solution to this question must involve representatives of the
Kurdish liberation movement. In the words of one German police
official: "The PKK cannot be stopped."


2) Tax On Immigration Denounced

     Not everyone was outside celebrating on Saturday, July 1,
Canada Day. In Toronto, close to 300 people protested against the
federal government's new head tax on immigrants and refugees. The
plan, created by Immigration Minister Sergio Marchi, calls for
all new refugees and immigrants to pay a tax of $975 to the
Canadian government. The Toronto Coalition Against Racism (TCAR)
says the plan is racist and claims that dozens of refugee
families have been forcibly split up since the plan went into
effect in February.
     "People are being affected tremendously and we're hearing of
a lot of cases of people struggling to find the money to pay
that," said Deena Ladd of TCAR. Regi Bavid, 23, said it would be
impossible for her family in Sri Lanka to join her in Canada. "My
house was bombed and my father lost his job. I would like to be
with my family, but it's totally difficult." Bavid, who came to
Canada a year ago, said she misses her family but knows she can't
afford to pay the tax.
     Canada is one of the few countries in the world which has
imposed a grossly unfair head tax on refugees and immigrants. For
example, how could a family of five people fleeing Turkish state
terrorism in Kurdistan come up with the necessary $5000 to seek refuge
in Canada? We agree with the TCAR protestors: "Tax big business,
not immigrants! Shame on Canada!"


3) Attempted Assassination Of Pro-Kurdish Activist Nafiz Bostanci

     On December 29, 1994 at about 10:00 PM, a young Turkish
refugee, Ali Ozturk, was shot through his back and seriously
wounded while walking out of an East London greengrocers shop.
The Turkish state is held directly responsible for this attack.
The actual target is believed to have been Nafiz Bostanci, a
respected and prominent Turkish community leader in London who
has campaigned all his life for Kurdish and trade union rights in
Turkey.
     Bostanci, a political refugee from Sapanca near Istanbul,
helped found the Halkevi Kurdish and Turkish Community Centre in
Stoke Newington, North London. In Turkey he had been a member of
the banned Turkish trade union organization DISK and was jailed
and tortured for his union activities in the early 1980s, accused
of being a member of the Turkish Communist Party, and stripped of
his nationality. He escaped to England 12 years ago. He appeared
in 1988 on the BBC2 programme "Open Space" to protest about civil
rights abuses in Turkey and the torture of political prisoners.  
Bostanci had been warned by British police two months earlier
that he was a probable assassination target because of his
involvement in the Kurdish cause. He is convinced that the threat
comes from MIT (the Turkish intelligence agency) which has
recently dispatched 160 agents to Western European countries to
disrupt pro-Kurdish campaigns and fund-raising movements. He has
good reason for believing this. Bostanci had recently been
approached directly by a Turkish-Cypriot man who admitted to
having been offered 25,000 and a kilo of heroin to kill him, but
had refused. Later another two men were found to carry out the
shooting. This information was passed on to police, who offered
protection which Bostanci declined: "l continue my normal life"
he said, because to stop any of his activities would be to offer
a victory to his enemies.

Source: Kurdistan Information Centre, London


4) Press Release - June 8, 1995

The following figures from the ARGK for the civil war in
Kurdistan were faxed to us from the Comite du Kurdistan in
Brussels.

The War In Kurdistan: Balance Sheet For The Month Of May 

     In the month of May, our forces engaged the enemy forces 303
times. Of these encounters, the enemy fell into our traps 94
times; we attacked them at 41 different places; we fought in
close encounters 51 times; in 30 different places, our suicide
teams targeted enemy installations; 18 times we penetrated enemy
lines; 19 times we subjected them to artillery fire; we have
committed acts of sabotage; we set up roadblocks 17 times; and
the enemy stepped on mines 30 times.
     We know the results of 171 of these encounters. The enemy
losses for this period total 550 persons. Of these losses, 7 were
officers, 446 were soldiers, 59 were mercenaries, and 38 were
members of the contra-guerrilla. In addition, 141 enemy forces
were injured.
     The loss of enemy equipment was as follows: 1 helicopter, 2
armoured vehicles, 19 military vehicles, and 16 non-military
vehicles. In addition, 1 helicopter, 1 tank, 2 armoured vehicles,
and 19 military vehicles have been seriously damaged. In the
course of the month, 23 relatives of mercenaries, 28 suspected
enemy collaborators, 4 civil servants acting as collaborators, 1
enemy agent, and 1 correspondent have been apprehended. Some of
these have been released; no decision has been reached in the
other cases as of yet.
     A considerable amount of enemy goods have also been
confiscated. These are: 37 machine guns, 5 MG-3s, 40 hand
grenades, 5 cluster bombs, 1 mortar, 40 mortar rockets, 3 B-7
rockets, 2 Karnas guns, 2 walkie talkies, 2 mine detectors, 6
binoculars, 4,933 rounds of ammunition, 14 tents, and 20
backpacks. In addition, we have the custody of one dead Turkish
solider.
     The enemy has, as usual, increased its air attacks on
civilians. It has undertaken 49 operations, bombing Kurdish
villages from the air 9 times. As a result, 26 villages have been
destroyed and 27 villagers have been killed.
     Our losses stand at 99 fighters killed in action. Of these,
32 died in Botan, 17 in Zagros, 4 in Mardin, 15 in Amed, 6 in
Garzan, 10 in Dersim, 12 in Erzurum, and 2 in Serhat region. In
addition, 4 of our fighters were captured by the enemy because of
their injuries. The figure for our injured fighters stands at 36. 

People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK)


5) Nationalism And The Kurdish National Liberation Movement

Written by the Kurdistan Information Bureau, Germany
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

     There has been an intense discussion recently concerning
nationalism in the Kurdish liberation movement in general and the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in particular. Even leftist
publications like 'Konkret', 'Radikal', and the daily
newspaper 'Junge Welt' have printed articles over the last few
months about nationalism in the PKK, in which they have
accused the PKK of being "nationalist", "dictatorial",
"populist", "anti-democratic", and so on. These accusations
against the Kurdish liberation movement are nothing new.
     Without getting into the background of these accusations for
the moment, we would like to point out that these criticisms
which are being brought forward against the Kurdish liberation
movement by left-wing German magazines and newspapers contain the
exact same sweeping generalizations which are used against us by
the bourgeois Western press and the Turkish state media.
     This text of ours is designed to show how these critiques of
the Kurdish national liberation movement are very superficial.
The content of these criticisms and the manner in which they are
levied against the PKK make it clear that the authors of these
critiques really know very little about the movement and its
publications. Of course, it should be noted that almost all
PKK/ERNK publications are either in Turkish or Kurdish. The only
materials in German are 'Kurdistan Report' and the 'Kurdistan
Rundbrief', which certainly isn't much at all. Perhaps it would
be very significant if more publications of the Kurdish national
liberation movement were translated into German and published,
for example the books by PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan on
a variety of different themes. We are sure that this would clear
up several questions.

The PKK Is A Socialist Movement!

     How often must the question be asked, is the PKK a
nationalist movement? This point is raised because the PKK sees
itself as a national liberation movement and it expresses this in
its publications. But what does the PKK mean when it speaks of a
"nation"? How does the German left deal with this concept? We
would like to examine these questions from different
perspectives.
     First, it should be stated that the concept of "nation" now
carries with it a great deal of negative connotations, especially
within the German left, because of historical experiences with
Nazi Germany. These assumptions are not necessarily false,
considering the racist-fascist ideology of the Nazis, for whom
the German nation was the embodiment of the highest race to whom
all other nations must subject themselves. Therefore, the
"nation" in Nazi Germany implied reactionary nationalism.
Reactionary nationalism, as a form of bourgeois ideology, arises
from the historical position of the role of the imperialist
bourgeoisie. It expresses itself as national arrogance, in other
words by misunderstanding and despising other nations and
glorifying one's own nation and the imperialist society which is
represented in national form. In this sense, bourgeois
nationalism bases itself on capitalist production relationships
on the one hand, namely the exploitation of that nation's own
masses, especially the working class, and on the exploitation of
the nations of the so-called Third World on the other. Bourgeois
nationalism, as it is represented today in European states,
expresses its reactionary nature most clearly in the exploitation
of the "South", in other words the nations of Africa, Latin
America, and Asia. By exploiting other nations (cheap sources of
labour, raw materials, etc.) the bourgeoisie in Europe can afford
to keep the standard of living of its working class relatively
high as well while at the same time creating a strong middle
class. That how the monopoly owners who make up just 2% of the
population are able to maintain their status in the society.
     A socialist national consciousness must be distinguished
from reactionary nationalism, particularly the extreme form which
was practiced in Nazi Germany. The Kurdish national liberation
movement uses the term "nation" to represent a people with a
shared language, culture, history, and territory. In this sense
the term is closely tied to social relations and must be looked
at in its historical context, in contrast to bourgeois concepts
of "nation", in which the nation is separated from the social
relations and is not judged according to its historical creation
and development. That's why the Kurdish national liberation
movement places such an emphasis on the history of Kurdish people
and society in its publications.
     According to the publications of the Kurdish national
liberation movement, the Kurdish people are exploited as a
nation. In his book 'Kurdish Reality Since The 19th Century And
The PKK Movement', which was published by Agri-Verlag in Cologne
in January 1994, PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan states the
following: 

"Due to the increasing influence of the monopolies in the
capitalist economy in the 1970s, the economic exploitation of
Kurdistan was accelerated, because it is well known that one of
the most significant characteristics of monopolies is their
tendency to expand outwards. Turkish monopoly owners were aware
of the fact that they could not compete with imperialist
monopolies abroad, which is why they decided to utilize Kurdistan
as an area for exploitation. They wanted to exploit the country
so as to get out of their economic crisis. In the same way as
imperialist countries solve their crises by exploiting so-called
Third World countries, Turkish monopolies tried to solve their
crisis through the exploitation of the Turkish working class on
the one hand and of Kurdistan on the other. Since capitalism had
not previously been introduced into Kurdistan and since the
Kurdish people were denied any economic, democratic, or national
rights, it was easy for the Turkish monopolies to serve their own
interests and colonize the country. Agriculture and grazing
became oriented towards the interests of the Turkish monopolies
and the exploitation of natural resources was intensified." 

     The Kurdish national liberation movement found the Kurdish
society in the 1970s in a strongly feudalistic phase. As the
analysis cited above shows, capital did intrude into Kurdistan
after 1970, yet this did not alter the social relations, which
were already based on exploitation. In Kurdistan, Kurdish feudal
lords collaborated with Turkish capitalists. These people acted
as the Turkish state's strongest supporters in Kurdistan. In the
PKK's 'Manifesto', published in 1978, the following is written: 

"What's more, the Kurdish feudal lords welcomed these
developments, since the limited exploitation offered to them
under a feudal system was not sufficient, therefore they gladly
collaborated with foreign (Turkish) capitalists in order to
increase their share of the exploitation."

     The Kurdish national liberation movement considers Kurdish
feudal lords to be important targets for attack because of their
collaboration with Turkish capitalists which makes them important
pillars of the Turkish state in Kurdistan. Both of the above
quotations make it clear that the Kurdish national liberation
movement uses dialectical materialism in order to analyze Kurdish
society and history. This fact alone excludes an understanding of
nationalism in the sense of bourgeois nationalism.
     It should also be made perfectly clear that the PKK is
fighting for the national liberation of the Kurdish people and is
striving towards a socialist society in which people live
together in equality. It should also be noted that, in comparison
to other left-wing Turkish and Kurdish organizations, most
workers and peasants are organized in the PKK.
     The Kurdish liberation movement also makes use of the phrase
"patriotism" on many occasions. For the Kurds, "patriotism" means
recognizing their national identity and resisting exploitation
and repression. This can in no way be compared to German
patriotism, which, again, is connected to bourgeois nationalism.
     Patriotism in Kurdistan is a result of the fact that the
Kurdish people, ever since the beginning of the liberation
struggle, have consistently denied their identity as a distinct
people due to the Turkish state's policy of assimilation and
denial and they have failed to recognize that they are exploited
and repressed as a people. Recognizing one's national identity in
Kurdistan doesn't just mean recognizing a national characteristic
but also recognizing the fact of exploitation, hence a class
characteristic. Because of this, Kurdish patriotism entails both
of these characteristics.
     The fact that other peoples, such as Turks, Armenians,
Assyrians, and others, have fought and continue to fight in the
ranks of the PKK makes it clear that the Kurdish liberation
movement is in no way comparable to a bourgeois nationalist
movement.

Women In The National Liberation Struggle

     Now we would like to comment on an article entitled
"Kurdistan: What Chances Exist For The National Liberation
Struggle?" which was published in the 12/94 edition of 'Radikal'.
A part of this article was also printed in the 21 December 1994
edition of the leftist daily paper 'Junge Welt'. One passage
quoted a statement from the Patriotic Women's Association of
Kurdistan (YJWK) concerning the situation of Kurdish women in
Germany:

"The women here (in Germany) have quickly learned that it's not
acceptable for a man to hit a woman, otherwise the police will do
something about it. After the women have quickly learned this,
they use that as an opportunity to act as they wish. But this
leads to the degeneration of these women. Their free environment
is often misused. Chaos in the family grows worse. And if the
woman has to work at a job as well, the situation grows even
worse. The women do everything possible to achieve their so-
called equal rights without ever trying to see clearly if their
conduct is right or wrong. Naturally this ends in tragedy. But
the situation is much different for families with close ties to
their country, Kurdistan, and who recognize that their own
liberation is tied to the liberation of their homeland. These
families, who work together with Kurdish associations and who
strive to maintain their identity, culture, and language, don't
have such problems. They have come to realize that liberation is
only possible in a liberated country. This is true for the
liberation of women as well."

The German authors of the critique then state the following: 

"It's clear from this that no matter what the circumstances are
-- even here in Germany -- that national identity counts for more
than the actual social situation." 

     He or she is therefore trying to assert that the Kurdish
liberation struggle places more emphasis on national concerns
than on the social situation. This assertion is inherently
contradictory because the social situation of the Kurdish woman
as well as the Kurdish man is directly linked to their national
exploitation and oppression. The national exploitation and
oppression of Kurdish society in the primary reason for the
exploitation and oppression of Kurdish women. And in the
regressive and feudalistic Kurdish society, the woman is
oppressed by the man and so she must suffer from a double
oppression. Therefore, the Kurdish national liberation movement
has made the liberation of Kurdish women one of its priorities.  
As the problems in the countries of the so-called Third World
show, a society's standard of living depends greatly on the
education of women because women can exert more control over the
birth rate and care better for the education of children, since
caring for children is one of the roles assigned to women in
today's society. Men, of course, carry just as much
responsibility in all of this, but the woman's role is much more
important. Therefore, a necessary prerequisite for an equal
coexistence of women and men is that they must carry equal
responsibilities. It is also clear that the liberation of women
is not just the task of Kurdish women, but rather it is also the
concern of Kurdish men. European viewpoints have turned the
liberation of women into a "woman's question", something which
men play no role in. This is a typically bourgeois way of
approaching the problem. It is unrealistic to strive towards an
equal society if the men and women can't work together towards
this goal.
     But how is it possible to create a Kurdish society where the
women and men can live together in equality? This is a question
to which there has not yet been an universally valid answer. The
Kurdish national liberation movement has dealt with this issue on
both a theoretical as well as a practical level and analyzed the
results. From this came the decision to organize the women
involved in the armed struggle into a women's army.
     The accusations made against the PKK in the 'Radikal'
article can be refuted by the fact that the Kurdish liberation
movement is the only movement in the Middle East which has taken
practical steps to achieve an equal status for women in social
life. Women today can assume leadership positions within the
liberation movement. In this way, women have influence over
social developments. That's why there have been such dramatic
changes in Kurdish society within just a short period of time.
Today, Kurdish men can't just hit women at will or rule over them
like kings. In any case, they have to answer to the authority of
the Kurdish liberation movement. These developments have also led
to women going to join the guerrilla in order to fight for their
freedom and equality.
     The quotation from the YJWK representatives concerning the
situation of Kurdish women in Germany must be seen against this
background. But the quotation is trying to make a further point,
namely that women in Western bourgeois societies have a false
notion of equality. The first part of the quotation is trying to
emphasize the point that women in the Western world have become
"degenerated" to the level of consumer items, and the second part
states that women in the Kurdish liberation struggle are fighting
for the national liberation of the society and, therefore, for
women's liberation as well.
     It's not possible for us to discuss the women's issue in
detail in this article, otherwise we'd become overwhelmed. But
the publications of the Kurdish national liberation movement deal
extensively with this theme from a variety of perspectives. Many
questions are dealt with, for example: What is love? What
function does the family have in the society? What should the
relationship between men and women look like in the Kurdish
liberation struggle, or in the future Kurdish society? Certainly
the answers to such questions are also relevant to people in the
West. 

The PKK's Vision Of Socialism

     As we stated above, the PKK is a socialist movement. Now the
question arises as to what the Kurdish national liberation
movement defines socialism to be. This question is significant,
particularly since we are living in a period directly following
the collapse of real-existing socialism. We would like to stress
the evaluation of PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan, who
wrote an article entitled "The Ideological- Political Questions
Of Socialism And The Solutions Which The PKK Would Bring About"
in the November 1994 edition of the magazine 'Serxwebun'. In
reference to the development of consciousness in individuals,
religion, and morality, the General Secretary of the PKK writes
the following: 

"There are important stages in the development of consciousness.
I would like to briefly discuss this. At the beginning, human
consciousness was very underdeveloped and displayed primitive,
regressive thought. This was expressed in the form of witchcraft,
magic, and religion. Both magic and religious tendencies are the
beginning stages of consciousness. Religion is a form of
consciousness, but it's a very underdeveloped stage of rational
discipline, as we know today. But religion has always existed and
it always will. The same is true for witchcraft and magic. The
causes of these phenomena are closely linked to the existence of
humanity. Can a human being be explained in an entirely rational
manner? Can all of his or her actions be based on reason? These
are philosophical questions. There are several theories
concerning all of this and they all develop on a scientific
foundation. But it seems unrealistic to suppose that dreams,
dogma, and religion will one day all disappear. These are part of
human nature. Human nature requires us to make space for dreams,
dogma, and religious values, as well as for ethics and morality.
If a certain type of moral code is not developed then it's not
possible for humanity to develop further or exist any longer. The
crisis of socialism is likewise connected to morality. The fact
that real-existing socialism failed to deal with questions of
religion and morality was the major cause of its collapse."

     This evaluation makes it clear that Ocalan has deeply
examined questions of socialism, in particular how they relate to
human psychology. According to Ocalan, people can't simply be
made to conform to a dogmatic scheme. He makes it clear that
certain peculiar aspects of humanity, for example dreams and
religious values, can't simply be abolished. According to Ocalan,
the contemporary socialist movement must seriously concern itself
with these issues and find a solution.
     In the same article, Ocalan writes:

"Along with the general scientific ideology, which developed in
the time of capitalism, there is also the socialist ideology. To
separate this form of socialism from the other kinds, it should
be referred to as scientific socialism. Why scientific? The 19th
century was the age of science and there was not a single field
which science did not affect. This development also had an impact
on the social sciences as well. Socialism, therefore, is an
expression of social sciences. That's why it should be called
scientific socialism, or, in other words, that's why socialism is
scientific. Socialism considers itself to be the most scientific
ideology ever. There are several reasons for this, the main
reason being that it is closely linked to the working class. The
ruling classes are forced to lie and to distort reality, but the
working class has to be realistic, that is, scientific. The
working class has no reason to lie so as to exploit people.
That's why the working class has an inclination towards science.
(...) People naturally seek Utopias. But Utopias don't come about
on their own. That's why it's not possible to conceive of
socialism without conceiving of a Utopia. In the end, all
ideologies are Utopias and socialism needs to be such a Utopia as
well. Real-existing socialism tried to overcome this, it sought
to create socialism without a Utopia, without practicing
morality, and therefore it collapsed."

     Ocalan clearly distances his brand of socialism from
real-existing socialism, as it was practiced in the Soviet Union,
for example. The General Secretary of the PKK advocates
scientific socialism, one which deals with all questions facing
humanity, including morality, science, culture, the question of
women, democracy, protecting the environment, and so on.
According to Ocalan, this is the only way scientific socialism
can provide an alternative to the capitalist system.
     In any case, according to the General Secretary of the PKK,
scientific socialism is a Utopia which we can all strive to
create.

(Translated from Agitare Bene #75, March 1995)


6) PKK Holds 5th Party Congress In Kurdistan

     The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) held its 5th Party
Congress from January 8-27, 1995 in liberated Kurdish territory.
A total of 317 delegates participated in the Congress, 231 having
the right to speak and vote and 86 of them only having the right
to speak. During three weeks of intense work, basic problems
pertaining to the world and to Kurdistan were analyzed. Women
also played a very major role in the 5th Congress. There were 63
women delegates present. The following are some of the many
resolutions passed during the 5th Congress:


PKK 5th Party Congress
Resolution On Political Dialogue

     Today, our national liberation struggle, in so far as it has
become a large and decisive organizational, military, and
political power with respect to the masses, is a problem, not
just for Turkey, but for all countries in the Middle and Near
East and it also greatly concerns other states in the rest of the
world. At this point in time, the people of Kurdistan and their
leadership are a force which can no longer be denied. No power
can have any success in denying the existence of Kurdistan; the
PKK will play a decisive role in the solution of the Kurdistan
problem.
     For this reason, every search for a solution to the
Kurdistan problem and all wishes to come into contact with the
PKK are positive developments. Those forces which demand
stability in the Near East and Kurdistan all send delegations to
solve the problem, direct or indirect missions, and thereby have
some influence on the situation. For this reason, in the coming
period, those who wish to seek a solution to the Kurdistan
problem, not merely idealistic hopes but rather practical
initiatives, will most likely seek to come into contact with the
PKK.
     The PKK, a fighting force which is struggling for
independence for its country and freedom for its people, is
prepared to accept proposals for dialogue from states and
institutions, on the condition that these are based on the ideals
of the equality, independence, and solidarity of peoples and
don't contradict the line of our party. Today, just like
yesterday, the PKK is ready for any dialogue which recognizes the
freedom of our nation and people.
     This was made clear by the cease-fire announced in March
1993, and by the letter from our party's General Secretary in
November 1994 concerning a political solution to the Kurdistan
problem, which was sent to the appropriate persons and
institutions and which again stressed the demands made at the
Brussels Conference. But the Turkish Republic responded to all of
these requests with more war; Turkey has shown that it seeks to
solve the Kurdistan problem through destruction and ignorance.
     Despite everything, our party has maintained its aim of
continuing the armed struggle until our freedom is secured, but
we do not exclude non-violent methods or means of solution.
     In light of this, our 5th Congress has decided:

1. To empower the party presidents and the central committee to
respond to all political requests for dialogue and to work to
bring about political negotiations; 

2. To empower the party presidents and the central committee to
name representatives or to form delegations which can carry out
political requests for dialogue or engage in political
negotiations;

3. That all political requests for dialogue and all negotiations
must be acknowledged and considered by the party presidents.


PKK 5th Party Congress
Resolution On The Function Of Internationalism

     Some of the social developments which have come into being
through the influence of human development -- those which are
universally accepted as being turning points in the history of
civilization (such as Christianity, Islam, or the French
Revolution) -- possess the character of internationalism, even if
not in a universal form. Even the leaders who organized these
developments came up with ideological- organizational forms and
forms of struggle in order to bring this international spirit
closer to home and closer to all of humanity.
     The new class of the proletariat -- through the
consciousness of all of human history which came about as a
result of the development of fundamental experiences and
authority -- has attempted via scientific socialism, which arose
from the ripe social system of humanity, to solve the problem of
comprehensive human representation, bearing in the mind the
realization of its organizational line through the three forms of
internationalism which had developed throughout the course of the
history of the workers' movement from the 19th century to the
October Revolution.
     Both the problems and helplessness experienced today show
that it is urgent that answers be found to questions like how
socialism can come to power or develop to an international level.
The lessons learned from the praxis of real-existing socialism
can help us to solve these problems. In this sense, Kurdistan is
a prime candidate for internationalism, considering its division
into four parts, its relations to other peoples in the region,
even if these are fundamentally false, and many other questions
of living together. The reality of Kurdish national liberation
has made scientific socialism the guiding ideology of the PKK.
     In today's world, which assumes that socialism is dead while
at the same time an increasingly rabid imperialism is on the
rise, the PKK, by effectively arguing in favor of socialism and
by spreading socialist ideals to the people of the region, is the
vanguard of the global socialist movement, even though the party
hasn't yet come to power.
     While the advance of the revolutionary struggle in Kurdistan
is a necessary prerequisite of internationalist duties, while at
the same time aiding in the development of socialism, bearing in
mind the present situation, history demands that we offer
solidarity. This solidarity will advance the revolution in
Kurdistan, while at the same time helping us to fulfil our
socialist duties.
     In our present situation, the main problem we face is
building a central organization for humanity, one which can
prevent the splintering of the workers and other oppressed
peoples by the exploiters and oppressors. For the founding and
functioning of a new International, it is important to pay
attention the social and historical characteristics which are
specific to different continents, regions, and countries, in
addition to concluding which fundamental problems must be solved.
     In light of this, the 5th Congress has decided to:

1. Represent the revolutionary spirit of scientific socialism, to
defend it against all attacks, to carry out all activities
according to it, and to represent it in all international
platforms so as to help socialism to become a potent political
force; 

2. Take the necessary steps to found a Revolutionary Socialist
International and to assume the leadership of this movement;

3. Not limit the problem to the Revolutionary Socialist
International: 

     a) While working together on the basis of regional,
continental, and national differences is necessary, we will also
cooperate with environmental organizations, humanistic movements,
and radical-religious associations in order to carry out global
actions which will have international influence and which will
counteract anti-progressive tendencies and their effects;

     b) Against the background of the human dimension of our
national liberation and its contribution to humanity, we are
calling out to all independent-democratic and socialist forces
which wish to support our revolution and the socialist cause and
we will make the mountains of our country available to them;

     c) We will cultivate relations with revolutionary-democratic
forces in our region, forge new relations, and offer mutual
support and assistance, not simply seek to further our own goals.


Kurdish News is published by:

Kurdistan Committee of Canada
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9

tel: (613) 733-9634
fax: (613) 733-0090
email: kcc at magi.com
http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc



From kurdeng at aps.nl  Wed Jul  5 23:34:25 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 05 Jul 1995 23:34:25
Subject: Kurdish News #18 - July 1995
References: <bac1c849.9507041632.AA21380@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.070595201858Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: Re: Kurdish News #18 - July 1995
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Kurdish News
A Monthly Publication Of The Kurdistan Committee Of Canada
Number 18 - July 1995

Index:

1) 200,000 Demonstrate In Bonn, Germany
2) Tax On Immigration Denounced
3) Attempted Assasination Of Pro-Kurdish Activist
4) Balance Sheet For The Month Of May
5) Nationalism And The Kurdish National Liberation Movement
6) PKK 5th Party Congress


1) 200,000 Demonstrate In Bonn, Germany

     On Saturday, June 17, supporters of the Kurdish national
liberation movement organized the biggest demonstration ever in
support of a political solution to the dirty war in Kurdistan.
The march was held in Bonn, Germany and 200,000 people took part.
There were ERNK flags and huge pictures of Abdullah Ocalan
everywhere (despite being banned in Germany) as people chanted
"Biji PKK!" and "Long Live International Solidarity!". In
addition to Kurdish groups in Europe, the demonstration was also
supported by various progressive and socialist organizations, and
even some European MPs joined in. The demonstration was a clear
sign to the world that Turkey must be called upon to stop its
dirty war against the Kurdish people. Also, any political
solution to this question must involve representatives of the
Kurdish liberation movement. In the words of one German police
official: "The PKK cannot be stopped."


2) Tax On Immigration Denounced

     Not everyone was outside celebrating on Saturday, July 1,
Canada Day. In Toronto, close to 300 people protested against the
federal government's new head tax on immigrants and refugees. The
plan, created by Immigration Minister Sergio Marchi, calls for
all new refugees and immigrants to pay a tax of $975 to the
Canadian government. The Toronto Coalition Against Racism (TCAR)
says the plan is racist and claims that dozens of refugee
families have been forcibly split up since the plan went into
effect in February.
     "People are being affected tremendously and we're hearing of
a lot of cases of people struggling to find the money to pay
that," said Deena Ladd of TCAR. Regi Bavid, 23, said it would be
impossible for her family in Sri Lanka to join her in Canada. "My
house was bombed and my father lost his job. I would like to be
with my family, but it's totally difficult." Bavid, who came to
Canada a year ago, said she misses her family but knows she can't
afford to pay the tax.
     Canada is one of the few countries in the world which has
imposed a grossly unfair head tax on refugees and immigrants. For
example, how could a family of five people fleeing Turkish state
terrorism in Kurdistan come up with the necessary $5000 to seek refuge
in Canada? We agree with the TCAR protestors: "Tax big business,
not immigrants! Shame on Canada!"


3) Attempted Assassination Of Pro-Kurdish Activist Nafiz Bostanci

     On December 29, 1994 at about 10:00 PM, a young Turkish
refugee, Ali Ozturk, was shot through his back and seriously
wounded while walking out of an East London greengrocers shop.
The Turkish state is held directly responsible for this attack.
The actual target is believed to have been Nafiz Bostanci, a
respected and prominent Turkish community leader in London who
has campaigned all his life for Kurdish and trade union rights in
Turkey.
     Bostanci, a political refugee from Sapanca near Istanbul,
helped found the Halkevi Kurdish and Turkish Community Centre in
Stoke Newington, North London. In Turkey he had been a member of
the banned Turkish trade union organization DISK and was jailed
and tortured for his union activities in the early 1980s, accused
of being a member of the Turkish Communist Party, and stripped of
his nationality. He escaped to England 12 years ago. He appeared
in 1988 on the BBC2 programme "Open Space" to protest about civil
rights abuses in Turkey and the torture of political prisoners.  
Bostanci had been warned by British police two months earlier
that he was a probable assassination target because of his
involvement in the Kurdish cause. He is convinced that the threat
comes from MIT (the Turkish intelligence agency) which has
recently dispatched 160 agents to Western European countries to
disrupt pro-Kurdish campaigns and fund-raising movements. He has
good reason for believing this. Bostanci had recently been
approached directly by a Turkish-Cypriot man who admitted to
having been offered 25,000 and a kilo of heroin to kill him, but
had refused. Later another two men were found to carry out the
shooting. This information was passed on to police, who offered
protection which Bostanci declined: "l continue my normal life"
he said, because to stop any of his activities would be to offer
a victory to his enemies.

Source: Kurdistan Information Centre, London


4) Press Release - June 8, 1995

The following figures from the ARGK for the civil war in
Kurdistan were faxed to us from the Comite du Kurdistan in
Brussels.

The War In Kurdistan: Balance Sheet For The Month Of May 

     In the month of May, our forces engaged the enemy forces 303
times. Of these encounters, the enemy fell into our traps 94
times; we attacked them at 41 different places; we fought in
close encounters 51 times; in 30 different places, our suicide
teams targeted enemy installations; 18 times we penetrated enemy
lines; 19 times we subjected them to artillery fire; we have
committed acts of sabotage; we set up roadblocks 17 times; and
the enemy stepped on mines 30 times.
     We know the results of 171 of these encounters. The enemy
losses for this period total 550 persons. Of these losses, 7 were
officers, 446 were soldiers, 59 were mercenaries, and 38 were
members of the contra-guerrilla. In addition, 141 enemy forces
were injured.
     The loss of enemy equipment was as follows: 1 helicopter, 2
armoured vehicles, 19 military vehicles, and 16 non-military
vehicles. In addition, 1 helicopter, 1 tank, 2 armoured vehicles,
and 19 military vehicles have been seriously damaged. In the
course of the month, 23 relatives of mercenaries, 28 suspected
enemy collaborators, 4 civil servants acting as collaborators, 1
enemy agent, and 1 correspondent have been apprehended. Some of
these have been released; no decision has been reached in the
other cases as of yet.
     A considerable amount of enemy goods have also been
confiscated. These are: 37 machine guns, 5 MG-3s, 40 hand
grenades, 5 cluster bombs, 1 mortar, 40 mortar rockets, 3 B-7
rockets, 2 Karnas guns, 2 walkie talkies, 2 mine detectors, 6
binoculars, 4,933 rounds of ammunition, 14 tents, and 20
backpacks. In addition, we have the custody of one dead Turkish
solider.
     The enemy has, as usual, increased its air attacks on
civilians. It has undertaken 49 operations, bombing Kurdish
villages from the air 9 times. As a result, 26 villages have been
destroyed and 27 villagers have been killed.
     Our losses stand at 99 fighters killed in action. Of these,
32 died in Botan, 17 in Zagros, 4 in Mardin, 15 in Amed, 6 in
Garzan, 10 in Dersim, 12 in Erzurum, and 2 in Serhat region. In
addition, 4 of our fighters were captured by the enemy because of
their injuries. The figure for our injured fighters stands at 36. 

People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK)


5) Nationalism And The Kurdish National Liberation Movement

Written by the Kurdistan Information Bureau, Germany
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

     There has been an intense discussion recently concerning
nationalism in the Kurdish liberation movement in general and the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in particular. Even leftist
publications like 'Konkret', 'Radikal', and the daily
newspaper 'Junge Welt' have printed articles over the last few
months about nationalism in the PKK, in which they have
accused the PKK of being "nationalist", "dictatorial",
"populist", "anti-democratic", and so on. These accusations
against the Kurdish liberation movement are nothing new.
     Without getting into the background of these accusations for
the moment, we would like to point out that these criticisms
which are being brought forward against the Kurdish liberation
movement by left-wing German magazines and newspapers contain the
exact same sweeping generalizations which are used against us by
the bourgeois Western press and the Turkish state media.
     This text of ours is designed to show how these critiques of
the Kurdish national liberation movement are very superficial.
The content of these criticisms and the manner in which they are
levied against the PKK make it clear that the authors of these
critiques really know very little about the movement and its
publications. Of course, it should be noted that almost all
PKK/ERNK publications are either in Turkish or Kurdish. The only
materials in German are 'Kurdistan Report' and the 'Kurdistan
Rundbrief', which certainly isn't much at all. Perhaps it would
be very significant if more publications of the Kurdish national
liberation movement were translated into German and published,
for example the books by PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan on
a variety of different themes. We are sure that this would clear
up several questions.

The PKK Is A Socialist Movement!

     How often must the question be asked, is the PKK a
nationalist movement? This point is raised because the PKK sees
itself as a national liberation movement and it expresses this in
its publications. But what does the PKK mean when it speaks of a
"nation"? How does the German left deal with this concept? We
would like to examine these questions from different
perspectives.
     First, it should be stated that the concept of "nation" now
carries with it a great deal of negative connotations, especially
within the German left, because of historical experiences with
Nazi Germany. These assumptions are not necessarily false,
considering the racist-fascist ideology of the Nazis, for whom
the German nation was the embodiment of the highest race to whom
all other nations must subject themselves. Therefore, the
"nation" in Nazi Germany implied reactionary nationalism.
Reactionary nationalism, as a form of bourgeois ideology, arises
from the historical position of the role of the imperialist
bourgeoisie. It expresses itself as national arrogance, in other
words by misunderstanding and despising other nations and
glorifying one's own nation and the imperialist society which is
represented in national form. In this sense, bourgeois
nationalism bases itself on capitalist production relationships
on the one hand, namely the exploitation of that nation's own
masses, especially the working class, and on the exploitation of
the nations of the so-called Third World on the other. Bourgeois
nationalism, as it is represented today in European states,
expresses its reactionary nature most clearly in the exploitation
of the "South", in other words the nations of Africa, Latin
America, and Asia. By exploiting other nations (cheap sources of
labour, raw materials, etc.) the bourgeoisie in Europe can afford
to keep the standard of living of its working class relatively
high as well while at the same time creating a strong middle
class. That how the monopoly owners who make up just 2% of the
population are able to maintain their status in the society.
     A socialist national consciousness must be distinguished
from reactionary nationalism, particularly the extreme form which
was practiced in Nazi Germany. The Kurdish national liberation
movement uses the term "nation" to represent a people with a
shared language, culture, history, and territory. In this sense
the term is closely tied to social relations and must be looked
at in its historical context, in contrast to bourgeois concepts
of "nation", in which the nation is separated from the social
relations and is not judged according to its historical creation
and development. That's why the Kurdish national liberation
movement places such an emphasis on the history of Kurdish people
and society in its publications.
     According to the publications of the Kurdish national
liberation movement, the Kurdish people are exploited as a
nation. In his book 'Kurdish Reality Since The 19th Century And
The PKK Movement', which was published by Agri-Verlag in Cologne
in January 1994, PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan states the
following: 

"Due to the increasing influence of the monopolies in the
capitalist economy in the 1970s, the economic exploitation of
Kurdistan was accelerated, because it is well known that one of
the most significant characteristics of monopolies is their
tendency to expand outwards. Turkish monopoly owners were aware
of the fact that they could not compete with imperialist
monopolies abroad, which is why they decided to utilize Kurdistan
as an area for exploitation. They wanted to exploit the country
so as to get out of their economic crisis. In the same way as
imperialist countries solve their crises by exploiting so-called
Third World countries, Turkish monopolies tried to solve their
crisis through the exploitation of the Turkish working class on
the one hand and of Kurdistan on the other. Since capitalism had
not previously been introduced into Kurdistan and since the
Kurdish people were denied any economic, democratic, or national
rights, it was easy for the Turkish monopolies to serve their own
interests and colonize the country. Agriculture and grazing
became oriented towards the interests of the Turkish monopolies
and the exploitation of natural resources was intensified." 

     The Kurdish national liberation movement found the Kurdish
society in the 1970s in a strongly feudalistic phase. As the
analysis cited above shows, capital did intrude into Kurdistan
after 1970, yet this did not alter the social relations, which
were already based on exploitation. In Kurdistan, Kurdish feudal
lords collaborated with Turkish capitalists. These people acted
as the Turkish state's strongest supporters in Kurdistan. In the
PKK's 'Manifesto', published in 1978, the following is written: 

"What's more, the Kurdish feudal lords welcomed these
developments, since the limited exploitation offered to them
under a feudal system was not sufficient, therefore they gladly
collaborated with foreign (Turkish) capitalists in order to
increase their share of the exploitation."

     The Kurdish national liberation movement considers Kurdish
feudal lords to be important targets for attack because of their
collaboration with Turkish capitalists which makes them important
pillars of the Turkish state in Kurdistan. Both of the above
quotations make it clear that the Kurdish national liberation
movement uses dialectical materialism in order to analyze Kurdish
society and history. This fact alone excludes an understanding of
nationalism in the sense of bourgeois nationalism.
     It should also be made perfectly clear that the PKK is
fighting for the national liberation of the Kurdish people and is
striving towards a socialist society in which people live
together in equality. It should also be noted that, in comparison
to other left-wing Turkish and Kurdish organizations, most
workers and peasants are organized in the PKK.
     The Kurdish liberation movement also makes use of the phrase
"patriotism" on many occasions. For the Kurds, "patriotism" means
recognizing their national identity and resisting exploitation
and repression. This can in no way be compared to German
patriotism, which, again, is connected to bourgeois nationalism.
     Patriotism in Kurdistan is a result of the fact that the
Kurdish people, ever since the beginning of the liberation
struggle, have consistently denied their identity as a distinct
people due to the Turkish state's policy of assimilation and
denial and they have failed to recognize that they are exploited
and repressed as a people. Recognizing one's national identity in
Kurdistan doesn't just mean recognizing a national characteristic
but also recognizing the fact of exploitation, hence a class
characteristic. Because of this, Kurdish patriotism entails both
of these characteristics.
     The fact that other peoples, such as Turks, Armenians,
Assyrians, and others, have fought and continue to fight in the
ranks of the PKK makes it clear that the Kurdish liberation
movement is in no way comparable to a bourgeois nationalist
movement.

Women In The National Liberation Struggle

     Now we would like to comment on an article entitled
"Kurdistan: What Chances Exist For The National Liberation
Struggle?" which was published in the 12/94 edition of 'Radikal'.
A part of this article was also printed in the 21 December 1994
edition of the leftist daily paper 'Junge Welt'. One passage
quoted a statement from the Patriotic Women's Association of
Kurdistan (YJWK) concerning the situation of Kurdish women in
Germany:

"The women here (in Germany) have quickly learned that it's not
acceptable for a man to hit a woman, otherwise the police will do
something about it. After the women have quickly learned this,
they use that as an opportunity to act as they wish. But this
leads to the degeneration of these women. Their free environment
is often misused. Chaos in the family grows worse. And if the
woman has to work at a job as well, the situation grows even
worse. The women do everything possible to achieve their so-
called equal rights without ever trying to see clearly if their
conduct is right or wrong. Naturally this ends in tragedy. But
the situation is much different for families with close ties to
their country, Kurdistan, and who recognize that their own
liberation is tied to the liberation of their homeland. These
families, who work together with Kurdish associations and who
strive to maintain their identity, culture, and language, don't
have such problems. They have come to realize that liberation is
only possible in a liberated country. This is true for the
liberation of women as well."

The German authors of the critique then state the following: 

"It's clear from this that no matter what the circumstances are
-- even here in Germany -- that national identity counts for more
than the actual social situation." 

     He or she is therefore trying to assert that the Kurdish
liberation struggle places more emphasis on national concerns
than on the social situation. This assertion is inherently
contradictory because the social situation of the Kurdish woman
as well as the Kurdish man is directly linked to their national
exploitation and oppression. The national exploitation and
oppression of Kurdish society in the primary reason for the
exploitation and oppression of Kurdish women. And in the
regressive and feudalistic Kurdish society, the woman is
oppressed by the man and so she must suffer from a double
oppression. Therefore, the Kurdish national liberation movement
has made the liberation of Kurdish women one of its priorities.  
As the problems in the countries of the so-called Third World
show, a society's standard of living depends greatly on the
education of women because women can exert more control over the
birth rate and care better for the education of children, since
caring for children is one of the roles assigned to women in
today's society. Men, of course, carry just as much
responsibility in all of this, but the woman's role is much more
important. Therefore, a necessary prerequisite for an equal
coexistence of women and men is that they must carry equal
responsibilities. It is also clear that the liberation of women
is not just the task of Kurdish women, but rather it is also the
concern of Kurdish men. European viewpoints have turned the
liberation of women into a "woman's question", something which
men play no role in. This is a typically bourgeois way of
approaching the problem. It is unrealistic to strive towards an
equal society if the men and women can't work together towards
this goal.
     But how is it possible to create a Kurdish society where the
women and men can live together in equality? This is a question
to which there has not yet been an universally valid answer. The
Kurdish national liberation movement has dealt with this issue on
both a theoretical as well as a practical level and analyzed the
results. From this came the decision to organize the women
involved in the armed struggle into a women's army.
     The accusations made against the PKK in the 'Radikal'
article can be refuted by the fact that the Kurdish liberation
movement is the only movement in the Middle East which has taken
practical steps to achieve an equal status for women in social
life. Women today can assume leadership positions within the
liberation movement. In this way, women have influence over
social developments. That's why there have been such dramatic
changes in Kurdish society within just a short period of time.
Today, Kurdish men can't just hit women at will or rule over them
like kings. In any case, they have to answer to the authority of
the Kurdish liberation movement. These developments have also led
to women going to join the guerrilla in order to fight for their
freedom and equality.
     The quotation from the YJWK representatives concerning the
situation of Kurdish women in Germany must be seen against this
background. But the quotation is trying to make a further point,
namely that women in Western bourgeois societies have a false
notion of equality. The first part of the quotation is trying to
emphasize the point that women in the Western world have become
"degenerated" to the level of consumer items, and the second part
states that women in the Kurdish liberation struggle are fighting
for the national liberation of the society and, therefore, for
women's liberation as well.
     It's not possible for us to discuss the women's issue in
detail in this article, otherwise we'd become overwhelmed. But
the publications of the Kurdish national liberation movement deal
extensively with this theme from a variety of perspectives. Many
questions are dealt with, for example: What is love? What
function does the family have in the society? What should the
relationship between men and women look like in the Kurdish
liberation struggle, or in the future Kurdish society? Certainly
the answers to such questions are also relevant to people in the
West. 

The PKK's Vision Of Socialism

     As we stated above, the PKK is a socialist movement. Now the
question arises as to what the Kurdish national liberation
movement defines socialism to be. This question is significant,
particularly since we are living in a period directly following
the collapse of real-existing socialism. We would like to stress
the evaluation of PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan, who
wrote an article entitled "The Ideological- Political Questions
Of Socialism And The Solutions Which The PKK Would Bring About"
in the November 1994 edition of the magazine 'Serxwebun'. In
reference to the development of consciousness in individuals,
religion, and morality, the General Secretary of the PKK writes
the following: 

"There are important stages in the development of consciousness.
I would like to briefly discuss this. At the beginning, human
consciousness was very underdeveloped and displayed primitive,
regressive thought. This was expressed in the form of witchcraft,
magic, and religion. Both magic and religious tendencies are the
beginning stages of consciousness. Religion is a form of
consciousness, but it's a very underdeveloped stage of rational
discipline, as we know today. But religion has always existed and
it always will. The same is true for witchcraft and magic. The
causes of these phenomena are closely linked to the existence of
humanity. Can a human being be explained in an entirely rational
manner? Can all of his or her actions be based on reason? These
are philosophical questions. There are several theories
concerning all of this and they all develop on a scientific
foundation. But it seems unrealistic to suppose that dreams,
dogma, and religion will one day all disappear. These are part of
human nature. Human nature requires us to make space for dreams,
dogma, and religious values, as well as for ethics and morality.
If a certain type of moral code is not developed then it's not
possible for humanity to develop further or exist any longer. The
crisis of socialism is likewise connected to morality. The fact
that real-existing socialism failed to deal with questions of
religion and morality was the major cause of its collapse."

     This evaluation makes it clear that Ocalan has deeply
examined questions of socialism, in particular how they relate to
human psychology. According to Ocalan, people can't simply be
made to conform to a dogmatic scheme. He makes it clear that
certain peculiar aspects of humanity, for example dreams and
religious values, can't simply be abolished. According to Ocalan,
the contemporary socialist movement must seriously concern itself
with these issues and find a solution.
     In the same article, Ocalan writes:

"Along with the general scientific ideology, which developed in
the time of capitalism, there is also the socialist ideology. To
separate this form of socialism from the other kinds, it should
be referred to as scientific socialism. Why scientific? The 19th
century was the age of science and there was not a single field
which science did not affect. This development also had an impact
on the social sciences as well. Socialism, therefore, is an
expression of social sciences. That's why it should be called
scientific socialism, or, in other words, that's why socialism is
scientific. Socialism considers itself to be the most scientific
ideology ever. There are several reasons for this, the main
reason being that it is closely linked to the working class. The
ruling classes are forced to lie and to distort reality, but the
working class has to be realistic, that is, scientific. The
working class has no reason to lie so as to exploit people.
That's why the working class has an inclination towards science.
(...) People naturally seek Utopias. But Utopias don't come about
on their own. That's why it's not possible to conceive of
socialism without conceiving of a Utopia. In the end, all
ideologies are Utopias and socialism needs to be such a Utopia as
well. Real-existing socialism tried to overcome this, it sought
to create socialism without a Utopia, without practicing
morality, and therefore it collapsed."

     Ocalan clearly distances his brand of socialism from
real-existing socialism, as it was practiced in the Soviet Union,
for example. The General Secretary of the PKK advocates
scientific socialism, one which deals with all questions facing
humanity, including morality, science, culture, the question of
women, democracy, protecting the environment, and so on.
According to Ocalan, this is the only way scientific socialism
can provide an alternative to the capitalist system.
     In any case, according to the General Secretary of the PKK,
scientific socialism is a Utopia which we can all strive to
create.

(Translated from Agitare Bene #75, March 1995)


6) PKK Holds 5th Party Congress In Kurdistan

     The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) held its 5th Party
Congress from January 8-27, 1995 in liberated Kurdish territory.
A total of 317 delegates participated in the Congress, 231 having
the right to speak and vote and 86 of them only having the right
to speak. During three weeks of intense work, basic problems
pertaining to the world and to Kurdistan were analyzed. Women
also played a very major role in the 5th Congress. There were 63
women delegates present. The following are some of the many
resolutions passed during the 5th Congress:


PKK 5th Party Congress
Resolution On Political Dialogue

     Today, our national liberation struggle, in so far as it has
become a large and decisive organizational, military, and
political power with respect to the masses, is a problem, not
just for Turkey, but for all countries in the Middle and Near
East and it also greatly concerns other states in the rest of the
world. At this point in time, the people of Kurdistan and their
leadership are a force which can no longer be denied. No power
can have any success in denying the existence of Kurdistan; the
PKK will play a decisive role in the solution of the Kurdistan
problem.
     For this reason, every search for a solution to the
Kurdistan problem and all wishes to come into contact with the
PKK are positive developments. Those forces which demand
stability in the Near East and Kurdistan all send delegations to
solve the problem, direct or indirect missions, and thereby have
some influence on the situation. For this reason, in the coming
period, those who wish to seek a solution to the Kurdistan
problem, not merely idealistic hopes but rather practical
initiatives, will most likely seek to come into contact with the
PKK.
     The PKK, a fighting force which is struggling for
independence for its country and freedom for its people, is
prepared to accept proposals for dialogue from states and
institutions, on the condition that these are based on the ideals
of the equality, independence, and solidarity of peoples and
don't contradict the line of our party. Today, just like
yesterday, the PKK is ready for any dialogue which recognizes the
freedom of our nation and people.
     This was made clear by the cease-fire announced in March
1993, and by the letter from our party's General Secretary in
November 1994 concerning a political solution to the Kurdistan
problem, which was sent to the appropriate persons and
institutions and which again stressed the demands made at the
Brussels Conference. But the Turkish Republic responded to all of
these requests with more war; Turkey has shown that it seeks to
solve the Kurdistan problem through destruction and ignorance.
     Despite everything, our party has maintained its aim of
continuing the armed struggle until our freedom is secured, but
we do not exclude non-violent methods or means of solution.
     In light of this, our 5th Congress has decided:

1. To empower the party presidents and the central committee to
respond to all political requests for dialogue and to work to
bring about political negotiations; 

2. To empower the party presidents and the central committee to
name representatives or to form delegations which can carry out
political requests for dialogue or engage in political
negotiations;

3. That all political requests for dialogue and all negotiations
must be acknowledged and considered by the party presidents.


PKK 5th Party Congress
Resolution On The Function Of Internationalism

     Some of the social developments which have come into being
through the influence of human development -- those which are
universally accepted as being turning points in the history of
civilization (such as Christianity, Islam, or the French
Revolution) -- possess the character of internationalism, even if
not in a universal form. Even the leaders who organized these
developments came up with ideological- organizational forms and
forms of struggle in order to bring this international spirit
closer to home and closer to all of humanity.
     The new class of the proletariat -- through the
consciousness of all of human history which came about as a
result of the development of fundamental experiences and
authority -- has attempted via scientific socialism, which arose
from the ripe social system of humanity, to solve the problem of
comprehensive human representation, bearing in the mind the
realization of its organizational line through the three forms of
internationalism which had developed throughout the course of the
history of the workers' movement from the 19th century to the
October Revolution.
     Both the problems and helplessness experienced today show
that it is urgent that answers be found to questions like how
socialism can come to power or develop to an international level.
The lessons learned from the praxis of real-existing socialism
can help us to solve these problems. In this sense, Kurdistan is
a prime candidate for internationalism, considering its division
into four parts, its relations to other peoples in the region,
even if these are fundamentally false, and many other questions
of living together. The reality of Kurdish national liberation
has made scientific socialism the guiding ideology of the PKK.
     In today's world, which assumes that socialism is dead while
at the same time an increasingly rabid imperialism is on the
rise, the PKK, by effectively arguing in favor of socialism and
by spreading socialist ideals to the people of the region, is the
vanguard of the global socialist movement, even though the party
hasn't yet come to power.
     While the advance of the revolutionary struggle in Kurdistan
is a necessary prerequisite of internationalist duties, while at
the same time aiding in the development of socialism, bearing in
mind the present situation, history demands that we offer
solidarity. This solidarity will advance the revolution in
Kurdistan, while at the same time helping us to fulfil our
socialist duties.
     In our present situation, the main problem we face is
building a central organization for humanity, one which can
prevent the splintering of the workers and other oppressed
peoples by the exploiters and oppressors. For the founding and
functioning of a new International, it is important to pay
attention the social and historical characteristics which are
specific to different continents, regions, and countries, in
addition to concluding which fundamental problems must be solved.
     In light of this, the 5th Congress has decided to:

1. Represent the revolutionary spirit of scientific socialism, to
defend it against all attacks, to carry out all activities
according to it, and to represent it in all international
platforms so as to help socialism to become a potent political
force; 

2. Take the necessary steps to found a Revolutionary Socialist
International and to assume the leadership of this movement;

3. Not limit the problem to the Revolutionary Socialist
International: 

     a) While working together on the basis of regional,
continental, and national differences is necessary, we will also
cooperate with environmental organizations, humanistic movements,
and radical-religious associations in order to carry out global
actions which will have international influence and which will
counteract anti-progressive tendencies and their effects;

     b) Against the background of the human dimension of our
national liberation and its contribution to humanity, we are
calling out to all independent-democratic and socialist forces
which wish to support our revolution and the socialist cause and
we will make the mountains of our country available to them;

     c) We will cultivate relations with revolutionary-democratic
forces in our region, forge new relations, and offer mutual
support and assistance, not simply seek to further our own goals.


Kurdish News is published by:

Kurdistan Committee of Canada
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9

tel: (613) 733-9634
fax: (613) 733-0090
email: kcc at magi.com
http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc



----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Jul  5 20:32:18 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 05 Jul 1995 20:32:18
Subject: Kurdish Poetry and Newroz
Message-ID: <bac1c849.199507051813.OAA10010@locust.cic>

Reply-To: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu
From: Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org>
Subject: Kurdish Poetry and Newroz

Sender: "Suzanne M. Burns" <smburns at mailbox.syr.edu>
Subject: Kurdish Poetry and Newroz
Date: Tue, 4 Jul 1995

	Dear Friends:

	I have a number of contemporary Kurdish poems which I need help 
translating. One of them is in Zazaki Kurdish, but I'm pretty sure that 
the rest are Kurmanji. 

	I am in contact with an editor who is very interested in 
publishing these poets -- especially the one writing in Zazaki. I have 
other English translations of his work, and he is REALLY good. If you are 
fluent in Kurdish and interested in poetry, I really would love to talk 
to you about this project. Let's work together!

	I am also working with a group of artists on a CD-ROM project 
about Newroz. I need as much information as possible about this holiday 
and how it is celebrated -- the food, the dances, the stories, music, you 
name it. Personal stories especially would be very helpful. I'm doing the 
writing, but eventually we'll need to bring in consultants to help tie 
the details together. The other artists involved are particularly good -- 
it should be very exciting. What I need most right now are stories and 
sources -- and especially input from people in the Kurdish community.

	Thank you for your attention to this posting.

	Suzanne Burns




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Fri Jul  7 12:00:08 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 07 Jul 1995 12:00:08
Subject: ANA News Excerpts
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.6FkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

From: tabe at newsdesk.aps.nl
Subject: ANA News Excerpts
Reply-To: kurdeng at aps.nl


Kaklamanis refutes Turkish claims that Greece supports terrorists
_________________________________________________________________
Athens, 30/06/1995 (ANA):

The President of the Greek Parliament, Apostolos Kaklamanis, has
refuted claims by his Turkish counterpart that Greece supports
terrorism.

"My country, and of course the Greek Parliament, condemn any
form of violence from any side and support political means in
tackling any problem, any difference, either within countries or
in relations between them," Mr. Kaklamanis said in a letter sent
to the president of the European Parliament, presidents of
European Union member-state parliaments, NATO member-states and
the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly.

The letter was prompted by Turkish National Assembly President
Husametin Cidoruk's claim that the Greek Parliament supported
terrorism on the occasion of a meeting between five Greek
deputies and leader of the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK) leader
Abdullah Ocalan.

The private visit by the five deputies, including Greek
Parliament Deputy Speaker Panayiotis Sgouridis, was falsely
reported by Mr. Cidoruk as being "an official visit by a (Greek)
Parliamentary Committee". "Violence in any form and name, either
state or not, will not solve the Kurdish problem and Turkey's
other domestic problems," the letter said.

Mr. Kaklamanis said Mr. Cidoruk's unsubstantiated claims were
"reminiscent of convictions of past and not contemporary times
on the role and way a democratic parliament operates which, as
we all know, is expressed with specific decisions and following
dialogue held in public for its decisions to be subject to the
scrutiny of the people and the mass media."

Mr. Kaklamanis said "other parliamentary principles prevail" in
Turkey, referring to a vulgar attack against three female
European Parliament deputies by Turkey's Minister to the Prime
Minister's Office Mr. Giogdemir, who called them "prostitutes"
because they "dared to show interest in the flagrant violation
of human rights they ascertained there."

Mr. Kaklamanis said it was typical that the Turkish Parliament
and its president do not protect parliamentary rule against such
affronts and illegalities but on the contrary tolerate or even
participate in them.

Mr. Kaklamanis also reminded the recipients of his letter that,
violating rules of international law and more specifically the
UN charter, Mr. Cidoruk and the Turkish National Assembly
authorised the Turkish government to apply military measures
against Greece if, exercising a legal right, it extended its
territorial waters to 12 nautical miles.


Kurdish parliament-in-exile asks Turkey for dialogue
____________________________________________________
Athens, 30/06/1995 (ANA):

The president of the Kurdish parliament-in-exile, Yassar Kaya,
said yesterday that Turkey's refusal to recognise the national
identity of the Kurds and its use of the military against them
were a bankrupt policy and called on Ankara for a "bilateral
cease fire" in order to discuss the solution of an equal
federation.

He told a press conference here that he recognised the
territories of Turkey and called on Ankara to recognise the
national and democratic rights of the Kurds and to begin
dialogue for a solution of the Kurdish problem.

Mr. Kaya said the target of the parliament-in-exile, at the
initial stage, was to brief foreign governments and at a second
stage to formally stipulate its request for recognition. He
implied that there would be movement on this matter in the
coming months.

Mr. Kaya made no reference to the rebel fighters in
south-eastern Turkey, and kept a clear distance from the
warnings addressed by Kurdish fighters to foreign tourists to
stay away from Turkey, saying he did not know who the people
making the warnings were. He said the Kurdish issue was the
number one problem for Turkey, adding that there could be no
democratisation of the country without a solution of this issue.
In the next few days, he added, a delegation of the
parliament-in-exile would visit Libya, Iran and Egypt.

Before the press conference got underway, a member of the Greek
solidarity committee said that despite strong pressure from
Turkey for cancellation of the visit and non-issue of the
relevant visas, the Greek Foreign Ministry had issued visas to
the Kurdish delegation, rendering their visit to Greece possible.


French approach to EU-Turkish relations issue 'a dangerous
    oversimplification', Greece says
__________________________________________________________
Athens, 30/06/1995 (ANA):

Greece considers a dangerous oversimplification the "rationale
of unconditional (EU) support" to Turkey to avoid the prevalence
of Islamic fundamentalism in that country.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Constantine Bikas said Greece did not
agree with the analysis put forward by French President Jacques
Chirac at the EU summit in Cannes, that "there is the Turkey of
60 million (inhabitants) and another 360 million Turkish
speaking people in the republics of the former Soviet Union and
consequently (Turkish premier) Ms Ciller should be supported in
her battle against Islamic fundamentalism."

"Our country does not agree with this analysis, and considers as
oversimplifying and dangerous the rationale of unconditional
support of Ms. Ciller in order that (Islamic) fundamentalism
will not prevail in her country," Mr. Bikas said. "A similar
error of oversimplification occurred in the decade of the 1930s
when Nazism was tolerated so that bolshevism would not prevail,
an action that humanity paid dearly for," he added. He said Mr.
Chirac's analysis of Turkey was "revealing".

Mr. Bikas also reiterated that Greece considered as "cynical"
the references made at the summit on human rights which were
"outside the European spirit" and the fundamental principles of
the Union.

Citing the latest figures contained in the Cuco Report, Mr.
Bikas said that in 1994, under Ms Ciller's government, 300
summary executions were carried out. According to the UN special
investigator on torture Nigel Rodley in his February 1995
report, Mr. Bikas continued, electroshock, sexual abuse, food
deprivation and threat of death were widely used methods of
torture in Turkey.

In addition, a February 1995 report by Amnesty International
referred to cases of torture, "disappearan-ces", and executions
without trial. In 1993 there were 26 disappearances, in 1994
they rose to 50, while this year the number is climbing, Mr.
Bikas said. At the same time, he recalled that former French
President Francois Mitterrand, at the previous EU summit, had
noted that more than 2,000 Kurdish villages had been levelled by
the Turkish army.

"When the green light and carte blanche is given to Ms Ciller,
it is like giving the green light to the 'known unknown' killers
to continue this practice and to have more families grieving for
their members murdered by the 'unknown', while our country is
suffering Turkish aggressiveness in Cyprus and the Aegean," Mr.
Bikas said.

Greece, he explained, wanted a "democratic and pluralistic
Turkey that respects human rights," and believed that Europe,
"if it so desires, has the ability and definitely the obligation
and responsibility to push Turkey in that direction." "But this
will not occur by giving an unconditional green light to the
present-day Turkey," he added.

Meanwhile, government spokesman Evangelos Venizelos said
yesterday that some of Greece's European partners showed
"reduced sensitivity" during the EU summit in Cannes regarding
the respect and protection of human rights and violations of
international law by Turkey.

Asked whether the 15 EU members had agreed to pressure the
European Parliament over ratifying a customs union with Turkey,
Mr. Venizelos said they had agreed on the contents of the
summit's conclusions and nothing more.

Asked to comment on European Commission President Jacques
Santer's statement Wednesday that the "customs union with Turkey
depends on the development of political rights, human rights (in
Turkey) and the problem of Cyprus," Mr. Venizelos said Mr.
Santer 's statement had been expressed in line with the
positions of the Commission which is a supporter of the
EU-Turkey customs union.

Santer says customs union still not fait accompli
_________________________________________________
Brussels, 29/06/1995 (ANA):

In Brussels, European Commission President Jacques Santer told
reporters yesterday that the "customs union with Turkey depends
on the development of political rights, human rights (in Turkey)
and the problem of Cyprus."

Clearly differentiating his position from views held by the
French Presidency, Mr. Santer added "I believe we must see in an
overall way what we can agree on." "I hope a way out is found so
that we can adopt and promote this decision (customs union), but
it is too early to announce it at the present moment," he added.

Mr. Santer said there was no decision to invite Turkey to the
next EU summit, adding that it was up to the Spanish presidency
to examine the issue. Mr. Santer earlier briefed the European
Parliament on developments in Cannes. He admitted that the "15"
discussed the issue of pressuring the body over customs union
with Turkey at Cannes, clarifying that the Council of Ministers
had adopted a position on Turkey within a framework including
the Cyprus issue, democratic rights in Turkey, and measures to
guard them.

Mr. Santer said the European Parliament should assess the
situation in Turkey and decide. "The European Council will not
take over the role and competencies of the European Parliament,"
he said, adding that in a discussion on Turkey's democratisation
process, he realised that "progress has been made."

Mr. Santer added that "the European Council took under
consideration the geopolitical strategic position of this big
country and feels that all democratic efforts should be
supported also in view of the fact that they will result in
making possible the customs union as of January 1, 1996."


Ankara 'satisfied' at events
____________________________
Istanbul, 29/06/1995 (ANA):

Ankara yesterday expressed "satisfaction" at the French support
and proposal to invite Turkey to attend future EU summits.

Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Nurredin Nurkan said Ankara
was satisfied at the fact that "French President Jacques Chirac
made known at the EU summit his support for the significant
issue which had been discussed during talks with Prime Minister
Tansu Ciller in Paris." "Unquestionably, such a special status
(as that proposed to be attributed to Turkey) is in line with
the development of our relations with Europe which are
determined by the clear cut political goal of the Ankara
Agreement and which are about to enter a significant phase with
the customs union."

Referring to Mr. Papandreou's reaction, Mr. Nurkan said: "We are
aware of Mr. Papandreou's reaction to Mr. Chirac's proposal, but
what is important is the decision which has been reached during
the summit, and which is in the direction of Turkey's
expectations." Ankara also warned Athens to abstain from actions
which would further impede a settlement of problems between the
two countries.

Mr. Nurkan, referring to Mr. Venizelos' statements Tuesday that
developments in Cannes were "a manifestation of the well-known
stance of Greece's EU partners towards Turkey" said: "We are not
of the opinion that the problems between Greece and Turkey can
be solved through polemics and accusations. Like all
international problems, Greek-Turkish problems can be solved
through dialogue.

"Greece must avoid actions which complicate the resolution of
the problems between the two countries." "Before advising other
countries on their relations with the European Union," Mr.
Nurkan added, "Greece must (learn how to) behave as a true
European country, mainly towards resolving political problems
and the struggle against terrorism through dialogue." The
Turkish Ministry spokesman also said that "good neighbourly
relations call for respect of mutual interests."

Constantopoulos meets with Kurdish MPs-in-exile
_______________________________________________
Athens, 29/06/1995 (ANA):

Coalition of the Left and Progress leader Nikos Constantopoulos
met yesterday with a delegation of the Kurdish
Parliament-in-exile, expressing support for its cause.

Speaking to reporters after the meeting, Mr. Constantopoulos
said safeguarding the rights of the Kurds was an issue for all
peoples, an issue of peace and security in the region and a
prerequisite for democratisation and modernisation in Turkey. He
said the customs union between the European Union and Turkey
should not go ahead unless the Ankara government fully respected
human rights and moved in the direction of resolving the Kurdish
and Cyprus issues.


Chirac proposes trading human rights for 'realism'
_________________________________________________
Cannes, 28/06/1995 (ANA):

Spanish Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez's suggestion at Monday
night's informal dinner that Turkey be invited to the next
European Union summit in Madrid was made on the pretext that it
would be "a show of support by Europe", backing Mr. Chirac's
logic that democracy in Turkey was threatened by "Islamic
fundamentalism". "We must support Turkey and (Turkish Prime
Minister Tansu) Ciller at all costs," Mr. Chirac said.

Mr. Papandreou rejected Mr. Gonzalez's proposal outright and
strongly criticised support for Turkey. Calling Greece's lifting
of its veto on a customs union between Turkey and the European
Union "a courageous action, a contribution to peace", Mr.
Papandreou told the leaders: "I will not accept reaching the
point of hearing here of an invitation to Turkey and Ms Ciller.
Why? Maybe because it respects human rights? Maybe because it
has been occupying the northern part of Cyprus for 20 years?
Maybe because it is threatening Greece every day? Listen
carefully: I will not allow this. Greece says no. And it will do
all in its power to avert such support from Europe. "I am amazed
at the cynical manner and the insensitive words heard here. What
I say and what European peoples say go without a reply."

In a statement to reporters after a luncheon given for leaders
attending the summit yesterday, Press Under-Secretary Telemachos
Hytiris said Mr. Chirac replied: "We must be realistic. We know
what human rights mean, but we must have a strategy for Turkey
's stability which must not pass into other hands."

Mr. Gonzalez, who succeeds Mr. Chirac as European Council
President as of July 1, backed Mr. Chirac's call to build closer
links with Turkey and said he would invite Ms Ciller on a
bilateral basis to Madrid, probably at the same time as the next
summit. "Since we as the European Council cannot invite Ms
Ciller due to Mr. Papandreou's reaction, I will receive her as
Council President for a bilateral contact," Mr. Gonzalez said.

The evidently concerted initiative by Mr. Chirac and Mr.
Gonzalez was supported, according to Mr. Hytiris, by German
Chancellor Helmut Kohl. However, he did not play a leading role
in the discussion.

Replying to questioners, Mr. Hytiris conceded pressure was being
exerted on Greece, but disagreed that Greece had been isolated
in the EU. He insisted that Greece had been correct lifting its
veto on Turkey's customs union with the EU.

Meeting with Ocalan was a private act, deputy says
__________________________________________________
Ankara, 26/06/1995 (ANA):

A deputy of the ruling party said Friday his meeting with a
Kurdish separatist leader recently was a personal action and
nothing to do with the government, in response to Turkish
objections. "My visit does not commit the government in Athens
and is a personal action," PASOK deputy for Xanthi Panayiotis
Sgouridis said in a statement Friday to the Turkish daily
Hurriyet.

Mr. Sgouridis, together with other five Greek deputies, recently
visited the president of the Kurdistan National Liberation
Front, Abdullah Ocalan at an undisclosed site abroad, prompting
a demarche condemning the meeting to the Greek charge d'affaires
by the Turkish Foreign Ministry last Friday.

Mr. Sgouridis told Hurriyet that it was a mistake to blame the
Greek government for his own actions. "I am not a foreign
minister and I do not represent the (Greek) government. I am a
deputy and my visit to Apo (Abdullah Ocalan) was of a private
nature, " he said.

Mr. Sgouridis said he was a "supporter of human rights" adding
that the Turkish government was exercising pressure on the
Kurds. "I love the Turkish people... I am in favour of the
positive development of Greek-Turkish relations," he added.

According to an ANA dispatch from Ankara yesterday citing the
Anadolu agency, the president of the Turkish National Assembly
has sent a letter to his counterparts of the NATO member-states,
the president of the Council of Europe parliamentary assembly
and the European Parliament's presidency condemning the Greek
deputies' meeting with the Kurdish leader.

The letter said the Greek deputies' visit "means that the Greek
Parliament supports the violence exercised by the PKK against
the people of neighbouring Turkey." "Naturally, Turkey cannot
remain silent at such a development," the letter said. ANA

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:29:20 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:29:20
Subject: ANA News Excerpts
References: <bac1c849.gate.6FkV8c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.RNV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>



European socialists
___________________
Brussels, 07/07/1995 (ANA-M. Savva):

In a draft resolution on the results of the Cannes Summit, to be
submitted shortly, the Socialist group in the European
Parliament expressed surprise at the intention of the European
Council to pursue "closer relations between the Union and
Turkey."

The resolution will reiterate the resolve of European socialists
not to consent to Turkey's customs union with the EU as long as
there is no progress in respect of human rights and
democratisation in that country.


Turkish accusations again strongly rebuked by Greece
____________________________________________________
Athens, 06/07/1995 (ANA):

Greece for the second consecutive day yesterday strongly
rejected accusations by Turkish Premier Tansu Ciller that Athens
was supporting Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) separatists.

"There is a cycle of provocations from Turkey, beginning with
the resolution of the Turkish National Assembly and proceeding
to unacceptable claims made (Monday) by Ms. Ciller concerning
the Kurds," government spokesman Evangelos Venizelos said.

The Turkish National Assembly last month empowered the
government to take military measures against Greece if Athens
implemented the international Law of the Sea Convention, which
gives Greece the right to extend its territorial waters from six
to 12 nautical miles.

"Greece wants a Turkey which safeguards social cohesion and
without domestic problems, but we cannot tolerate the
provocative statements and threats of war. Greece wants a truly
European Turkey and the development of Ankara's relations with
the European Union, but Turkey will not develop this
relationship unless it accepts certain fundamental principles
such as respect for democratic and human rights, and unless it
withdraws its threats against Greece," Mr. Venizelos said.

"It is indeed strange and provocative that Ms. Ciller should
claim that Greece is a threat. Greece has a security problem of
which the international community is aware," the government
spokesman added.

Replying to questions, Mr. Venizelos said if t he cause of
Turkish threats stems from a private visit by Greek MPs to the
hideout of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan "then we cannot
communicate." "The government does not know what deputies do
independently and privately. This is how pluralistic democracies
function, but perhaps some countries are not familiar with this,
that is, not familiar with democratic functioning. Greek foreign
policy is formulated by the government and not individuals," Mr.
Venizelos said.

Turkish officials have complained about a visit by six Greek
parliament members to Mr. Ocalan last month. Ms. Ciller accused
Greece Monday of "making shrouds for Turkey" by supposedly
aiding the PKK. Mr. Venizelos said he could not understand why
Turkey had not threatened the Netherlands, which hosts the
Kurdish parliament-in-exile.

"Why is Greece being singled out as a target? Where is Greece's
policy on the issue any different to that of other countries?"
he said. Mr. Venizelos added that "it is obvious Turkey is not
threatened by Greece, but that Turkey unilaterally harbours
designs against Greece's sovereign rights and has committed an
international crime by invading Cyprus, a large part of which it
still occupies today. "It is therefore a provocation and a
paradox on the part of Ms. Ciller to refer to Greece's threats
against Turkey," he continued.

Asked to comment on the fact that despite Turkish provocations,
Greece agreed during the European Summit in Cannes to ratify the
EU-Turkish customs union by the European Parliament, Mr.
Venizelos said the Greek delegation simply ratified the already
adopted decisions by the Council of Ministers.

Mr. Venizelos said the issue was related to the EU prospect for
Cyprus, and respect of values in which Greece believes in and
which constitute the European ideal. "Our country has accepted
nothing else at the European Council," Mr. Venizelos said,
adding that the government's policy on the specific issue was
drafted in co-operation and approval of the opposition parties.

Meanwhile, an ANA dispatch from Istanbul quoted Turkish Foreign
Ministry spokesman Omer Akbel as saying "this case (Greece's
alleged support of the PKK) will not be abandoned." According to
the dispatch, Mr. Akbel told a press conference yesterday that
"the fact a NATO member-state supports terrorism is very
serious". "Turkey will not abandon this case," he said, adding
that Turkey has informed interested organisations and countries
on the issue.

Asked to comment on the results of this action, Mr. Akbel said
this was an issue of constant communication and not of a final
answer. "What's important is to inform and warn," he said,
adding that the alleged information contained documents, data
and photographs. He did not comment on the content, however. He
added that "necessary action to the Greek Embassy in Ankara" has
occurred and that Greek diplomats were asked "to provide
explanations."

Ambassador's response
_____________________
Athens, 06/07/1995 (ANA):

In an interview with the daily "Milliyet", the Greek Ambassador
to Turkey Dimitris Nezeritis said evidence the paper published
claiming links between the Greek government and the outlawed
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) proved nothing.

Commenting on a meeting between Greek deputies and PKK leader
Abdullah Ocalan, he said, "I realise the sensitivity of Turkish
public opinion, but the government has nothing to do with this
affair. They were not sent there on behalf of parliament. Greece
has an official position regarding these issues."

Questioned on reports that "there are PKK camps in Greece," and
that Greek passports are granted to PKK members," Mr. Nezeritis
replied: "I want to see the evidence concerning Greece's
supposed support to PKK, let them show me that passport. We have
repeatedly asked for information and nothing has been made
available to us. They say there is a PKK camp. Where? They say
it is 200km south of Athens, but it emerges that point is in the
sea. Reference is made to confessions by terrorists who are
arrested. If I were arrested in a country where there's so much
propaganda against Greece, I too would say what the official
authorities want to hear."

Stressing that Greece is held responsible for every negative
event in Turkey, Mr. Nezeritis expressed his annoyance regarding
reports on Greece in the Turkish press, adding: "If there are
problems, these can be discussed with us. The easiest thing in
the world is to start a campaign in the press."


Turkish press
_____________
Athens, 04/07/1995 (ANA):

The front pages of most Turkish dailies are monopolised these
days by reports claiming "co-operation between Greece and the
Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK) is proven." The publications were
prompted by Mr. Kaya's visit to Athens last week as well as the
meeting by Greek deputies with Mr. Ocalan.

"Kaya was received by the (Greek) parliament's president and
this occurs for the first time, meaning that the Kurdish
parliament-in-exile has been recognised for the first time by
the parliament of a country," the Turkish daily "Milliyet" wrote
before concluding that "Kaya's visit - from beginning to end -
was an official one."

Many dailies also referred to "a file of documents" concerning
the supposed co-operation between Greece and the PKK. The "file"
was transferred to all the "friendly" countries and to the Greek
Foreign Ministry, Turkish press reports stated.

Meanwhile, Turkish Interior Minister Nahit Mentese said "we will
begin a large campaign in Europe against Greece and present all
its dirty relations," adding that "many facts have been secured
through official channels."

---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Jul 11 21:00:15 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Jul 1995 21:00:15
Subject: ARGK Statement - July 7, 1995
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507111934.AA23231@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

July 7, 1995

ARGK Statement Concerning The Latest Turkish Incursion Into South
Kurdistan

     The latest military incursion of the Turkish army into South
Kurdistan (northern Iraq) is, in fact, not a new development. The
area around the Iraqi border and the Zagros region (where the
borders of Iran, Iraq, and Turkey meet) has been a constant area
of conflict for a long time now. During the course of this
conflict, the Turkish military authorities have had to evacuate 4
military bases and some village guard settlements and has
attempted to centralize them in so-called "strategic villages".
Having lost control in this region, the Turkish authorities are
now finding it impossible to get village guard militias to
participate in military operations and fear they may turn against
them.
     Therefore, the Turkish army has concentrated its forces in
certain areas which are now coming under guerrilla attacks. The
latest military operation is an attempt to prevent guerrilla
attacks on the remaining bases. The areas on the side of the
Iraqi border that have been targeted are those areas that could
be used for launching attacks on these bases. Clashes over the
last few days have occurred all along the border as far as
Xankurke and have been concentrated in the Gerdi region. The
first Turkish units were ambushed and the Turkish forces have
been attempting to reach Avashin and Munzuri for 4 days now. They
have suffered heavy casualties and succeeded in getting as far as
Miroz, an area controlled by Barzani's forces. 7 villages in the
area have been bombarded and villagers have been massacred on the
orders of the 'Cevik' headquarters. We heard the order being
given over walkie-talkie and we heard that it had been carried
out, but we have not yet confirmed this.
     There have also been clashes in the border region around
Cukurca. The Turkish forces have been unable to advance from this
area. East of Cukurca there have also been clashes around Mt.
Cilo and the Turkish forces have advanced into Iraqi territory in
the Burcela area, but they have not been able to advance very
far.
     During these clashes, we have lost a total of 3 guerillas
with another 7 slightly wounded. Turkish army casualties are in
the hundreds. Our forces have seized many weapons.
     The enemy is prepared to suffer these casualties solely in
order to protect their limited forces in the area, for unless
they do this it will be impossible for them to defend these
targets. They are endeavouring to prevent us from carrying out
our plans. We are aware of this and yesterday they themselves
admitted as much. The enemy is also trying to conceal the
reality in the region by waging a psychological war to make it
seem like they are able to carry out such operations. In reality,
they are not in a position to advance very far. They now only
have 4 battalions in the Cukurca area, 1 in Gerdi, and several in
Gewer. This summer we will attack and destroy these targets. The
enemy, aware of our intentions, is endeavouring to prolong the
existence of these bases by going on the offensive.
     Our forces, however, are prepared and we are intensifying
our activities. We have plans to defeat the efforts of the enemy
and we are determined to carry out our objective of destroying
the Turkish bases in the area, thereby establishing our authority
over an extensive area. This is our goal for the summer. We will
not accept anything less.

People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK)

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Jul 11 21:00:18 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Jul 1995 21:00:18
Subject: Hundreds Of People Detained In Anka
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507111934.AA23213@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Hundreds Of People Detained In Ankara

July 7, 1995

Hundreds Of People Detained In Ankara

     A total of 244 people, including 2 children, were detained
in Ankara on July 6. Among those detained were Yavuz Onen,
President of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey and Chairman
of the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects,
Husnu Ondul, Secretary General of the Human Rights Association
(IHD), Nazmi Gur, Vice Secretary General of IHD, and Sirri Sakik,
former Democracy Party (DEP) Member of Parliament. Out of the
detainees, Husnu Ondul was released on the evening of July 6, and
Yavuz Onen and Nazmi Gur were released on the evening of July 7.
Sirri Sakik and the remaining 240 people are still in police
custody.
     The incident took place during the trial launched against
leaders of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP). HADEP Vice
Chairpersons Sahabettin Ozarslaner and Hikmet Fidan, HADEP Vice
Secretary General Seyhmus Cagro, and Ferhan Turk, one of the
administrators of the HADEP Ankara Provincial Organization, are
all facing 15 years in prison on charges of being members of the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). This trial started in Ankara State
Security Court on July 6.
     At the first hearing of the trial, persons wishing to
observe the proceedings were not allowed to enter the court. Some
people then protested by starting to clap their hands and the
defence attorneys walked out of the hearing room. Then, Nusret
Demiral, Chief Prosecutor of the Ankara State Security Court,
ordered that everyone be arrested, including the lawyers. Upon
the orders of the prosecutor, 244 persons were arrested. The
detainees were then taken by police buses to the sports hall of
the Ankara Security Directorate. Except for the three men
released, the prosecutor has asked that all 241 people be
detained until at least July 12.
     Mr. Onen, President of the Human Rights Foundation of
Turkey, had this to say about the incident: "A total of 244
people were detained on the orders of the State Security Court
prosecutor. The detainees were divided into four groups and were
interrogated. I was interrogated twice. During the interrogation,
4 women were beaten. We were kept in abnormal conditions. Our
group was taken to the Narcotics Branch. The cells were not open,
so we had to stay on the concrete floor in the hall. Besides,
nobody met the needs of the detainees. Me and Nazmi were released
on the condition that we appear before the State Security Court
on July 12. I can say that this detention was truly an arbitrary
one."
     The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey and the Union of
Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects call upon the
Turkish government to release the detainees immediately, and we
call upon the international public and all democratic
organizations to be aware of these events. We invite you to join
in our struggle for democracy in our country and to protest with
us against this violation of human rights.

Turkiye Insan Haklari Vakfi/Human Rights Foundation of Turkey

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Jul 11 21:29:24 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Jul 1995 21:29:24
Subject: Turkish troops slowly leaving north
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507111923.AA25728@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: clyde at burn.ucsd.edu (Neighborhood Queen )
Subject: Turkish troops slowly leaving north Iraq 

Turkish troops slowly leaving north Iraq
a0547LBY811reulb
r i BC-TURKEY-IRAQ   07-10 0548
^BC-TURKEY-IRAQ@
 ^Turkish troops slowly leaving north Iraq@
    ANKARA, July 10 (Reuter) - Turkish soldiers who entered
northern Iraq six days ago to root out rebel Kurds, were pulling
out in batches as units completed their mission, Turkey's
Foreign Ministry said on Monday.
    ``Troops who have accomplished their given assignments are
returning in batches,'' ministry spokesman Omer Akbel told
reporters. He did not say how many troops had returned to
Turkey.
    Security officials said 36 guerrillas of the separatist
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and four soldiers died in clashes
just on the Turkish side of the Iraqi border on Monday.
    The death toll now stands at 146 rebels and 19 troops since
the push began on July 5, they said. The PKK, in statements
released in Europe, had put Turkish casualties much higher and
its own losses much lower.
    Some 3,000 mountain commandos trained locally in the Turkish
border province of Hakkari from where the thrust began, have
taken part in the operation spread over 2,800 square km (1,080
square miles), officials said.
    The Arab League and Iraq, which lost control of its northern
areas to Iraqi Kurdish guerrillas after the 1991 Gulf War, have
condemned the Turkish incursion and urged an immediate
withdrawal.
    The United Nations says hundreds of Iraqi Kurdish families
have fled the latest Turkish onslaught.
    Akbel gave no other details but a military source said it
was very hard to say when clashes in the border area would
definitely end because units would fight on their return to
Turkey if they encountered any rebel groups.
    Army experts say the mountains offer the rebels, born and
bred in the region, thousands of caves many of which connect to
more than one exit and can be used all year around as shelters
and arsenals.
    It is fairly impossible to locate, search out and control
the whole of the subterranean network, they say.
    Akbel said the incursion was undertaken in accordance with
international law.
    ``Iraq can't exercise its sovereignty in this area and what
the Turkish armed forces did is in conformity with international
law and a legitimate act of self defence,'' he said.
    Iraq-based PKK units have mounted 36 raids into Turkey and
killed 26 soldiers in the last two months despite a much larger
Turkish cross-border operation ending in May, the commander of
the operation said on Sunday.
    ``We can't allow this,'' Brigadier Osman Pamukoglu told the
Anatolian news agency at a border briefing.
    Military sources describe the presence of Turkish troops on
Iraqi land as a fluid situation because soldiers cross the
unmarked mountain border whenever they locate a rebel group.
    ``We are going after them, seeking a conflict. The only
chance we can give them is a call to surrender. After that it is
a clash,'' one source said.
    ``Until the Iraqi Kurds are capable of establishing security
in this area, we are going to do it. We are not eager to fight
on Iraqi land but we must.''
    An armed feud between two Iraqi Kurdish factions which hold
sway in the area has broken down what central authority there
was since December. The Iraqi Kurds are protected from Baghdad
by a Western allied air force based in southern Turkey.
    More than 17,000 people have been killed in the PKK's fight
for independence in southeast Turkey since 1984.
Reut08:27 07-10-95

Reuter N:Copyright 1995, Reuters News Service


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Jul 12 19:35:00 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Jul 1995 19:35:00
Subject: Mumia: Asylum In Germany?
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507121752.AA08789@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

Political Asylum For Mumia?

     A campaign has been launched in Germany to draw attention to
the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal. Ulla Jelpke, Member of Parliament
for the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS), and the journalists
union IG-Medien in Berlin-Brandenburg have started a campaign to
have the German government grant Mumia political asylum in
Germany. The PDS and other supporters in Germany say that because
Mumia is suffering from racism and cruel treatment (ie. the death
penalty) in the United States, he should be allowed to seek
refuge in Germany.

(Yeni Politika - July 1, 1995)

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:31:45 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:31:45
Subject: Turkey Bombs Iraqi Kurds
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.uNV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>

      id VT10778; Thu, 13 Jul 1995 14:52:16 -0800


Turkey Bombs Iraqi Kurds

    ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- Thousands of Iraqi Kurds fled their
villages Friday after Turkish forces dropped bombs in northern Iraq
and about 3,000 soldiers pressed their cross-border offensive
against Kurdish rebels.
    F-16 warplanes and Cobra helicopters bombed an area about 9
miles inside Iraq, across the border from the Turkish town of
Cukurca, a local official said. Tanks joined the battle.
    Turkey has repeatedly sent forces into northern Iraq to try to
eliminate bases used by Turkish Kurdish rebels, who have been
fighting for autonomy for southeastern Turkey since 1984.
    An estimated 3,000 Iraqi Kurds from 18 villages have fled their
homes for safer areas, said Safeen Dizayhe, a representative of an
Iraqi Kurdish opposition party, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, in
Ankara.
    The Turkish military says the rebels take sanctuary in the Iraqi
Kurdish villages.
    The offensive, which began Wednesday, is a replay in miniature
of a six-week assault by some 35,000 Turkish troops starting in
March that forced Iraqi Kurds to evacuate dozens of villages.
    Turkey then came under strong Western criticism for the action,
concentrated in a section of northern Iraq controlled by Iraqi
Kurds who want independence from Baghdad. The area is protected by
a U.S.-led allied air force.
    This time, only Iraq has protested publicly. A statement carried
by the Iraqi News Agency expressed Iraq's ``strong condemnation of
the new Turkish military incursion.''
    Washington urged Turkey to protect civilians and their property
and keep the operation limited in scope and duration.
    Col. Dogu Silahcioglu, a spokesman for the chief of staff, told
The Associated Press that soldiers in ``small units are gradually
returning (to Turkey) after completing their mission.''
    Forty-two Kurdish rebels and five Turkish soldiers died in
fighting Friday, he added. Seventy-six rebels have been killed
since Wednesday.
    More than 16,000 people have died in 11 years of clashes between
rebels and Turkish forces.
    The government Friday said 2,432 Kurdish rebels have been killed
this year.
    The military operation is centered where the borders of Turkey,
Iran and Iraq converge. Dizayhe said it concentrated in the Mirga
Sur area closer to the Iranian border. Three Iraqi Kurdish
villagers were injured during the first two days of shelling and
several houses were damaged, he added.
    A military statement rejected the allegations, saying
bombardments were at least 1 mile from civilian areas.


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 13 15:33:40 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 13 Jul 1995 15:33:40
Subject: EUROPEAN COMMISSION PRESS RELEASE
Message-ID: <bac1c849.gate.ZNV78c1w165w@newsdesk.aps.nl>


    DOCUMENT DATE: JULY 5, 1995

    +

    INTERIM REPORT CONCERNING THE REFORM PROCESS, THE HUMAN

    RIGHTS SITUATION AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY IN

    TURKEY

    +

    The European Parliament in its resolution of 16 February 1995 asked the
Commission to provide interim reports on the modifications to the Turkish
constitution and on measures to strengthen the rule of law in Turkey which
are underway. This report has been drafted in response to the European
Parliament's request.  The Commission fully shares Parliament's views on the
importance of the consolidation of democracy and the respect for human rights
in the context of closer relations between the EU and Turkey.

    The coalition government led by Mrs Ciller has expressed its firm
commitment to constitutional and legal reform and the prospect of customs
union has stimulated the debate on this question.  Nevertheless, the
political situation in Turkey and the procedures necessary under the
constitution inherited from the military regime create various difficulties.
 It is thus uncertain whether Parliament will adopt all the changes sought by
the government by the autumn.

    The Commission will make another progress report after the summer.

    1. THE PRESENT SITUATION

    The present situation regarding human rights in Turkey is unsatisfactory.
 There are two main types of infringement: the lack of respect for the
individual (allegations of maltreatment, unsolved cases of disappearance,
illegal executions and the expulsion of villagers in the south-east) and
serious shortcomings in civil liberties (restriction of the right of
expression, particularly in connection with calls for ``separatism,'' limits
on the right of association and participation in political life).

    At the last two meetings of the EC-Turkey Association Council (December
1994 and March 1995), the President of the Council of the European Union
informed Turkey that its record on democracy, human rights and the rule of
law fell far short of the situation in the Member States, and that Turkey
should respect international standards, particularly given its obligations as
a member of the Council of Europe and the OSCE.

    The main causes of the present shortcomings in the rule of law would
appear to include the following:

    - a constitution inherited from the military regime and containing
anti-democratic provisions, which are backed up by the penal code and certain
laws, such as the anti-terrorism law;

    - the fact that the army, police and state prosecutors exercise their
responsibilities without adequate democratic accountability (1);

    (1) See, in particular, Mr Marc Galle's report to the European
Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs regarding his fact-finding mission
to Turkey (8-11 March 1994); final version of 15 March 1994.

    - legal and constitutional restrictions on civil society (unions, trades
associations, non-govenimental organizations);

    - PKK terrorism and the response to it.

    2. GOVERNMENT ACTION

    The government has proposed far-reaching action to improve respect for
human rights.  It covers reform of the Turkish constitution to make it more
democratic, the amending or abrogating of Article 8 of the anti-terrorism law
and, as a result, the release or halting of prosecution of individuals
detained or being sought for offences of conscience, the ending of the state
of emergency in some provinces, a training programme regarding human rights
for the police, and, more generally, an improvement in police procedures to
provide more protection for the citizen. The government has introduced
courses on human rights from primary school to university, starting in the
1995-6 school year.

    2.1 Constitutional reform

    The Turkish constitution contains many provisions restricting basic
political freedom, including the freedom of association, as well as the
freedom of trade unions.  The government has proposed that some twenty
articles in the constitution be amended.  They include:

    - the part of the preamble which declared the military coup of 12
September 1990 to be legal;

    - Article 15 (provisional), which makes it illegal to contest the
constitutional nature of the rights and rules adopted under the military
regime;

    - Article 33, which restricts the right of associations to conduct
political activities;

    - Article 51, which forbids civil servants to join trade unions;

    - Article 52, which forbids trade unions to cooperate with political
parties, organizations and foundations;

    - Article 54, which restricts freedom of trade union action;

    - Article 67: the proposed reform would make it easier for citizens
living abroad (3 million) to vote outside Turkey and would also lower the
minimum voting age to 18;

    - Article 68, which restricts the participation of students and teachers
in political life;

    - Article 76, which will be amended to bring the eligibility to stand as
a deputy from the age of 30 down to the age of 25;

    - Article 128, which restricts de facto civil servants' collective
bargaining rights;

    - Article 135, which prohibits links between trade organizations and
political parties, trade unions or associations.

    Other articles in the constitution are not covered by the proposed
reforms, notably Articles 13 and 14, which allow restrictions of fundamental
rights and freedoms. Article 13 states that these rights may be restricted by
law to safeguard the integrity of the state, national sovereignty, and
national security.  It was on the basis of Article 13 of the constitution
that Article 8 of the 1991 anti-terrorism law, which restricts a large number
of freedoms, was adopted.

    Similarly, Article 24, which concerns the ban on exploiting or abusing
religious feelings to undermine the social, economic and political order is
not included in the present exercise. This article is a source of
disagreement between the (Islamic) Welfare Party, which wants to amend it,
and the secular parties, which want to retain it as a way of containing the
influence of Islamic fundamentalism.

    2.2 Political and technical difficulties

    Constitutional reform has assumed major political importance, especially
given international concern.  Turkey's leaders know that this reform is
perceived as a test of their willingness to strengthen democracy and that it
will affect the prospects for customs union.  It is openly contested only by
a very small minority.  But the prospect of elections in the near future
means that each political party views the reform process in the light of its
possibl e electoral consequences.

    The political situation in Turkey's Grand National Assembly is complex.
 Amendment of the constitution requires a two-thirds majority and the secret
ballot makes it difficult to predict the outcome.  If fewer than 270 vote in
favour of an amendment, it fails.  If between 270 and 300 vote in favour
there should be a referendum.  Only if 300 or more vote in favour is the
amendment adopted.  There are two rounds of voting before the package of
amendments is submitted to a final vote.  It is difficult to predict whether
the constitutional reform proposals will get through the Turkish Parliament,
and if so, in what shape.  The government may well find it hard to reach 300
votes, so a referendum cannot be ruled out.

    2.3 Article 8 of anti-terrorism law

    The anti-terrorism law was adopted on 12 April 1991 to combat
organizations which aim at changing ``the attributes of the Republic as
defined in the Constitution and the political, legal, social, secular and
economic order ... by using any one of the means of oppression, force and
violence, intimidation, terror, pacification or threat.''

      One of the most contested articles of this law is Article 8, which
prohibits written or oral propaganda, meetings or demonstrations which could
impair the integrity of the Republic of Turkey, its territory and its nation.
 This article provides for prison sentences of two to five years.  Article 9
of the same law makes its application subject to the State Security Court.
 This law has been interpreted severely by the State Security Court and as a
result many writers, journalists and publishers are now imprisoned.

    The government has promised to propose amendment or abrogation of Article
8. But such a change is contested. One important political party has
expressed its opposition to changing this law as long as terrorism persists
and the deputy Chief of Staff of the Army has declared that the article
should not be abrogated, as this would weaken the army's ability to combat
the PKK.  He indicated, however, that if Parliament did abrogate the article,
the army would respect the decision.  Mrs Ciller's party (DYP) has embarked
on consultations on this issue.  The proponents of reform are themselves
often accused of conniving at terrorism or of ``foreign'' intervention in
Turkey's political life.

    The government needs to proceed carefully to obtain the simple majority
of 226 votes needed to amend this article. There would normally be an open
vote on the amendment of Article 8, and not a secret ballot.  If this article
were amended, many people could be freed.

    2.4 The DEP Members of Parliament

    The European Parliament protested at the accelerated procedure used to
lift the immunity of the DEP members of the Turkish Parliament and at the
fact that some were immediately arrested and have since received heavy
sentences from the State Security Court (see Mr Marc Galle's report referred
to above). The sentences attracted vehement reactions in Europe and
particularly within the European Parliament.

    The main charge was for offences under Article 168(2) or Article 169 of
the penal code, with ``separatist propaganda'' offences under Article 8 of
the anti-terrorism law being only a secondary charge.  Amending Article 8
would thus not secure a release, since it would affect only the secondary
charge.  The DEP members have appealed against their sentences, as has the
prosecutor of the State Security Court, because he seeks stiffer penalties.

    There have been reports in the Turkish press that the Chief Prosecutor of
the Appeal Court might alter the charges against some of the prisoners and
therefore possibly have them freed or their sentences reduced.  The Turkish
authorities point out that the question of amnesty cannot be considered while
the appeals are still in progress.  The prospects for an early release of all
the DEP members seem remote, but the Government insists that it would abide
by any subsequent ruling resulting from the DEP members' appeal to the
European Court of Human Rights.

    2.5 Terrorism and the Kurdish Question

    The PKK's attacks have traumatized public opinion, and the security
forces' tough response, including the military intervention in Iraq, which
ended with the return of the armed forces to Turkey, enjoys wide public
support.  This situation, however, especially the state of emergency in ten
provinces of south-east Anatolia, severely restricts fundamental rights and
freedoms and has led to accusations of abuse.

    The military situation could permit the state of emergency to be ended
soon in at least some of those provinces and this could lead to the
restoration of ftmdamental rights and freedoms in these areas.  But the
arguments of those who are in favour of reinstating constitutional order in
the south-east are weakened by PKK terrorist attacks in these provinces.
 Indeed, a number of Turkish soldiers have died as a result of PKK attacks on
the Turkish army in the past weeks.

    The European Union has repeatedly condemned terrorism and called on
Turkey to seek a solution through political, rather than military, means.  It
has also made clear that Turkish territorial integrity should not be called
into question.  At the same time, the legitimate cultural aspirations of a
significant part of the population remain to be fulfilled.

    In individual terms, all Turkish citizens are equal before the law and
suffer no discrimination.  The vast majority of the population of Kurdish
origin, amounting to some twelve million, is integrated with the other
sections of the Turkish population. Approximately a hundred members of
Turkey's parliament are said to be of Kurdish origin, as are a number of
eminent figures in business, politics, the administration, including
provincial governors, and the government.  But the existence of minorities is
not formally recognised in Turkey and so it is difficult for citizens of
Kurdish origin to benefit from collective or cultural rights as such.

    The Kurdish-language press and radio broadcasts as well as education in
Kurdish are not forbidden.  There is one weekly (''Velateme'') in Kurdish and
another four partly in Turkish and partly in Kurdish.  The Turkish-language
daily paper ``Ozgur Gundem'' took a pro-Kurd line until it was banned in
April 1994. Its successor ``Ozgur Ulke'' was banned in February this year and
the paper ``Yeni Politika'' currently expresses a similar position.

    Some Turks consider that if Turkey adopted democratic practices on the
European model PKK propaganda would be weakened.  But the prevailing opinion
in government circles is that the majority of the population does not want
such a change, which would be interpreted as a victory for PKK terrorism and
as a sign of weakness.

    Ideas have been put forward regarding reform of the state through
administrative decentralization.  This would allow local political
responsibility to be exercised in some of the provinces with Kurdish
majorities.  But the emphasis placed on countering terrorism seems to have
postponed such plans.

    2.6 Training for the forces of law and order

    There have been frequent reports of maltreatment and torture in Turkey.
 The government states that the perpetrators of such acts should be punished
and that the rule of law should be strengthened.  Public opinion and the
victims themselves have been increasingly ready to seek redress.  The public
prosecutor's offices received approximately 1200 complaints in 1994, over 400
of which went to court.  In the last three years the police have been found
guilty of such offences on sixty occasions.  One of the steps being prepared
is the establishment of a criminal investigation department.  This would
separate those making arrests from those carrying out investigations. Also in
preparation is a law regarding lawsuits against officials for actions
undertaken in the performance of their duties.  This would oblige the
Prosecutor to conduct an inquiry in parallel with administrative procedures
in such cases.

    Training on human rights has been compulsory at police academies for
several years, buf further efforts are needed. The intention is to carry
these courses further and to cover Turkey's international human rights
obligations and the international monitoring to which Turkey has voluntarily
submitted.

    Individuals and associations have increasingly brought their cases before
the European Commission of Human Rights.  The Court has a growing influence
in legal circles in Turkey.  Courts increasingly refer in their rulings to
the European Convention on Human Rights.  Moreover, the Committee against
Torture has made seven visits to Turkey since 1988.  The Turkish Government
maintains that dialogue and cooperation with the Committee are continuing,
and that its recommendations are acted on.

    3. OUTLOOK

    The current situation in Turkey with regard to the rule of law and the
respect for human rights is unsatisfactory.  Despite the imperfections
described above, its institutions are essentially democratic, secular and
pluralist.  Most of Turkish society seeks greater democracy and looks to the
European model.

    The government has shown its determination to remedy the situation.  The
reforms it has planned are wide-ranging and are designed to improve
substantially the functioning of democracy.

    These plans for reform are, however, meeting heavy resistance,
particularly from opponents of the government, conservatives, opponents of
customs union and of closer ties with Europe, and Islamic fundamentalists.

    The European Union strongly supports constitutional and legal reform in
Turkey and the Commission will continue to follow developments closely and
will keep Parliament informed.

 END OF DOCUMENT


---
 * Origin: APS Amsterdam (aps.nl), bbs +31-20-6842147 (16:31/2.0)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Jul 14 18:05:05 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 14 Jul 1995 18:05:05
Subject: Open Letter From Kurdish Hungerstri
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507141629.AA19114@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Open Letter From Kurdish Hungerstrikers

An Open Letter

To:

The United Nations
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
The International Red Cross
The Council of Europe
The European Parliament
The European Union
Amnesty International

     The United Nations and its affiliates, having the
responsibility for the peaceful coexistence of the peoples of the
world, are no doubt aware of the circumstances in our homeland,
Kurdistan. We, the Kurdish people, as responsible members of the
world community, wish to be treated fairly. We see you as a voice
of responsibility and reason and hence are making this
announcement to you as we do with various worldwide
organizations. Our people, having been denied status even as a
colonized people, before the eyes of the United Nations is left
to annihilation by this century's most vicious and barbaric
regimes. What Saddam saw fit to bring upon the Kurdish people has
not yet left our conscience. Today, a similar savagery is being
planned and executed by the Turkish regime in Kurdish lands. Our
settlements are being destroyed, forests burnt, and all of our
land is being systematically deprive of all life. Our people are
being stripped forcibly from their lands and are condemned to
die. Millions of our people are fighting disease and starvation
as they flee their homeland. For those who migrate to the
metropolitan areas, hunger, unemployment, and "mystery killings"
are new realities. Each day, new attacks are added to the special
teams and contra-guerrilla savagery. Even the dead are not exempt
from the torture which is rooted in racism and fascist
aggression. Today's realities include the rape of young and old
women, houses burnt, and villages destroyed. It is impossible to
speak of human rights while a people, its culture, its language,
and its history are being denied and systematically destroyed.
While the whole world watches in silence, we cannot accept the
death sentences being served upon our people.
     The Kurdish national liberation movement, under the
leadership of the PKK, represents vast portions of Kurdish
society and is taking shape with great difficulty and pains. This
movement has proven that despite incredible odds, our people,
having begun their liberation, will not rest until they are free.
     Common values which enhance people's security and peace must
be supported throughout our region. We believe our people are
contributing to this endeavour. We ask all organizations,
including yours, to show greater sensitivity towards the wishes
of our people. Especially since the spring of 1995, the dirty war
aimed at exterminating our people rages unabated, despite the
calls for a cease-fire issued by PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan.
     We are 10,000 war prisoners. In order to call attention to
the suffering in our homeland, we shall begin an indefinite
hungerstrike on July 14, 1995.
     We shall continue our resistance until serious steps are
taken to remedy our concerns outlined below. We display our
personal gift of life to underline our people's right to live. We
hope and wish for change with this moderate step in our people's
resistance. 
We seek the following:

1. In order to reach a political solution, calls made by PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan for a dialogue must be supported and
encouraged.

2. Geneva Convention regulations covering combatants must be
observed and enforced in Kurdistan.

3. Killing of civilians, summary executions, torture in prisons,
and the burning of villages must come to an end.

4. All war prisoners in jails must be classified as POWs.

5. All military operations designed to destroy our people must be
stopped.

6. Under the auspices of the UN and the Red Cross, committees
must be formed and sent to monitor the war in Kurdistan and
prison conditions.

     This dirty war, and all killings, can be stopped by common
and cohesive action. We believe not in war but in an honourable
peace. We hope that you share our views and desires and we
appreciate your understanding.

14 July 1995

10,000 War Prisoners of Kurdistan

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Sat Jul 15 23:51:21 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 15 Jul 1995 23:51:21
Subject: Open Letter From Kurdish Hungerstri
References: <bac1c849.9507141629.AA19114@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071595223956Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: Open Letter From Kurdish Hungerstrikers

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

An Open Letter

To:

The United Nations
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
The International Red Cross
The Council of Europe
The European Parliament
The European Union
Amnesty International

     The United Nations and its affiliates, having the
responsibility for the peaceful coexistence of the peoples of the
world, are no doubt aware of the circumstances in our homeland,
Kurdistan. We, the Kurdish people, as responsible members of the
world community, wish to be treated fairly. We see you as a voice
of responsibility and reason and hence are making this
announcement to you as we do with various worldwide
organizations. Our people, having been denied status even as a
colonized people, before the eyes of the United Nations is left
to annihilation by this century's most vicious and barbaric
regimes. What Saddam saw fit to bring upon the Kurdish people has
not yet left our conscience. Today, a similar savagery is being
planned and executed by the Turkish regime in Kurdish lands. Our
settlements are being destroyed, forests burnt, and all of our
land is being systematically deprive of all life. Our people are
being stripped forcibly from their lands and are condemned to
die. Millions of our people are fighting disease and starvation
as they flee their homeland. For those who migrate to the
metropolitan areas, hunger, unemployment, and "mystery killings"
are new realities. Each day, new attacks are added to the special
teams and contra-guerrilla savagery. Even the dead are not exempt
from the torture which is rooted in racism and fascist
aggression. Today's realities include the rape of young and old
women, houses burnt, and villages destroyed. It is impossible to
speak of human rights while a people, its culture, its language,
and its history are being denied and systematically destroyed.
While the whole world watches in silence, we cannot accept the
death sentences being served upon our people.
     The Kurdish national liberation movement, under the
leadership of the PKK, represents vast portions of Kurdish
society and is taking shape with great difficulty and pains. This
movement has proven that despite incredible odds, our people,
having begun their liberation, will not rest until they are free.
     Common values which enhance people's security and peace must
be supported throughout our region. We believe our people are
contributing to this endeavour. We ask all organizations,
including yours, to show greater sensitivity towards the wishes
of our people. Especially since the spring of 1995, the dirty war
aimed at exterminating our people rages unabated, despite the
calls for a cease-fire issued by PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan.
     We are 10,000 war prisoners. In order to call attention to
the suffering in our homeland, we shall begin an indefinite
hungerstrike on July 14, 1995.
     We shall continue our resistance until serious steps are
taken to remedy our concerns outlined below. We display our
personal gift of life to underline our people's right to live. We
hope and wish for change with this moderate step in our people's
resistance. 
We seek the following:

1. In order to reach a political solution, calls made by PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan for a dialogue must be supported and
encouraged.

2. Geneva Convention regulations covering combatants must be
observed and enforced in Kurdistan.

3. Killing of civilians, summary executions, torture in prisons,
and the burning of villages must come to an end.

4. All war prisoners in jails must be classified as POWs.

5. All military operations designed to destroy our people must be
stopped.

6. Under the auspices of the UN and the Red Cross, committees
must be formed and sent to monitor the war in Kurdistan and
prison conditions.

     This dirty war, and all killings, can be stopped by common
and cohesive action. We believe not in war but in an honourable
peace. We hope that you share our views and desires and we
appreciate your understanding.

14 July 1995

10,000 War Prisoners of Kurdistan

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Jul 14 19:01:34 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 14 Jul 1995 19:01:34
Subject: Hungerstrike Updates On WWW
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507141730.AA21742@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

Be sure to check our WWW page for updates on the hungerstrike by 
political prisoners in Turkey and Kurdistan:

	http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Jul 15 00:31:18 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 15 Jul 1995 00:31:18
Subject: 10,000 Prisoners On Hungerstrike In
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507141630.AA19169@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: 10,000 Prisoners On Hungerstrike In Turkey/Kurdistan

Brussels, 14 July 1995

Urgent!

Press Statement #1

10,000 Prisoners Of War Have Begun Hungerstrike In Turkey 

     Since July 14, 1995, more than 10,000 Prisoners of War from
Kurdistan have started an indefinite hungerstrike in Turkish
prisons, using the only weapon they have, their bodies, to fight
against the barbaric colonialist war of the Turkish regime and to
struggle for peace for the Turkish and Kurdish peoples so as to
put an end to the suffering of millions of people as fast as
possible.

The hungerstrikers have made the following demands:

1. In order to reach a political solution, calls made by PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan for a dialogue must be supported and
encouraged.

2. Geneva Convention regulations covering combatants must be
observed and enforced in Kurdistan.

3. Killing of civilians, summary executions, torture in prisons,
and the burning of villages must come to an end.

4. All war prisoners in jails must be classified as POWs.

5. All military operations designed to destroy our people must be
stopped. 

6. Under the auspices of the UN and the Red Cross, committees
must be formed and sent to monitor the war in Kurdistan and
prison conditions. 

     Although the Turkish state is signatory to the Geneva
Convention, it has never taken these obligations seriously or
abided by these regulations in its war in Kurdistan. Western
states, aware of this fact, never thought to warn Turkey
concerning this Convention nor urge it to abide by the
regulations.
     Confronting this reality, the 10,000 hungerstrikers have
begun their actions and are determined not to stop them unless
their demands are met. 

Further information concerning this action may be received from
the Solidarity Bureau in Brussels. Their phone number is 
+322-280-0654 and their fax number is +322-230-9208. Or contact
the Kurdistan Committee. We will publish more statements and we
are calling for solidarity with the hungerstrike and for
sensitivity towards the dirty war in Kurdistan.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Sat Jul 15 23:52:27 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 15 Jul 1995 23:52:27
Subject: 10,000 Prisoners On Hungerstrike In
References: <bac1c849.9507141630.AA19169@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071595224018Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: 10,000 Prisoners On Hungerstrike In Turkey/Kurdistan

r 2.20)
           id VT11319; Sat, 15 Jul 1995 22:45:55 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Brussels, 14 July 1995

Urgent!

Press Statement #1

10,000 Prisoners Of War Have Begun Hungerstrike In Turkey 

     Since July 14, 1995, more than 10,000 Prisoners of War from
Kurdistan have started an indefinite hungerstrike in Turkish
prisons, using the only weapon they have, their bodies, to fight
against the barbaric colonialist war of the Turkish regime and to
struggle for peace for the Turkish and Kurdish peoples so as to
put an end to the suffering of millions of people as fast as
possible.

The hungerstrikers have made the following demands:

1. In order to reach a political solution, calls made by PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan for a dialogue must be supported and
encouraged.

2. Geneva Convention regulations covering combatants must be
observed and enforced in Kurdistan.

3. Killing of civilians, summary executions, torture in prisons,
and the burning of villages must come to an end.

4. All war prisoners in jails must be classified as POWs.

5. All military operations designed to destroy our people must be
stopped. 

6. Under the auspices of the UN and the Red Cross, committees
must be formed and sent to monitor the war in Kurdistan and
prison conditions. 

     Although the Turkish state is signatory to the Geneva
Convention, it has never taken these obligations seriously or
abided by these regulations in its war in Kurdistan. Western
states, aware of this fact, never thought to warn Turkey
concerning this Convention nor urge it to abide by the
regulations.
     Confronting this reality, the 10,000 hungerstrikers have
begun their actions and are determined not to stop them unless
their demands are met. 

Further information concerning this action may be received from
the Solidarity Bureau in Brussels. Their phone number is 
+322-280-0654 and their fax number is +322-230-9208. Or contact
the Kurdistan Committee. We will publish more statements and we
are calling for solidarity with the hungerstrike and for
sensitivity towards the dirty war in Kurdistan.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Jul 15 03:31:26 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 15 Jul 1995 03:31:26
Subject: Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Servi
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507150224.AA14539@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Service Of Truth

Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Service Of Truth

     Ismail Besikci was born in 1939 in the Iskilip region of
Corum. He attended elementary and middle school in Iskilip and
went to high school in Corum. In 1962, he finished his studies at
the Faculty for Political Science at the University of Ankara. In
1961 he began the practical part of his studies with the
Administration Department in Elazig and the surrounding regions.
Here he came into contact with Kurds for the first time, since
the Administration needed a translator to understand them. This
experience had a profound effect upon him. After returning to
Ankara, Besikci spoke about the Kurds with members of the Faculty
of Political Science as well as the Faculty of Languages,
History, and Geography. They replied that that was a dangerous
subject and that Kurds were Turks and Kurdish was just a dialect
of Turkish. They also advised him to concentrate on some other
theme. But such lies only made Besikci more curious. He began to
look in the library for books to read about the subject. Even
when he discussed his theses with renowned professors, they all
told him that Kurds were Turks and he soon became aware of some
major contradictions. He also became
mistrustful.
     Besikci then carried out his military service from 1962
until 1964 in Bitlis and Hakkari. During this time as well he
continued to observe and analyze the Kurds. In early 1964 he
worked for a short time at the Finance Administration in Hozat.
In December 1964 he started work as a sociologist's assistant at
Ataturk University in Erzurum.
     University was very important to Besikci. He believed that
as an assistant he would be able to continue his research without
any difficulties. In 1969, he produced a paper entitled "The
Social Organization Of The Nomadic Tribes Who Live On The Silven
Plains In Winter And In The Nemrut Mountain Pastures In Winter".
This work was published by Dogan Press later that year under the
title "Changes In The East And The Structural Problems Of The
Alikan Nomadic Tribes".
     In 1967, Besikci followed the "Eastern Rallies". Later he
analyzed these rallies and distributed his theses on them. At
this time, his work "The Social Changes Of The Kurdish Nomadic
Tribes In East Anatolia" was published in the magazine 'Forum'
(from October 1 to November 1, 1967). Later, this work was
printed again (1968) and distributed to interested persons.
     Besikci, who thought he would be able to work freely in the
university, was soon disappointed. The heads of the Institute,
the dean and the rector, who were upset with his work, became
increasingly negative. In 1968, Besikci was stripped of his
position after being denounced by a colleague at the Institute.
He had to face a disciplinary hearing and charges were filed by
the state prosecutor.
     In 1969, E Press published Besikci's book entitled 'The
System In East Anatolia: Socio-Economic And Ethnic Foundations',
and in 1970 a revised second edition appeared. This book received
a great deal of public attention. The heads of the university
complained about this. A letter from the rector dated July 22,
1970 terminated Ismail Besikci's research position. Besikci
appealed this decision in court. But despite a successful appeal,
the heads of Ataturk University refused to give Besikci back his
position. During this time, the Faculty of Political Science at
the University of Ankara advertised a job opening as a sociology
assistant. Besikci passed the necessary exams for this position,
and after clearing a few more hurdles he was able to take on the
job.
     But the professors at Ataturk University kept on pursuing
him. They complained about him to the State of Emergency
Commanders. On June 24, 1971, the military court for the
Diyarbakir and Siirt regions ordered him to be arrested.
     Ismail Besikci was taken to court because of his research at
Ataturk University and the articles which he had published in
various magazines and journals, as well as his books. He was
charged with speaking about the Kurds in his writings and
readings, claiming the existence of a Kurdish nation and a
Kurdish language, as well as propagating "Kurdism". During the
court proceedings, the rector, dean, professors, assistants, and
students from Ataturk University all testified against Besikci.
     Besikci did not deny having given the readings nor having
written the articles and books. But the court made the professors
and others testify anyway, just to apply pressure against him.
Besikci now began to understand the difficulty of his work.     
Ismail Besikci was sentenced by the court to 13 years and 7 days
in prison. In 1974, he was released from Adana Prison, where he
had been transferred to from Diyarbakir, during a general amnesty
granted by the new "civilian" government. He immediately applied
to the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Ankara.
Although he was just as qualified as all the other applicants, he
was denied a position. Komal Press, which was founded in 1974,
then began publishing his books. In 1975, the book entitled
'Analysis And Fundamental Principles Of Democratic Society:
Autonomy, The University, And The Scientific Method With Respect
To The Trial Against Ismail Besikci' appeared. When he was about
to publish a newly edited version of The System In East Anatolia,
he decided against this since certain contradictions had arisen
with respect to his original thesis. He began to take another
look at his scientific methodology. He rewrote the introduction
to the book and published this through Komal Press as a book on
its own in 1976 entitled 'The Scientific Method'. This book,
which explained Besikci's fundamental world view and view of
society, is a very significant work. It shows how Besikci's ideas
developed and changed their foundation.
     Besikci later produced a whole series of books dealing with
the theme "Scientific Method And Praxis In Turkey". The first
book in this series, 'The Forced Resettlement Of The Kurds', was
published by Komal Press in 1977. This book was confiscated and
Besikci faced criminal charges. During his trial, the second
book, entitled 'The Turkish View Of History: The Sun Language
Theory And The Kurdish Problem', was published by Komal Press,
and this, too, was confiscated. Besikci was sentenced under
Article 142 of the Penal Code for his book The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds to 18 months in prison. He was arrested
again on September 6, 1979. On charges of separatism and
violations of the "Law Protecting The Legacy Of Ataturk", Besikci
was given a sentence of 3 years in prison for the book The
Turkish View Of History. In addition to all of this, he was given
another 3 years and 4 months in prison because of his defence
speech during the trial.
     Besikci spent time in Toptasi Prison, Sakarya Prison, and
Kaynarca Prison. Finally, on April 12, 1981 he had to be
released. While he was in Sakarya Prison, Besikci wrote a letter
to the Swiss Writers Union. It's not clear whether this letter
ever reached its destination or not. But during a raid in the
prison, this letter was found. Besikci was then charged under
Article 140. On June 19, 1981, a military court in Golcuk
sentenced him to 10 years in prison and 5 years banishment. The
interesting part of this trial was the fact that two of the
judges involved in the case accepted bribes from relatives of
other defendants and were sentenced to prison terms of 8 years 2
months and 6 years 9 months 20 days respectively. The penalty for
corruption, therefore, was lower than that for a private letter
just a few pages long. On January 17, 1983, Besikci filed an
appeal at the Military Supreme Court and pointed out these
discrepancies. But this court rejected his appeal without even
hearing the case.
     After Besikci had served time in prisons in Izmir,
Canakkale, and Gaziantep, he was released on May 25, 1987. He
then continued his work in Ankara.
     In February 1990, Alan Press published Besikci's book
entitled 'Kurdistan: An Interstate Colony'. This book aroused a
great deal of interest and soon enjoyed a very wide readership.
The book was printed clandestinely since the State Prosecutor
controlled all printing presses and often confiscated books.
Immediately after it was published, the book was banned. Besikci
was ordered to appear in Istanbul where he was arrested by the
State Security Court (DGM) and jailed in Sagmalcilar Prison.
While Besikci was in prison, Alan Press published his book
entitled 'Science, Official Ideology, And The State: Democracy
And The Kurdish Problem'. He was charged once again because of
this book. Then, Melsa Press published his book entitled 'An
Intellectual, An Organization, And The Kurdish Problem' and
Besikci was charged once again. During this trial, which was
attended by many spectators, Besikci waged an aggressive defence.
On July 25, 1990 he was released and he returned to Ankara once
again.
     Because of greeting message he sent to a Kurdish rally held
in Germany in October 1990, Besikci was arrested once again, this
time in Ankara on March 20, 1991. Two days after Articles 141 and
142 were abolished from the Penal Code, he was released on April
14, 1991.
     In the meantime, International-Belge Press published his
book entitled 'The Tunceli Laws (1935) And The Dersim Genocide'
in October 1990. In February 1991, the book 'The Case Of The Four
Star General Muglali, 33 Shots' was published. Both of these
books were confiscated.
     On April 12, 1991, the Turkish state adopted a new "Anti-
Terror Law" which replaced the repealed Articles 140, 141, 142,
and 163. All cases pending against Ismail Besikci were dropped.
The state proclaimed that there was now an official policy of
freedom of expression. But just the opposite was proven to be
true after only a few months had passed. The book 'The Programme
Of The Republican Peoples Party (1931) And The Kurdish Problem'
was published in July 1991 and immediately banned. The police
then stormed the publishing house and confiscated 2,000 books.
     Also in July 1991, the Yurt-Kitap-Yayin Press published
Besikci's books 'State Terror In The Middle East' and 'Thoughts
On Kurdish Intellectuals',which were immediately banned. On
August 1, 1991, Besikci was arrested and charged under Paragraph
8.1 of Law Nr. 3713. Besikci was then taken to Ankara Prison.
This law prohibits "all forms of propaganda which violate the
inseparable unity of the state, homeland, and nation". Besikci
was released on October 31, 1991.
     Yurt-Kitap-Yayin Press now began publishing all of Ismail
Besikci's books. 'The Scientific Method' and 'The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds' were published in October 1991. The
latter caused Besikci to be arrested yet again, this time on
November 25, 1991. An appeal filed by his lawyers resulted in his
release shortly thereafter.
     All of Besikci's book were published and then banned in
rapid succession. The books which were no longer banned after the
repeal of Articles 141 and 142 were now banned again under the
new Anti-Terror Law and court proceedings were begun. In December
1993, a total of 29 publications had been produced, but only 7 of
these books had not been banned. Even a book of the transcripts
of Besikci's trials in front of the DGM courts in Istanbul and
Ankara was banned and confiscated. One example from the Turkish
state's trial proceedings can illustrate this situation: Besikci,
who was sentenced in the 1970s for his books 'The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds' and 'The Turkish View Of History', was
sentenced once again for these same books in the 1990s.
     Whenever Besikci wrote or gave interviews to papers such as
'Yeni Ulke', 'Ozgur Gundem', 'Ozgur Gelecek', 'Ozgur Halk', and
others, he was immediately charged.
     As we write this article, Ismail Besikci is still in prison.
On November 13, 1993,  while visiting his home village of
Iskilip, Ismail Besikci was arrested and taken to Iskilip Prison.
He was sentenced to 1 year in prison for his article "The
Significance Of Kurdish Women Joining The Guerrilla" published in
'Yeni Ulke'. At the same time, he was also sentenced to 3 years
and 6 months for his books 'Thoughts On The PKK And The Price Of
Freedom', published by Melsa Press, and 'The Programme Of The
Republic Peoples Party (1931) And The Kurdish Problem', published
by International-Belge Press, and he was fined 84 million Turkish
lira (TL).

Sentences Handed Down To Sociologist Ismail Besikci:

Total charges                      99
Number of initial convictions      38
Number upheld by appeals court     21
Appeals still pending              17
Charges still pending              61
Total prison sentences received    76 years 7 months
Total fines                        6,550,746,666 TL

     Because Besikci is unable to pay his fines, he must serve an
additional 3 years for each book. In other words, he must serve
another 114 years because of unpaid fines. Besikci must now serve
more than his whole life in prison (a total of 198 years and 5
months) just because of his books. He is presently incarcerated
in Ankara Prison.

Written by Kurdistan Informations-Zentrum, Germany
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Sat Jul 15 23:53:28 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 15 Jul 1995 23:53:28
Subject: Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Servi
References: <bac1c849.9507150224.AA14539@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071595224045Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Service Of Truth

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Ismail Besikci: A Life In The Service Of Truth

     Ismail Besikci was born in 1939 in the Iskilip region of
Corum. He attended elementary and middle school in Iskilip and
went to high school in Corum. In 1962, he finished his studies at
the Faculty for Political Science at the University of Ankara. In
1961 he began the practical part of his studies with the
Administration Department in Elazig and the surrounding regions.
Here he came into contact with Kurds for the first time, since
the Administration needed a translator to understand them. This
experience had a profound effect upon him. After returning to
Ankara, Besikci spoke about the Kurds with members of the Faculty
of Political Science as well as the Faculty of Languages,
History, and Geography. They replied that that was a dangerous
subject and that Kurds were Turks and Kurdish was just a dialect
of Turkish. They also advised him to concentrate on some other
theme. But such lies only made Besikci more curious. He began to
look in the library for books to read about the subject. Even
when he discussed his theses with renowned professors, they all
told him that Kurds were Turks and he soon became aware of some
major contradictions. He also became
mistrustful.
     Besikci then carried out his military service from 1962
until 1964 in Bitlis and Hakkari. During this time as well he
continued to observe and analyze the Kurds. In early 1964 he
worked for a short time at the Finance Administration in Hozat.
In December 1964 he started work as a sociologist's assistant at
Ataturk University in Erzurum.
     University was very important to Besikci. He believed that
as an assistant he would be able to continue his research without
any difficulties. In 1969, he produced a paper entitled "The
Social Organization Of The Nomadic Tribes Who Live On The Silven
Plains In Winter And In The Nemrut Mountain Pastures In Winter".
This work was published by Dogan Press later that year under the
title "Changes In The East And The Structural Problems Of The
Alikan Nomadic Tribes".
     In 1967, Besikci followed the "Eastern Rallies". Later he
analyzed these rallies and distributed his theses on them. At
this time, his work "The Social Changes Of The Kurdish Nomadic
Tribes In East Anatolia" was published in the magazine 'Forum'
(from October 1 to November 1, 1967). Later, this work was
printed again (1968) and distributed to interested persons.
     Besikci, who thought he would be able to work freely in the
university, was soon disappointed. The heads of the Institute,
the dean and the rector, who were upset with his work, became
increasingly negative. In 1968, Besikci was stripped of his
position after being denounced by a colleague at the Institute.
He had to face a disciplinary hearing and charges were filed by
the state prosecutor.
     In 1969, E Press published Besikci's book entitled 'The
System In East Anatolia: Socio-Economic And Ethnic Foundations',
and in 1970 a revised second edition appeared. This book received
a great deal of public attention. The heads of the university
complained about this. A letter from the rector dated July 22,
1970 terminated Ismail Besikci's research position. Besikci
appealed this decision in court. But despite a successful appeal,
the heads of Ataturk University refused to give Besikci back his
position. During this time, the Faculty of Political Science at
the University of Ankara advertised a job opening as a sociology
assistant. Besikci passed the necessary exams for this position,
and after clearing a few more hurdles he was able to take on the
job.
     But the professors at Ataturk University kept on pursuing
him. They complained about him to the State of Emergency
Commanders. On June 24, 1971, the military court for the
Diyarbakir and Siirt regions ordered him to be arrested.
     Ismail Besikci was taken to court because of his research at
Ataturk University and the articles which he had published in
various magazines and journals, as well as his books. He was
charged with speaking about the Kurds in his writings and
readings, claiming the existence of a Kurdish nation and a
Kurdish language, as well as propagating "Kurdism". During the
court proceedings, the rector, dean, professors, assistants, and
students from Ataturk University all testified against Besikci.
     Besikci did not deny having given the readings nor having
written the articles and books. But the court made the professors
and others testify anyway, just to apply pressure against him.
Besikci now began to understand the difficulty of his work.     
Ismail Besikci was sentenced by the court to 13 years and 7 days
in prison. In 1974, he was released from Adana Prison, where he
had been transferred to from Diyarbakir, during a general amnesty
granted by the new "civilian" government. He immediately applied
to the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Ankara.
Although he was just as qualified as all the other applicants, he
was denied a position. Komal Press, which was founded in 1974,
then began publishing his books. In 1975, the book entitled
'Analysis And Fundamental Principles Of Democratic Society:
Autonomy, The University, And The Scientific Method With Respect
To The Trial Against Ismail Besikci' appeared. When he was about
to publish a newly edited version of The System In East Anatolia,
he decided against this since certain contradictions had arisen
with respect to his original thesis. He began to take another
look at his scientific methodology. He rewrote the introduction
to the book and published this through Komal Press as a book on
its own in 1976 entitled 'The Scientific Method'. This book,
which explained Besikci's fundamental world view and view of
society, is a very significant work. It shows how Besikci's ideas
developed and changed their foundation.
     Besikci later produced a whole series of books dealing with
the theme "Scientific Method And Praxis In Turkey". The first
book in this series, 'The Forced Resettlement Of The Kurds', was
published by Komal Press in 1977. This book was confiscated and
Besikci faced criminal charges. During his trial, the second
book, entitled 'The Turkish View Of History: The Sun Language
Theory And The Kurdish Problem', was published by Komal Press,
and this, too, was confiscated. Besikci was sentenced under
Article 142 of the Penal Code for his book The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds to 18 months in prison. He was arrested
again on September 6, 1979. On charges of separatism and
violations of the "Law Protecting The Legacy Of Ataturk", Besikci
was given a sentence of 3 years in prison for the book The
Turkish View Of History. In addition to all of this, he was given
another 3 years and 4 months in prison because of his defence
speech during the trial.
     Besikci spent time in Toptasi Prison, Sakarya Prison, and
Kaynarca Prison. Finally, on April 12, 1981 he had to be
released. While he was in Sakarya Prison, Besikci wrote a letter
to the Swiss Writers Union. It's not clear whether this letter
ever reached its destination or not. But during a raid in the
prison, this letter was found. Besikci was then charged under
Article 140. On June 19, 1981, a military court in Golcuk
sentenced him to 10 years in prison and 5 years banishment. The
interesting part of this trial was the fact that two of the
judges involved in the case accepted bribes from relatives of
other defendants and were sentenced to prison terms of 8 years 2
months and 6 years 9 months 20 days respectively. The penalty for
corruption, therefore, was lower than that for a private letter
just a few pages long. On January 17, 1983, Besikci filed an
appeal at the Military Supreme Court and pointed out these
discrepancies. But this court rejected his appeal without even
hearing the case.
     After Besikci had served time in prisons in Izmir,
Canakkale, and Gaziantep, he was released on May 25, 1987. He
then continued his work in Ankara.
     In February 1990, Alan Press published Besikci's book
entitled 'Kurdistan: An Interstate Colony'. This book aroused a
great deal of interest and soon enjoyed a very wide readership.
The book was printed clandestinely since the State Prosecutor
controlled all printing presses and often confiscated books.
Immediately after it was published, the book was banned. Besikci
was ordered to appear in Istanbul where he was arrested by the
State Security Court (DGM) and jailed in Sagmalcilar Prison.
While Besikci was in prison, Alan Press published his book
entitled 'Science, Official Ideology, And The State: Democracy
And The Kurdish Problem'. He was charged once again because of
this book. Then, Melsa Press published his book entitled 'An
Intellectual, An Organization, And The Kurdish Problem' and
Besikci was charged once again. During this trial, which was
attended by many spectators, Besikci waged an aggressive defence.
On July 25, 1990 he was released and he returned to Ankara once
again.
     Because of greeting message he sent to a Kurdish rally held
in Germany in October 1990, Besikci was arrested once again, this
time in Ankara on March 20, 1991. Two days after Articles 141 and
142 were abolished from the Penal Code, he was released on April
14, 1991.
     In the meantime, International-Belge Press published his
book entitled 'The Tunceli Laws (1935) And The Dersim Genocide'
in October 1990. In February 1991, the book 'The Case Of The Four
Star General Muglali, 33 Shots' was published. Both of these
books were confiscated.
     On April 12, 1991, the Turkish state adopted a new "Anti-
Terror Law" which replaced the repealed Articles 140, 141, 142,
and 163. All cases pending against Ismail Besikci were dropped.
The state proclaimed that there was now an official policy of
freedom of expression. But just the opposite was proven to be
true after only a few months had passed. The book 'The Programme
Of The Republican Peoples Party (1931) And The Kurdish Problem'
was published in July 1991 and immediately banned. The police
then stormed the publishing house and confiscated 2,000 books.
     Also in July 1991, the Yurt-Kitap-Yayin Press published
Besikci's books 'State Terror In The Middle East' and 'Thoughts
On Kurdish Intellectuals',which were immediately banned. On
August 1, 1991, Besikci was arrested and charged under Paragraph
8.1 of Law Nr. 3713. Besikci was then taken to Ankara Prison.
This law prohibits "all forms of propaganda which violate the
inseparable unity of the state, homeland, and nation". Besikci
was released on October 31, 1991.
     Yurt-Kitap-Yayin Press now began publishing all of Ismail
Besikci's books. 'The Scientific Method' and 'The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds' were published in October 1991. The
latter caused Besikci to be arrested yet again, this time on
November 25, 1991. An appeal filed by his lawyers resulted in his
release shortly thereafter.
     All of Besikci's book were published and then banned in
rapid succession. The books which were no longer banned after the
repeal of Articles 141 and 142 were now banned again under the
new Anti-Terror Law and court proceedings were begun. In December
1993, a total of 29 publications had been produced, but only 7 of
these books had not been banned. Even a book of the transcripts
of Besikci's trials in front of the DGM courts in Istanbul and
Ankara was banned and confiscated. One example from the Turkish
state's trial proceedings can illustrate this situation: Besikci,
who was sentenced in the 1970s for his books 'The Forced
Resettlement Of The Kurds' and 'The Turkish View Of History', was
sentenced once again for these same books in the 1990s.
     Whenever Besikci wrote or gave interviews to papers such as
'Yeni Ulke', 'Ozgur Gundem', 'Ozgur Gelecek', 'Ozgur Halk', and
others, he was immediately charged.
     As we write this article, Ismail Besikci is still in prison.
On November 13, 1993,  while visiting his home village of
Iskilip, Ismail Besikci was arrested and taken to Iskilip Prison.
He was sentenced to 1 year in prison for his article "The
Significance Of Kurdish Women Joining The Guerrilla" published in
'Yeni Ulke'. At the same time, he was also sentenced to 3 years
and 6 months for his books 'Thoughts On The PKK And The Price Of
Freedom', published by Melsa Press, and 'The Programme Of The
Republic Peoples Party (1931) And The Kurdish Problem', published
by International-Belge Press, and he was fined 84 million Turkish
lira (TL).

Sentences Handed Down To Sociologist Ismail Besikci:

Total charges                      99
Number of initial convictions      38
Number upheld by appeals court     21
Appeals still pending              17
Charges still pending              61
Total prison sentences received    76 years 7 months
Total fines                        6,550,746,666 TL

     Because Besikci is unable to pay his fines, he must serve an
additional 3 years for each book. In other words, he must serve
another 114 years because of unpaid fines. Besikci must now serve
more than his whole life in prison (a total of 198 years and 5
months) just because of his books. He is presently incarcerated
in Ankara Prison.

Written by Kurdistan Informations-Zentrum, Germany
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Jul 17 17:30:25 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Jul 1995 17:30:25
Subject: Leyla Zana: Support From OSCE Women
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507171621.AA05900@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Leyla Zana: Support From OSCE Women MPs

Women Parliamentarians Support Leyla Zana

The 4th Annual Parliamentary session of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was held in Ottawa,
Canada from July 4-8, 1995. At this meeting, a Green Member of
Parliament from Finland, Tuija Maaret Pykalainen, distributed a
petition during the women's caucus which called for the immediate
release of Leyla Zana from prison. This petition was signed by
nearly all the women delegates present at the caucus.


Appeal To The Turkish Government From Members Of The OSCE
Parliamentary Assembly

July 6, 1995

     We, as Members of Parliament from a variety of nations, and
as women, are concerned about the fate of a fellow woman Member
of Parliament from Turkey, Leyla Zana. Mrs. Zana was duly elected
to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in October 1991. She was
arrested in March 1994 and charged with "high treason". The
Prosecutor asked for the death penalty, but she and five other
Members of Parliament were sentenced to prison. Leyla Zana
herself was given a sentence of 15 years. Her only crime was
being a Kurd and speaking out in the Turkish Parliament for the
rights of the Kurdish people.
     An OSCE Parliamentary Delegation visited Leyla Zana in
prison during its visit to Turkey from May 1-6 of this year. This
OSCE Delegation has called for the immediate release of the
imprisoned Kurdish Members of Parliament, perhaps by means of an
amnesty.
     We would like to support this call for the release of the
MPs imprisoned in Turkey, in particular our colleague Leyla Zana. 

Sincerely,

Women delegates to the 4th Annual OSCE Parliamentary Assembly: 

Ms. Tuija Maaret Pykalainen, MP, Finland
Ms. Kaisa Maria Aula, MP, Finland
Mrs. Maija Perho-Santala, MP, Finland
Mrs. Elena B. Mizulina, MP, Russia
Mrs. Maria Gaidash, MP, Russia
Ms. Nina Markovsky, MP, Ukraine
Mrs. Lili Nabholz, MP, Switzerland
Mrs. Feroniki Tzavella, MP, Greece
Mrs. Paddy Torsney, MP, Canada
Mrs. Anne-Marie Lizin, MP, Belgium
Mrs. Josi Meier, MP, Switzerland
Mrs. Edith Haller, MP, Austria
Mrs. Kristina Svensson, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Dorota Simonides, MP, Poland
Mrs. Maud Bjornemalm, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Karin Wegestal, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Helle Degn, MP, Denmark
Ms. Bjorg Hope Galtung, MP, Norway
Ms. Kirsti Kolle Groendahl, MP, Norway
Mrs. Helena Nilsson, MP, Sweden
Ms. Katrin Fuchs, MP, Germany

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Tue Jul 18 00:09:18 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 18 Jul 1995 00:09:18
Subject: Leyla Zana: Support From OSCE Women
References: <bac1c849.9507171621.AA05900@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071795211920Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Leyla Zana: Support From OSCE Women MPs

lServer 2.20)
           id VT11593; Mon, 17 Jul 1995 21:48:10 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Women Parliamentarians Support Leyla Zana

The 4th Annual Parliamentary session of the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was held in Ottawa,
Canada from July 4-8, 1995. At this meeting, a Green Member of
Parliament from Finland, Tuija Maaret Pykalainen, distributed a
petition during the women's caucus which called for the immediate
release of Leyla Zana from prison. This petition was signed by
nearly all the women delegates present at the caucus.


Appeal To The Turkish Government From Members Of The OSCE
Parliamentary Assembly

July 6, 1995

     We, as Members of Parliament from a variety of nations, and
as women, are concerned about the fate of a fellow woman Member
of Parliament from Turkey, Leyla Zana. Mrs. Zana was duly elected
to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in October 1991. She was
arrested in March 1994 and charged with "high treason". The
Prosecutor asked for the death penalty, but she and five other
Members of Parliament were sentenced to prison. Leyla Zana
herself was given a sentence of 15 years. Her only crime was
being a Kurd and speaking out in the Turkish Parliament for the
rights of the Kurdish people.
     An OSCE Parliamentary Delegation visited Leyla Zana in
prison during its visit to Turkey from May 1-6 of this year. This
OSCE Delegation has called for the immediate release of the
imprisoned Kurdish Members of Parliament, perhaps by means of an
amnesty.
     We would like to support this call for the release of the
MPs imprisoned in Turkey, in particular our colleague Leyla Zana. 

Sincerely,

Women delegates to the 4th Annual OSCE Parliamentary Assembly: 

Ms. Tuija Maaret Pykalainen, MP, Finland
Ms. Kaisa Maria Aula, MP, Finland
Mrs. Maija Perho-Santala, MP, Finland
Mrs. Elena B. Mizulina, MP, Russia
Mrs. Maria Gaidash, MP, Russia
Ms. Nina Markovsky, MP, Ukraine
Mrs. Lili Nabholz, MP, Switzerland
Mrs. Feroniki Tzavella, MP, Greece
Mrs. Paddy Torsney, MP, Canada
Mrs. Anne-Marie Lizin, MP, Belgium
Mrs. Josi Meier, MP, Switzerland
Mrs. Edith Haller, MP, Austria
Mrs. Kristina Svensson, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Dorota Simonides, MP, Poland
Mrs. Maud Bjornemalm, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Karin Wegestal, MP, Sweden
Mrs. Helle Degn, MP, Denmark
Ms. Bjorg Hope Galtung, MP, Norway
Ms. Kirsti Kolle Groendahl, MP, Norway
Mrs. Helena Nilsson, MP, Sweden
Ms. Katrin Fuchs, MP, Germany

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Jul 17 18:01:19 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Jul 1995 18:01:19
Subject: Leyla Zana: A Portrait
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507171621.AA05874@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

>From Weakness To Resistance: A Portrait Of Leyla Zana

     Leyla Zana, who is known well beyond the borders of Turkey
and Kurdistan, and who is presently imprisoned in Ankara, caused
quite a sensation when she was elected to the Turkish Parliament
in 1991 and, along with her male colleague Hatip Dicle, added a
referenced to "Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood" in her inaugural
oath. For the first time since the founding of the Turkish
Republic, someone dared to speak in the Kurdish language before
the eyes of watching Members of Parliament and TV viewers. And in
yet another first, she took hear inaugural oath wearing the
Kurdish national colours, red, green, and yellow. Against such a
background, the question arises, where did this young MP get so
much courage?
     A close examination will reveal that the life and personal
development of Leyla Zana closely mirrors that of the uprising of
the Kurdish people; a sort of microcosm of the entire Kurdish
resistance movement. The will for social and personal freedom was
the basis for her activities. It was this resistance throughout
her entire life that made it possible for her to fight to change
the present conditions.
     The female gender in the village of Bahce, where Leyla Zana
was born in 1961, has very little to do and was supposed to stay
hidden. But Leyla was never easy to control and she rebelled even
then. Before her wedding, she had never worn a head garment, and
even then she only wore it for a short time. She didn't seem too
concerned when everyone thought she was crazy for tossing the
head garment on the ground. She was just 14 years old in 1975
when she was forced to marry her father's cousin, a man 20 years
older than she. Even when she reacted angrily to the idea of this
marriage and beat her father with her fists, something no other
Kurdish girl would surely ever do, she still had an amazingly
clear analysis of her situation: "I don't blame my family or my
husband, rather I blame the social conditions. These must be
changed."
     The possibilities for changing both personal and social
conditions actually improved after her marriage to Mehdi Zana, an
active Kurd. It was through him that Leyla first encountered
state repression, and this was what politicized her.
     In 1976, Leyla went with her husband to Diyarbakir and soon
the illiterate woman, still only 15, gave birth to a son. The
following year, her husband was elected Mayor of Diyarbakir.
After the 1980 military coup, Mehdi Zana was arrested and
sentenced to 30 years in prison. Leyla Zana was now a young,
single mother, her son Ronay was 5 and she was pregnant with her
daughter Ruken. Whereas before she had been heavily influenced by
her relatives, now she was forced "to think for myself and act
for myself". During the next few years, she followed her husband
from prison to prison, from Diyarbakir to Aydin, from Afyon to
Askisehir. While doing so, she learned to speak Turkish so that
she could be more effective outside the prisons, and she even
managed to study on her own. In Diyarbakir, she became the first
woman ever to get a high school diploma without ever attending
school. She eventually became the spokesperson for all the women
who were waiting for their husbands in prison and her personal
authority continued to grow. In the 1980s, she was active in
promoting women's self-organization and she founded and chaired a
women's group which evetually opened offices in Istanbul and
Diyarbakir. She also became active as a journalist for 'Yeni
Ulke', eventually becoming editor at the Diyarbakir office. These
and many other examples clearly show that her personal
development was virtually synonymous with the development of the
Kurdish liberation struggle, and this culminated with her
candidacy for Parliament in the 1991 elections.
     Leyla Zana was the first Kurdish woman ever elected to the
Turkish Parliament. She received 45,000 votes in her district in
Diyarbakir, more than any other candidate. After her election,
she moved to Ankara. Her incredible energy and courageous actions
on behalf of the 16 million Kurds in Turkey made her famous
throughout the entire country: hungerstrike to protest army
attacks on the Kurdish New Year festival 'Newroz'; funeral march
for a leading Kurdish politician, whose murdered body had been
found near a beach; countless visits to families who had been
victims of state violence and who had been deprived of their
means for existence.
     Leyla Zana, who has been in prison in Ankara for more than
15 months now, has become a symbol for the Kurdish resistance.
Her life and her fate are directly tied to the fate of the
Kurdish people. In Leyla Zana's own words: "Freedom has its
price." And she is prepared to pay it. It was predictable that
she would one day end up in prison, and she was prepared for
this. The important thing is that she is helping to solve the
problems of the Kurdish people.
     Immediately after being sentenced to prison, Leyla Zana was
showered with several international peace awards, and the
Norwegian Parliament has nominated her for this year's Nobel
Peace Prize. Her struggle, therefore, is no longer confined to
the borders of Kurdistan, rather hers is an international
struggle, one which is increasing in international resonance with
each passing day. 

July 1995
Kurdistan Informations-Zentrum
Cologne, Germany

Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Tue Jul 18 00:09:54 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 18 Jul 1995 00:09:54
Subject: Leyla Zana: A Portrait
References: <bac1c849.9507171621.AA05874@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071795211709Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

>From Weakness To Resistance: A Portrait Of Leyla Zana

     Leyla Zana, who is known well beyond the borders of Turkey
and Kurdistan, and who is presently imprisoned in Ankara, caused
quite a sensation when she was elected to the Turkish Parliament
in 1991 and, along with her male colleague Hatip Dicle, added a
referenced to "Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood" in her inaugural
oath. For the first time since the founding of the Turkish
Republic, someone dared to speak in the Kurdish language before
the eyes of watching Members of Parliament and TV viewers. And in
yet another first, she took hear inaugural oath wearing the
Kurdish national colours, red, green, and yellow. Against such a
background, the question arises, where did this young MP get so
much courage?
     A close examination will reveal that the life and personal
development of Leyla Zana closely mirrors that of the uprising of
the Kurdish people; a sort of microcosm of the entire Kurdish
resistance movement. The will for social and personal freedom was
the basis for her activities. It was this resistance throughout
her entire life that made it possible for her to fight to change
the present conditions.
     The female gender in the village of Bahce, where Leyla Zana
was born in 1961, has very little to do and was supposed to stay
hidden. But Leyla was never easy to control and she rebelled even
then. Before her wedding, she had never worn a head garment, and
even then she only wore it for a short time. She didn't seem too
concerned when everyone thought she was crazy for tossing the
head garment on the ground. She was just 14 years old in 1975
when she was forced to marry her father's cousin, a man 20 years
older than she. Even when she reacted angrily to the idea of this
marriage and beat her father with her fists, something no other
Kurdish girl would surely ever do, she still had an amazingly
clear analysis of her situation: "I don't blame my family or my
husband, rather I blame the social conditions. These must be
changed."
     The possibilities for changing both personal and social
conditions actually improved after her marriage to Mehdi Zana, an
active Kurd. It was through him that Leyla first encountered
state repression, and this was what politicized her.
     In 1976, Leyla went with her husband to Diyarbakir and soon
the illiterate woman, still only 15, gave birth to a son. The
following year, her husband was elected Mayor of Diyarbakir.
After the 1980 military coup, Mehdi Zana was arrested and
sentenced to 30 years in prison. Leyla Zana was now a young,
single mother, her son Ronay was 5 and she was pregnant with her
daughter Ruken. Whereas before she had been heavily influenced by
her relatives, now she was forced "to think for myself and act
for myself". During the next few years, she followed her husband
from prison to prison, from Diyarbakir to Aydin, from Afyon to
Askisehir. While doing so, she learned to speak Turkish so that
she could be more effective outside the prisons, and she even
managed to study on her own. In Diyarbakir, she became the first
woman ever to get a high school diploma without ever attending
school. She eventually became the spokesperson for all the women
who were waiting for their husbands in prison and her personal
authority continued to grow. In the 1980s, she was active in
promoting women's self-organization and she founded and chaired a
women's group which evetually opened offices in Istanbul and
Diyarbakir. She also became active as a journalist for 'Yeni
Ulke', eventually becoming editor at the Diyarbakir office. These
and many other examples clearly show that her personal
development was virtually synonymous with the development of the
Kurdish liberation struggle, and this culminated with her
candidacy for Parliament in the 1991 elections.
     Leyla Zana was the first Kurdish woman ever elected to the
Turkish Parliament. She received 45,000 votes in her district in
Diyarbakir, more than any other candidate. After her election,
she moved to Ankara. Her incredible energy and courageous actions
on behalf of the 16 million Kurds in Turkey made her famous
throughout the entire country: hungerstrike to protest army
attacks on the Kurdish New Year festival 'Newroz'; funeral march
for a leading Kurdish politician, whose murdered body had been
found near a beach; countless visits to families who had been
victims of state violence and who had been deprived of their
means for existence.
     Leyla Zana, who has been in prison in Ankara for more than
15 months now, has become a symbol for the Kurdish resistance.
Her life and her fate are directly tied to the fate of the
Kurdish people. In Leyla Zana's own words: "Freedom has its
price." And she is prepared to pay it. It was predictable that
she would one day end up in prison, and she was prepared for
this. The important thing is that she is helping to solve the
problems of the Kurdish people.
     Immediately after being sentenced to prison, Leyla Zana was
showered with several international peace awards, and the
Norwegian Parliament has nominated her for this year's Nobel
Peace Prize. Her struggle, therefore, is no longer confined to
the borders of Kurdistan, rather hers is an international
struggle, one which is increasing in international resonance with
each passing day. 

July 1995
Kurdistan Informations-Zentrum
Cologne, Germany

Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----
----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

         ++++ stop de execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
         ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
         ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm
         ++++


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Jul 18 18:07:49 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 18 Jul 1995 18:07:49
Subject: The Status Of Kurdish Women
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507181557.AA29592@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

The Status Of Kurdish Women

     In reports about the status of women in Islamic countries,
the subordinate position of women is usually attributed to the
prevailing ideology of Islam. We think that one should first
consider the historical, social, and cultural background in order
to understand the status of women. This is also true when looking
at the women of Kurdistan.
     An examination of the status of women in Iranian Kurdistan
is made more difficult by the fact that there is relatively
little information about this part of Iran and its people.
Therefore, in writing this article, we had to rely on sources
which focus on Kurdistan in general, or on Iraqi or Turkish
Kurdistan, and we used these as much as possible in relation to
Iranian Kurdistan.
     As in the areas which border Kurdistan, development has
proceeded differently in urban and rural areas. This helps
explain the differences in the living situation of women. Because
Iranian Kurdistan is only scarcely industrialized, with 80% of
the population involved in agriculture, it seems appropriate to
focus on the situation of Kurdish women in the countryside in
this text.
     We would like, in brief, to sketch the socio-economic
foundations in conjunction with the norms and values which help
strengthen these socio-economic structures.

The Economic And Social Conditions

     In literature, a distinction is made between Kurds who live
in the mountains and those who inhabit the valleys. Because, in
the course of time, different social and economic systems have
arisen and very different types of villages have come into being.
     The economic foundation of the villages is primarily farming
and livestock. The fields are cultivated with traditional means,
as machines are an economic question. The staple crops are wheat,
barley, tobacco, and rice. The livestock are generally cattle,
sheep, and goats.

Tribal Society

     The traditional social organization is the tribe. This
includes the community and religious leader (the 'rais' or
'sarok' or 'scheich'), his family, the aristocracy and its
members, the normal villagers, the farmers, and the shepherds.
Although today only about 15-20% of the population in Iranian
Kurdistan still live in tribes, these still should be looked at
since tribal elements are still relevant in areas where feudal
relationships have come into being. The primary political and
land-owning unit is the tribe ('taifa' or 'tira'). A tribe
consists of several households ('chel' = family, clan), usually
20-30. A 'chel', in turn, can occupy several villages. The
members of a 'chel' are all descendants from a single male
patriarch. The organization of relatives is, for the tribes,
above all a mechanism for political and economic order. It
guarantees social interests such as access to land and pastures,
distribution and storage of the harvests, and the reproductive
capabilities of women. It assigns political positions and insures
that there is mutual loyalty between the armed men. The
organization of relatives, therefore, maintains the cohesiveness
of the group.
     The main political unity between the tribes is the tribal
confederation ('aschiret'). Land is jointly owned by the tribe,
but each family is responsible for its own plot. At harvest time,
the farmers provide each other with assistance and share their
beasts of burden. They also put together collective teams of
field workers ('dschung'). Likewise the pastures are jointly
owned by the village. In tribal society, there is political and
economic inequality, but this is not institutional. There are
working methods of redistribution. The rich have social
responsibilities. And formerly, at least, they could not use
their wealth as a means to gain political power.

Feudal Relations

     Generally, there are less tribal relations than there are
feudal relations. Villagers are usually not related to the large
land owner. The normal unit of land is a village, including its
houses and the fields which the villagers cultivate. The land
owner need not live in the village. If he owns more than one
village, he appoints a deputy. The land owner leaves the fields
in the hands of the farmers. No one is allowed to move away
without his permission. The tax which the villagers must pay to
the land owner is very high. The rate is sometimes as high as 50%
of the tobacco crop and 10% of the wheat, in addition to the
ploughs and threshers which belong to the land owner.

The Role Of The Village Household

     Today, it is possible to recognize a series of intermediate
stages in the transformation from a tribal to a feudal village.
In each case, the household is the most important economic and
social unit. Only people who are part of a household can be part
of the village society, anyone who does not belong is an
outsider. The household unites all means of production: labour,
land, the right to cultivate, cattle, and tools. In the
household, the individual is subordinate to the group. An
individual can only be a social person in so far as that person
abides by the village's mode of conduct. An individual only has
social status if they are a member of a household, a
neighbourhood, a factory, and so on. These social molecules are
the basic structural elements of rural society. Anyone outside of
these is not only socially isolated, but also physically
impoverished.

Women In The Production And Reproduction Process

     Sources available to us mainly concentrate on the status of
women in villages in which tribal elements still function, but
where a strong social change has set in which has aligned the
interests of the village aristocracy with those of the large land
owner.
     In a country like Iran, it is very characteristic to see a
coexistence of capitalist and pre-capitalist production
relations. Here, labour which produces goods and that which Marx
termed the "natural form of work" exist side by side.
     Kurdistan is only scarcely industrialized and the economy is
generally at the subsistence level. There are no consumer goods
produced, only needed goods, in other words those things which
are required to produced enough food for the region and to pay
the tax to the land owner. Relationships between relatives play a
very important role here. Individual household members are
dependent upon other members. Both genders are assigned their
respective tasks in the production and reproduction process. The
men do the heavy field work, they buy goods in the city, and they
are responsible for contacts with the outside world. The women,
in addition to working in the fields, must take care of the house
and the family. The lack of industrialization and the subsistence
economy are particularly hard on the women. But there is, of
course, a distinction to be made between women in poor village
families and women in the village aristocracy.

The Labour Of Women

     The life of lower class Kurdish women in the villages is
physically difficult and strenuous. Women wake up at five in the
morning, rest for a while at noon, and usually don't go to sleep
until almost midnight. In between is a hard day's work.
     The housework of Kurdish women is nothing like we are used
to. In addition to tasks traditionally associated with women's
work, like cooking, cleaning, making the beds, doing the dishes,
and so on, they also have to bake bread, milk the animals, work
in the fields, collect firewood, fetch water, and more. In order
to imagine the demands made on Kurdish women, it is important to
consider their standard of living. There is no electricity or
running water. More than 80% of the houses are made from earth
materials. The interior is a mixture of dirt and straw. More than
50% of all families live together in one main room (families
consist of 5-6 people). In houses in the mountains, this room is
on the first floor, and under this is the stable. Cooking and
baking are done in ovens made into the ground. There is no water
in the house, only at the common well in the village. Bread is
baked in the ground ovens outside the house. Usually, neighbours
work together and give each other support.
     Twice a day, the women go watch the animals, the cows,
sheep, and goats. They either milk the animals themselves or
fetch a quantity of milk from the shepherds. Milk is never
consumed raw, rather it is always transformed into butter or
yogurt. This task is done by the women at home.
     Wood used for cooking and baking, and for heat in the
winter, is scarce. This is also collected by the women.
     Fetching water is a difficult procedure. It is carried to
the house in flasks and goat's leather pouches where it is used
sparingly for cooking and cleaning.
     Washing is done outside the house in a basin. The village
women hang their clothes out to dry together. Ironing is done
with an iron filled with glowing hot coals.
     In addition to all these tasks, Kurdish women, in the course
of the day, must also prepare hot meals. Because there are no
refrigerators, food cannot be stored because of the climate,
therefore each day a great deal of time must be allotted for
preparing meals. When the housework is finished, the women must
then turn their attention to other production activities, such as
making new leather pouches and spinning and weaving. Aside from
cooking, making the beds, and all the other tasks, a lot of the
work takes place outside of the home and is done collectively by
the women of the village.
     For work in the fields, which is done in addition to the
housework, women are essential labourers, especially at harvest
time. For example, they transport the harvest to the threshing
spot. Threshing machines are an economic question. Only large and
wealthy farms can afford them. Threshing is done with the aid of
animals or by means of another method: the women and men toss the
grain into the air with rakes, then the wind takes the chaff
while the wheat falls to the ground.
     Ploughing the fields is men's work, but is often done by the
women nonetheless. Here, too, machines are lacking. The plough is
pulled by two animals.
     It's clear that the differentiation in labour in family
production is not the result of physiological or biological
differences between men and women, but rather is the result of
social relations. Characteristic of this is the fact that the
field work done by women by hand is the result of a lack of
machines.
     Again, a distinction must be made between poor women and
women from the village aristocracy. One difference is the living
conditions. In contrast to the houses of poor villagers, which
are terraced on the sides of the mountains, farm houses belonging
to the aristocracy are generally free standing. They also have
three parts: the family house, the farm, and the guest quarters.
In contrast to the houses of poor farmers, these houses also have
their own well, thus making it much easier to obtain water. The
combination family house and farm marks the borders of the daily
lives of these women.
     Another difference is the fact that wealthy homes usually
employ service girls who carry out most of the heavy work. They
are the ones, for example, who milk the animals twice a day,
collect firewood, who make the bread, butter, and yogurt, and so
on. The tasks of wealthy women are no different that those of
women of the lower classes. The difference, however, lies in the
fact that upper class people can employ service girls. Upper
class women take care of whatever tasks can be done in the house
and in the immediate surroundings, with the help of the service
girls and the children. Activities outside the house, like
milking the animals, are done by the service girls. In contrast
to poorer women, therefore, wealthy women have much less freedom
of movement since their tasks are limited to those in the house
itself. Furthermore, they do not do any collective tasks outside
the home. 

The Family

     Family forms are also in a period of transition. The
development is moving away from the traditional large family,
with one or more woman, married sons with their wives and
children, as well as the unmarried children, to the nuclear
family. The foundation of the strictly patriarchal large family
was the land. But the masses of the rural population do not own
any land. Therefore, the typical family in Iran consists of 5-6
people, so we don't find any large extended families here.
     There are big differences to be noted with respect to
marriage and the family. For the land owner, who gets rich off
the labour of others, the family is the means of keeping his
wealth in his lineage. Marriage is a matter of family politics.
The land owner plans marriages with influential neighbours.
Polygamy still exists today among the older generation. This
makes it easier to insure that all the wealth stays in the same
class. Poor farmers are monogamous. They have just one women,
since their labour, both agricultural as well as domestic, is
focused on household production. In addition to her use as a
worker, the women are valued for their ability to reproduce.
Children aren't just extra hands in the fields, they are also a
form of old age insurance, since without their help it wouldn't
be possible to survive late in life.
     Here, too, it's clear that marriage is not a private union
between two partners, rather as a production unit it is an
institution of enormous social significance and importance, an
economic and sexual union of necessity.

Marriage

     Arranged marriages are common to all families of all village
classes, irregardless of the family's social status.
     Because of the significance of marriages, a dowry is
prepared for girls starting very early. If a son should "take a
woman" (note the sexist terminology!), then it's up to father to
choose a bride and arrange the marriage. Criteria for selecting a
bride are: the girl's honour and skills, her health and ability
to work hard, her talents, her good nature, and her
submissiveness. Mothers have only an advisory role in the
selection, if any. Daughters are not asked about their wishes. A
sign of interest in the opposite sex would detract from her
reputation. After dowry negotiations are complete, a period of
time is designated for the engagement. For the bride, a wedding
is a sad occasion. It means saying goodbye to her family and
friends and entering into an entirely new life as the daughter-
in-law of her husband's household, where she will occupy the
lowest level of the family's hierarchy, subordinate to the
husband, his brothers, and the mother-in-law. The father-in-law
does not speak with her until she has given birth to a child.
     The most important demand on young brides is that they be
virgins. After the wedding night, a bloody sheet must be
displayed. If there is no blood visible, a gynaecologist will
examine the young bride to see if there is some reason for this
other than a lack of virginity. If not, the bride is killed by
the men of the family: the bothers, the father, the cousins, all
of whom have had their honour sullied.

Children

     Nothing is more important to a woman's prestige than to have
children. The woman's natural ability to reproduce is the measure
of the value of a marriage in all classes. If the woman does not
produce any children, she is seen as worthless and must forever
live in fear of her husband taking on another woman.
     The birth of a son insures her great honour. But giving
birth to children also involves many risks. Women give birth with
the aid of a midwife, usually an old and experienced woman. There
are no doctors in villages. It often happens that either the
woman or the child dies during childbirth because there is no
medical assistance available. It is very difficult to get to a
hospital, and even then it would be too expensive. The infant
mortality rate is very high. A child's life is only really
considered safe when he or she is old enough to eat meals with
the adults. Normally, there is no available birth control. Women
use traditional means such as feathers and herbs. But such
abortion methods, without medical assistance and control, are
very risky. Women often get fatal infections and die. In contrast
to fundamentalist Islamic societies, women who have had abortions
are not persecuted. But generally all babies are brought into the
world. There are cases where women have had as many as 15 births,
but only a few children survive. Boys are preferred over girls,
because sons can work in the fields and marry, but daughters
simply leave home. Also, boys don't require a dowry. If a woman
gives birth to a girl, the husband has the right to take on a
second wife. The birth of a girl, or the failure to give birth at
all, are seen as the fault of the woman.
     A child is viewed as part of the community when he or she
reaches 6-7 years of age. There are no "children at play",
because there are no toys. Childhood is simply a phase of growing
into adulthood. But little boys have more freedom of movement
than do little girls. While the little boys are out playing the
street or even being taken into the living room with their
father, the girls are usually helping with the housework, taking
care of their younger siblings, and so on. Specific roles in
education help make the little boys and girls into future men and
women.

Educational Possibilities

     When children reach the age when they are old enough to
attend school, it is usually the boys rather than the girls who
are sent, provided there's even a school in the area. The poorly
equipped schools in Iranian Kurdistan are not adequate for the
needs of the region. There are some villages where a single
teacher must instruct 250-300 pupils. Instruction is in a
language which the children don't understand, Persian, since the
Shah banned education in Kurdish and today this is still only
possible in limited areas, usually the result of local
initiatives.
     Thousands of school age children do not attend school
because they are indispensable labourers in the fields and
pastures. School age girls are even worse off than the boys.
Hardly any girls go to school. There are different reasons for
this: they do more housework than the boys, they must care for
the younger siblings, and they are much more needed in their
work.
     In 1975, 70% of the total population of Iranian Kurdistan
was illiterate, as were more than 80% of the women. In rural
areas, around 95% of women were illiterate! Will there be any
improvements in this under the Islamic Republic in Iran?

Relations Between Women And Men

     Whereas in Iraqi and Turkish Kurdistan, men are almost
completely separated from women because of the division of
labour, things are a bit different in Iranian Kurdistan. In
comparison, there is more of a shared life between the two
genders. In the fields, for example, men and women work together,
and for poor families there are no separate living conditions,
and the separate seating arrangements (men sitting on one side,
women on the other), which replaces separate living quarters in
some other poor areas is also not found here because men and
women sit together. Even weddings are celebrated together. There
are even dances where men and women dance together, unthinkable
in a purely Islamic country. And yet, joint forms of living are
only found in the countryside among the poorer classes. This is
one example of the influence of tribalism. Feudalistic families
and families in the city practice strict gender separation.
     But these positive elements of tribal remnants on the one
hand and the seeds of future relations between men and women on
the other cannot hide the fact that women, no matter what, are
subordinate to men. They are more burdened by housework and
working in the fields. Men can relax for a while after working,
but the women always have household tasks to attend to. During
the day, women raise the children, clean the house, and work the
fields, at night they are sex objects to be utilized at will.
Even if Kurdish women are able to strengthen their position
somewhat because of their indispensable labour (for example, they
are more self- conscious and less likely to be abandoned than
women in purely Islamic societies), then men still have all the
authority and make all the decisions.
     The women often lack deep emotional ties to the men. This is
replaced by a strong solidarity among the women themselves. The
women tell each other everything that happens. They speak of
their difficulties. This provides emotional support so that they
don't have to stand alone if, for example, they are having
problems with their husband. Visitors often note how Kurdish
women have warm and sincere relationships among themselves and
they aren't, for example, shy about seeing one another while
bathing. They have a natural and positive relationship to their
bodies. The society of women offers protection, support, and
security!

Legal Status And Social Values

     Kurdish women often face a three-fold oppression: the
oppression which they suffer because of their economic position,
their national oppression, which they suffer together with the
men, and their oppression as women.
     Today in the Islamic Republic, the Koran is the foundation
for regulating social life. Social values and norms, according to
which the lives of neighbours in villages and of families are
judged, largely come from Islam, although a civil law code does
exist. It cannot be ignored, for example, that the 1967 "Family
Protection Law" oriented itself to Islamic values. But women were
granted some possibilities, such as the right to divorce, even
though in practice this is very difficult, largely for economic
reasons.
     Today, in the Islamic Republic of Iran, society is based on
the 1400-year-old laws of the Koran. There are many discussions
about the status of women in Islam. We don't wish to repeat these
here, but we would like to point out the different values which
Islam encompasses. There are primarily two pairs of ideas: 

1. Sin and merit (the teachings of the Prophets)
2. Honour and shame

Honour is the highest value. In official language, honour
('namus') means "having a good name". In practice, the woman is
the embodiment of the man's good name. If a woman is unfaithful
to her man, he loses his good name, and this must be rectified:
he is allowed to kill his wife. In colloquial speech, the word
'namus' means genitals. The man, so to speak, loses his genitals
when his wife is unfaithful. The woman is degraded to the mere
status of sex object.
     Islam places great emphasis on obedience to authorities.
Patriarchal structures are the ideological supports for the
existing power relations, both in the family and in society as a
whole. Arrangements according to these values and norms naturally
lead to a decrease in the status of women.

Conclusions

     The indispensable work which Kurdish women perform gives
them a relatively (!) stronger position in comparison to Persian
and Arab women. There are historical reasons for this. Whereas
it's true that Islam provides the foundation for the values and
norms of most of the population, the Kurds were able to resist
much of the forced Arabization which they were subjected to after
the 7th century, and still today they have remnants of their old
forms of religion (Christianity, Ahli-haq, etc.). This early
rejection of Islam may explain why Kurdish folklore, proverbs,
and fables have somewhat matriarchal themes. Here we find women
in equal or superior positions to men. Such proverbs like "A lion
is a lion, whether female or male" and "He who does not fear his
wife is not a man" are good examples of this.
     But just how little of this remains today can be seen in the
statements from groups which see themselves as progressive. Some
organizations just ignore half of the population. One spokesman
even claimed that the primary force in the present struggle are
the men and that the women are even further removed now because
of their culture and traditions. They don't see it as their task
to work to gain the participation of women in the struggle.
Another organization has reduced the role of women's groups to
simply handing out leaflets and uses men's activities as the
measure of women's abilities: "We think that women can do the
same activities as men in those areas where they are equally
capable as men." If we are to believe the representative of one
Kurdish women's organization, the most significant political
organizations don't place much emphasis on the women's question.
But this does not mean that they aren't interested in
cooperation.
     Today, many women are active in political organizations and
they feel that an independent women's organization is necessary.
     Those of us in Europe should ask ourselves what we can do to
support Kurdish women, not just feel pity for them, which is of
no use to anyone. That doesn't mean that we want to drive men and
women apart in the movement against the terrorist regime in
Teheran. But women, because of their specific situation, need
their own organizations so that they can work out and solve the
problems which they face. Experience has shown that they will get
little help from men in this process.
     This article, however, should be seen as a step in that
direction.

(Translated from 'Frau, steh auf!' by the Kurdistan Committee of
Canada)

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Tue Jul 18 23:58:33 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 18 Jul 1995 23:58:33
Subject: The Status Of Kurdish Women
References: <bac1c849.9507181557.AA29592@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.071895213206Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

The Status Of Kurdish Women

     In reports about the status of women in Islamic countries,
the subordinate position of women is usually attributed to the
prevailing ideology of Islam. We think that one should first
consider the historical, social, and cultural background in order
to understand the status of women. This is also true when looking
at the women of Kurdistan.
     An examination of the status of women in Iranian Kurdistan
is made more difficult by the fact that there is relatively
little information about this part of Iran and its people.
Therefore, in writing this article, we had to rely on sources
which focus on Kurdistan in general, or on Iraqi or Turkish
Kurdistan, and we used these as much as possible in relation to
Iranian Kurdistan.
     As in the areas which border Kurdistan, development has
proceeded differently in urban and rural areas. This helps
explain the differences in the living situation of women. Because
Iranian Kurdistan is only scarcely industrialized, with 80% of
the population involved in agriculture, it seems appropriate to
focus on the situation of Kurdish women in the countryside in
this text.
     We would like, in brief, to sketch the socio-economic
foundations in conjunction with the norms and values which help
strengthen these socio-economic structures.

The Economic And Social Conditions

     In literature, a distinction is made between Kurds who live
in the mountains and those who inhabit the valleys. Because, in
the course of time, different social and economic systems have
arisen and very different types of villages have come into being.
     The economic foundation of the villages is primarily farming
and livestock. The fields are cultivated with traditional means,
as machines are an economic question. The staple crops are wheat,
barley, tobacco, and rice. The livestock are generally cattle,
sheep, and goats.

Tribal Society

     The traditional social organization is the tribe. This
includes the community and religious leader (the 'rais' or
'sarok' or 'scheich'), his family, the aristocracy and its
members, the normal villagers, the farmers, and the shepherds.
Although today only about 15-20% of the population in Iranian
Kurdistan still live in tribes, these still should be looked at
since tribal elements are still relevant in areas where feudal
relationships have come into being. The primary political and
land-owning unit is the tribe ('taifa' or 'tira'). A tribe
consists of several households ('chel' = family, clan), usually
20-30. A 'chel', in turn, can occupy several villages. The
members of a 'chel' are all descendants from a single male
patriarch. The organization of relatives is, for the tribes,
above all a mechanism for political and economic order. It
guarantees social interests such as access to land and pastures,
distribution and storage of the harvests, and the reproductive
capabilities of women. It assigns political positions and insures
that there is mutual loyalty between the armed men. The
organization of relatives, therefore, maintains the cohesiveness
of the group.
     The main political unity between the tribes is the tribal
confederation ('aschiret'). Land is jointly owned by the tribe,
but each family is responsible for its own plot. At harvest time,
the farmers provide each other with assistance and share their
beasts of burden. They also put together collective teams of
field workers ('dschung'). Likewise the pastures are jointly
owned by the village. In tribal society, there is political and
economic inequality, but this is not institutional. There are
working methods of redistribution. The rich have social
responsibilities. And formerly, at least, they could not use
their wealth as a means to gain political power.

Feudal Relations

     Generally, there are less tribal relations than there are
feudal relations. Villagers are usually not related to the large
land owner. The normal unit of land is a village, including its
houses and the fields which the villagers cultivate. The land
owner need not live in the village. If he owns more than one
village, he appoints a deputy. The land owner leaves the fields
in the hands of the farmers. No one is allowed to move away
without his permission. The tax which the villagers must pay to
the land owner is very high. The rate is sometimes as high as 50%
of the tobacco crop and 10% of the wheat, in addition to the
ploughs and threshers which belong to the land owner.

The Role Of The Village Household

     Today, it is possible to recognize a series of intermediate
stages in the transformation from a tribal to a feudal village.
In each case, the household is the most important economic and
social unit. Only people who are part of a household can be part
of the village society, anyone who does not belong is an
outsider. The household unites all means of production: labour,
land, the right to cultivate, cattle, and tools. In the
household, the individual is subordinate to the group. An
individual can only be a social person in so far as that person
abides by the village's mode of conduct. An individual only has
social status if they are a member of a household, a
neighbourhood, a factory, and so on. These social molecules are
the basic structural elements of rural society. Anyone outside of
these is not only socially isolated, but also physically
impoverished.

Women In The Production And Reproduction Process

     Sources available to us mainly concentrate on the status of
women in villages in which tribal elements still function, but
where a strong social change has set in which has aligned the
interests of the village aristocracy with those of the large land
owner.
     In a country like Iran, it is very characteristic to see a
coexistence of capitalist and pre-capitalist production
relations. Here, labour which produces goods and that which Marx
termed the "natural form of work" exist side by side.
     Kurdistan is only scarcely industrialized and the economy is
generally at the subsistence level. There are no consumer goods
produced, only needed goods, in other words those things which
are required to produced enough food for the region and to pay
the tax to the land owner. Relationships between relatives play a
very important role here. Individual household members are
dependent upon other members. Both genders are assigned their
respective tasks in the production and reproduction process. The
men do the heavy field work, they buy goods in the city, and they
are responsible for contacts with the outside world. The women,
in addition to working in the fields, must take care of the house
and the family. The lack of industrialization and the subsistence
economy are particularly hard on the women. But there is, of
course, a distinction to be made between women in poor village
families and women in the village aristocracy.

The Labour Of Women

     The life of lower class Kurdish women in the villages is
physically difficult and strenuous. Women wake up at five in the
morning, rest for a while at noon, and usually don't go to sleep
until almost midnight. In between is a hard day's work.
     The housework of Kurdish women is nothing like we are used
to. In addition to tasks traditionally associated with women's
work, like cooking, cleaning, making the beds, doing the dishes,
and so on, they also have to bake bread, milk the animals, work
in the fields, collect firewood, fetch water, and more. In order
to imagine the demands made on Kurdish women, it is important to
consider their standard of living. There is no electricity or
running water. More than 80% of the houses are made from earth
materials. The interior is a mixture of dirt and straw. More than
50% of all families live together in one main room (families
consist of 5-6 people). In houses in the mountains, this room is
on the first floor, and under this is the stable. Cooking and
baking are done in ovens made into the ground. There is no water
in the house, only at the common well in the village. Bread is
baked in the ground ovens outside the house. Usually, neighbours
work together and give each other support.
     Twice a day, the women go watch the animals, the cows,
sheep, and goats. They either milk the animals themselves or
fetch a quantity of milk from the shepherds. Milk is never
consumed raw, rather it is always transformed into butter or
yogurt. This task is done by the women at home.
     Wood used for cooking and baking, and for heat in the
winter, is scarce. This is also collected by the women.
     Fetching water is a difficult procedure. It is carried to
the house in flasks and goat's leather pouches where it is used
sparingly for cooking and cleaning.
     Washing is done outside the house in a basin. The village
women hang their clothes out to dry together. Ironing is done
with an iron filled with glowing hot coals.
     In addition to all these tasks, Kurdish women, in the course
of the day, must also prepare hot meals. Because there are no
refrigerators, food cannot be stored because of the climate,
therefore each day a great deal of time must be allotted for
preparing meals. When the housework is finished, the women must
then turn their attention to other production activities, such as
making new leather pouches and spinning and weaving. Aside from
cooking, making the beds, and all the other tasks, a lot of the
work takes place outside of the home and is done collectively by
the women of the village.
     For work in the fields, which is done in addition to the
housework, women are essential labourers, especially at harvest
time. For example, they transport the harvest to the threshing
spot. Threshing machines are an economic question. Only large and
wealthy farms can afford them. Threshing is done with the aid of
animals or by means of another method: the women and men toss the
grain into the air with rakes, then the wind takes the chaff
while the wheat falls to the ground.
     Ploughing the fields is men's work, but is often done by the
women nonetheless. Here, too, machines are lacking. The plough is
pulled by two animals.
     It's clear that the differentiation in labour in family
production is not the result of physiological or biological
differences between men and women, but rather is the result of
social relations. Characteristic of this is the fact that the
field work done by women by hand is the result of a lack of
machines.
     Again, a distinction must be made between poor women and
women from the village aristocracy. One difference is the living
conditions. In contrast to the houses of poor villagers, which
are terraced on the sides of the mountains, farm houses belonging
to the aristocracy are generally free standing. They also have
three parts: the family house, the farm, and the guest quarters.
In contrast to the houses of poor farmers, these houses also have
their own well, thus making it much easier to obtain water. The
combination family house and farm marks the borders of the daily
lives of these women.
     Another difference is the fact that wealthy homes usually
employ service girls who carry out most of the heavy work. They
are the ones, for example, who milk the animals twice a day,
collect firewood, who make the bread, butter, and yogurt, and so
on. The tasks of wealthy women are no different that those of
women of the lower classes. The difference, however, lies in the
fact that upper class people can employ service girls. Upper
class women take care of whatever tasks can be done in the house
and in the immediate surroundings, with the help of the service
girls and the children. Activities outside the house, like
milking the animals, are done by the service girls. In contrast
to poorer women, therefore, wealthy women have much less freedom
of movement since their tasks are limited to those in the house
itself. Furthermore, they do not do any collective tasks outside
the home. 

The Family

     Family forms are also in a period of transition. The
development is moving away from the traditional large family,
with one or more woman, married sons with their wives and
children, as well as the unmarried children, to the nuclear
family. The foundation of the strictly patriarchal large family
was the land. But the masses of the rural population do not own
any land. Therefore, the typical family in Iran consists of 5-6
people, so we don't find any large extended families here.
     There are big differences to be noted with respect to
marriage and the family. For the land owner, who gets rich off
the labour of others, the family is the means of keeping his
wealth in his lineage. Marriage is a matter of family politics.
The land owner plans marriages with influential neighbours.
Polygamy still exists today among the older generation. This
makes it easier to insure that all the wealth stays in the same
class. Poor farmers are monogamous. They have just one women,
since their labour, both agricultural as well as domestic, is
focused on household production. In addition to her use as a
worker, the women are valued for their ability to reproduce.
Children aren't just extra hands in the fields, they are also a
form of old age insurance, since without their help it wouldn't
be possible to survive late in life.
     Here, too, it's clear that marriage is not a private union
between two partners, rather as a production unit it is an
institution of enormous social significance and importance, an
economic and sexual union of necessity.

Marriage

     Arranged marriages are common to all families of all village
classes, irregardless of the family's social status.
     Because of the significance of marriages, a dowry is
prepared for girls starting very early. If a son should "take a
woman" (note the sexist terminology!), then it's up to father to
choose a bride and arrange the marriage. Criteria for selecting a
bride are: the girl's honour and skills, her health and ability
to work hard, her talents, her good nature, and her
submissiveness. Mothers have only an advisory role in the
selection, if any. Daughters are not asked about their wishes. A
sign of interest in the opposite sex would detract from her
reputation. After dowry negotiations are complete, a period of
time is designated for the engagement. For the bride, a wedding
is a sad occasion. It means saying goodbye to her family and
friends and entering into an entirely new life as the daughter-
in-law of her husband's household, where she will occupy the
lowest level of the family's hierarchy, subordinate to the
husband, his brothers, and the mother-in-law. The father-in-law
does not speak with her until she has given birth to a child.
     The most important demand on young brides is that they be
virgins. After the wedding night, a bloody sheet must be
displayed. If there is no blood visible, a gynaecologist will
examine the young bride to see if there is some reason for this
other than a lack of virginity. If not, the bride is killed by
the men of the family: the bothers, the father, the cousins, all
of whom have had their honour sullied.

Children

     Nothing is more important to a woman's prestige than to have
children. The woman's natural ability to reproduce is the measure
of the value of a marriage in all classes. If the woman does not
produce any children, she is seen as worthless and must forever
live in fear of her husband taking on another woman.
     The birth of a son insures her great honour. But giving
birth to children also involves many risks. Women give birth with
the aid of a midwife, usually an old and experienced woman. There
are no doctors in villages. It often happens that either the
woman or the child dies during childbirth because there is no
medical assistance available. It is very difficult to get to a
hospital, and even then it would be too expensive. The infant
mortality rate is very high. A child's life is only really
considered safe when he or she is old enough to eat meals with
the adults. Normally, there is no available birth control. Women
use traditional means such as feathers and herbs. But such
abortion methods, without medical assistance and control, are
very risky. Women often get fatal infections and die. In contrast
to fundamentalist Islamic societies, women who have had abortions
are not persecuted. But generally all babies are brought into the
world. There are cases where women have had as many as 15 births,
but only a few children survive. Boys are preferred over girls,
because sons can work in the fields and marry, but daughters
simply leave home. Also, boys don't require a dowry. If a woman
gives birth to a girl, the husband has the right to take on a
second wife. The birth of a girl, or the failure to give birth at
all, are seen as the fault of the woman.
     A child is viewed as part of the community when he or she
reaches 6-7 years of age. There are no "children at play",
because there are no toys. Childhood is simply a phase of growing
into adulthood. But little boys have more freedom of movement
than do little girls. While the little boys are out playing the
street or even being taken into the living room with their
father, the girls are usually helping with the housework, taking
care of their younger siblings, and so on. Specific roles in
education help make the little boys and girls into future men and
women.

Educational Possibilities

     When children reach the age when they are old enough to
attend school, it is usually the boys rather than the girls who
are sent, provided there's even a school in the area. The poorly
equipped schools in Iranian Kurdistan are not adequate for the
needs of the region. There are some villages where a single
teacher must instruct 250-300 pupils. Instruction is in a
language which the children don't understand, Persian, since the
Shah banned education in Kurdish and today this is still only
possible in limited areas, usually the result of local
initiatives.
     Thousands of school age children do not attend school
because they are indispensable labourers in the fields and
pastures. School age girls are even worse off than the boys.
Hardly any girls go to school. There are different reasons for
this: they do more housework than the boys, they must care for
the younger siblings, and they are much more needed in their
work.
     In 1975, 70% of the total population of Iranian Kurdistan
was illiterate, as were more than 80% of the women. In rural
areas, around 95% of women were illiterate! Will there be any
improvements in this under the Islamic Republic in Iran?

Relations Between Women And Men

     Whereas in Iraqi and Turkish Kurdistan, men are almost
completely separated from women because of the division of
labour, things are a bit different in Iranian Kurdistan. In
comparison, there is more of a shared life between the two
genders. In the fields, for example, men and women work together,
and for poor families there are no separate living conditions,
and the separate seating arrangements (men sitting on one side,
women on the other), which replaces separate living quarters in
some other poor areas is also not found here because men and
women sit together. Even weddings are celebrated together. There
are even dances where men and women dance together, unthinkable
in a purely Islamic country. And yet, joint forms of living are
only found in the countryside among the poorer classes. This is
one example of the influence of tribalism. Feudalistic families
and families in the city practice strict gender separation.
     But these positive elements of tribal remnants on the one
hand and the seeds of future relations between men and women on
the other cannot hide the fact that women, no matter what, are
subordinate to men. They are more burdened by housework and
working in the fields. Men can relax for a while after working,
but the women always have household tasks to attend to. During
the day, women raise the children, clean the house, and work the
fields, at night they are sex objects to be utilized at will.
Even if Kurdish women are able to strengthen their position
somewhat because of their indispensable labour (for example, they
are more self- conscious and less likely to be abandoned than
women in purely Islamic societies), then men still have all the
authority and make all the decisions.
     The women often lack deep emotional ties to the men. This is
replaced by a strong solidarity among the women themselves. The
women tell each other everything that happens. They speak of
their difficulties. This provides emotional support so that they
don't have to stand alone if, for example, they are having
problems with their husband. Visitors often note how Kurdish
women have warm and sincere relationships among themselves and
they aren't, for example, shy about seeing one another while
bathing. They have a natural and positive relationship to their
bodies. The society of women offers protection, support, and
security!

Legal Status And Social Values

     Kurdish women often face a three-fold oppression: the
oppression which they suffer because of their economic position,
their national oppression, which they suffer together with the
men, and their oppression as women.
     Today in the Islamic Republic, the Koran is the foundation
for regulating social life. Social values and norms, according to
which the lives of neighbours in villages and of families are
judged, largely come from Islam, although a civil law code does
exist. It cannot be ignored, for example, that the 1967 "Family
Protection Law" oriented itself to Islamic values. But women were
granted some possibilities, such as the right to divorce, even
though in practice this is very difficult, largely for economic
reasons.
     Today, in the Islamic Republic of Iran, society is based on
the 1400-year-old laws of the Koran. There are many discussions
about the status of women in Islam. We don't wish to repeat these
here, but we would like to point out the different values which
Islam encompasses. There are primarily two pairs of ideas: 

1. Sin and merit (the teachings of the Prophets)
2. Honour and shame

Honour is the highest value. In official language, honour
('namus') means "having a good name". In practice, the woman is
the embodiment of the man's good name. If a woman is unfaithful
to her man, he loses his good name, and this must be rectified:
he is allowed to kill his wife. In colloquial speech, the word
'namus' means genitals. The man, so to speak, loses his genitals
when his wife is unfaithful. The woman is degraded to the mere
status of sex object.
     Islam places great emphasis on obedience to authorities.
Patriarchal structures are the ideological supports for the
existing power relations, both in the family and in society as a
whole. Arrangements according to these values and norms naturally
lead to a decrease in the status of women.

Conclusions

     The indispensable work which Kurdish women perform gives
them a relatively (!) stronger position in comparison to Persian
and Arab women. There are historical reasons for this. Whereas
it's true that Islam provides the foundation for the values and
norms of most of the population, the Kurds were able to resist
much of the forced Arabization which they were subjected to after
the 7th century, and still today they have remnants of their old
forms of religion (Christianity, Ahli-haq, etc.). This early
rejection of Islam may explain why Kurdish folklore, proverbs,
and fables have somewhat matriarchal themes. Here we find women
in equal or superior positions to men. Such proverbs like "A lion
is a lion, whether female or male" and "He who does not fear his
wife is not a man" are good examples of this.
     But just how little of this remains today can be seen in the
statements from groups which see themselves as progressive. Some
organizations just ignore half of the population. One spokesman
even claimed that the primary force in the present struggle are
the men and that the women are even further removed now because
of their culture and traditions. They don't see it as their task
to work to gain the participation of women in the struggle.
Another organization has reduced the role of women's groups to
simply handing out leaflets and uses men's activities as the
measure of women's abilities: "We think that women can do the
same activities as men in those areas where they are equally
capable as men." If we are to believe the representative of one
Kurdish women's organization, the most significant political
organizations don't place much emphasis on the women's question.
But this does not mean that they aren't interested in
cooperation.
     Today, many women are active in political organizations and
they feel that an independent women's organization is necessary.
     Those of us in Europe should ask ourselves what we can do to
support Kurdish women, not just feel pity for them, which is of
no use to anyone. That doesn't mean that we want to drive men and
women apart in the movement against the terrorist regime in
Teheran. But women, because of their specific situation, need
their own organizations so that they can work out and solve the
problems which they face. Experience has shown that they will get
little help from men in this process.
     This article, however, should be seen as a step in that
direction.

(Translated from 'Frau, steh auf!' by the Kurdistan Committee of
Canada)

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Jul 21 19:32:43 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Jul 1995 19:32:43
Subject: American Kurds Start Solidarity Hun
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507211816.AA16465@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: American Kurds Start Solidarity Hungerstrike

American Kurdish Information Network
2309 Calvert Street NW #3
Washington, D.C. 20008-2603

Tel: 202.483.6444
Fax: 202.483.6476

For Immediate Release
July 19, 1995

Contact person: Ari Tigris, 202.483.6444

American Kurds Go On Hungerstrike At The U.S. Capitol Near The
Reflecting Pool By Pennsylvania Avenue

     A group of American Kurds are going on an indefinite
hungerstrike tomorrow, July 20, 1995, at 9:30 AM to draw
attention to the plight of the Prisoners of War (POWs) who are
languishing in Turkish jails. On July 14, 1995, 10,000 POWs,
after months of secret consultations, began a hungerstrike
throughout Turkey. Beginning tomorrow, their families in Turkey,
the Kurds in diaspora, and their friends in various Western
cities, including Washington, D.C., are beginning a hungerstrike
of their own to express solidarity with the POWs. Two members of
the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, Mr. Remzi Kartal and Mr.
George Aryo, who are visiting some public officials in the D.C.
area will be present at this solemn occasion. They too will join
the strikers on Saturday, July 22, 1995 at 9:00 AM in the
morning.
     July 14, 1995, marks a day of resistance in Kurdish history.
On that day in 1982, Hayri Durmus, Kemal Pir, Akif Yilmaz, and
Ali Cicek began a hungerstrike in the infamous Diyarbakir prison.
They wanted to protest torture and reject a life without civil
rights for millions of Kurds who were being trampled on by the
members of the Turkish armed forces. They fell one after another
for the cause of freedom after 52, 53, 49, and 57 days
respectively. Their memory, today, is a source of pride and
inspiration for thousands of Kurds.
     13 years later, not much has changed for the Kurds of
Turkey. They are still subjected to a policy of genocide which
has meant the death of some 20,000 Kurdish civilians, the
destruction of some 3,000 of their villages, and the uprooting of
5 million Kurds as political refugees. In addition to suffering
these pains, millions of hectares of forest land in Kurdish areas
have been entrusted to the flames, causing an environmental
disaster unprecedented in the region.
     The hungerstrikers in Washington, D.C. have some demands.
They would like to see the citizens of their adopted country call
on their elected public officials to stop the genocide of the
Kurds. To that end, they:

- urge the United States government to stop its military aid to
Turkey, which is used in the genocide of the Kurds;

- urge the United States government to play the role of a
peacemaker between the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, which
represents the Kurds, and the Turkish authorities to initiate
political dialogue for the solution of the conflict;

- urge the Turkish government, as a signatory to the Geneva
Convention Protocols, to honor its obligations by granting
Prisoner of War (POW) status to the 10,000 hungerstrikers;

- urge the Turkish government to cease the activities of its
death-squads who have been kidnapping civilians, usually
torturing them to death with impunity;

- urge Red Cross officials to send a delegation to the war zone
in southeastern Turkey, North-West Kurdistan, to check on the
conditions of the POWs and report on the terrible sufferings of
the Kurds.



From kurdeng at aps.nl  Sat Jul 22 05:31:35 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 22 Jul 1995 05:31:35
Subject: American Kurds Start Solidarity Hun
References: <bac1c849.9507211816.AA16465@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.072295000132Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: American Kurds Start Solidarity Hungerstrike

-MailServer 2.20)
           id VT11818; Sat, 22 Jul 1995 04:16:33 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

American Kurdish Information Network
2309 Calvert Street NW #3
Washington, D.C. 20008-2603

Tel: 202.483.6444
Fax: 202.483.6476

For Immediate Release
July 19, 1995

Contact person: Ari Tigris, 202.483.6444

American Kurds Go On Hungerstrike At The U.S. Capitol Near The
Reflecting Pool By Pennsylvania Avenue

     A group of American Kurds are going on an indefinite
hungerstrike tomorrow, July 20, 1995, at 9:30 AM to draw
attention to the plight of the Prisoners of War (POWs) who are
languishing in Turkish jails. On July 14, 1995, 10,000 POWs,
after months of secret consultations, began a hungerstrike
throughout Turkey. Beginning tomorrow, their families in Turkey,
the Kurds in diaspora, and their friends in various Western
cities, including Washington, D.C., are beginning a hungerstrike
of their own to express solidarity with the POWs. Two members of
the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, Mr. Remzi Kartal and Mr.
George Aryo, who are visiting some public officials in the D.C.
area will be present at this solemn occasion. They too will join
the strikers on Saturday, July 22, 1995 at 9:00 AM in the
morning.
     July 14, 1995, marks a day of resistance in Kurdish history.
On that day in 1982, Hayri Durmus, Kemal Pir, Akif Yilmaz, and
Ali Cicek began a hungerstrike in the infamous Diyarbakir prison.
They wanted to protest torture and reject a life without civil
rights for millions of Kurds who were being trampled on by the
members of the Turkish armed forces. They fell one after another
for the cause of freedom after 52, 53, 49, and 57 days
respectively. Their memory, today, is a source of pride and
inspiration for thousands of Kurds.
     13 years later, not much has changed for the Kurds of
Turkey. They are still subjected to a policy of genocide which
has meant the death of some 20,000 Kurdish civilians, the
destruction of some 3,000 of their villages, and the uprooting of
5 million Kurds as political refugees. In addition to suffering
these pains, millions of hectares of forest land in Kurdish areas
have been entrusted to the flames, causing an environmental
disaster unprecedented in the region.
     The hungerstrikers in Washington, D.C. have some demands.
They would like to see the citizens of their adopted country call
on their elected public officials to stop the genocide of the
Kurds. To that end, they:

- urge the United States government to stop its military aid to
Turkey, which is used in the genocide of the Kurds;

- urge the United States government to play the role of a
peacemaker between the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, which
represents the Kurds, and the Turkish authorities to initiate
political dialogue for the solution of the conflict;

- urge the Turkish government, as a signatory to the Geneva
Convention Protocols, to honor its obligations by granting
Prisoner of War (POW) status to the 10,000 hungerstrikers;

- urge the Turkish government to cease the activities of its
death-squads who have been kidnapping civilians, usually
torturing them to death with impunity;

- urge Red Cross officials to send a delegation to the war zone
in southeastern Turkey, North-West Kurdistan, to check on the
conditions of the POWs and report on the terrible sufferings of
the Kurds.



----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Jul 21 20:02:11 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Jul 1995 20:02:11
Subject: Liberation Movements & Internationa
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507211817.AA16497@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)
Subject: Liberation Movements & International Law

Theses On Liberation Movements And The Rights Of Peoples

Written by Michael Schubert
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

1.   On March 28, 1992, the Deutsche Presseagentur (dpa) reported
the following: "Despite a parliamentary moratorium, 15 Leopard-1
German tanks were delivered to Turkey as recently as February.
This was confirmed on Friday by a government spokesman in Bonn.
The SPD and FDP were shocked by the news and demanded the
resignation of Defence Minister Stoltenberg (CDU). On Friday,
Turkish President Demirel defended his country's actions against
the Kurds as a struggle against terrorism." According to the
report: "A spokesman for the Defence Ministry called the shipment
to Turkey a bureaucratic 'oversight'. Government spokesman Vogel
said the matter would be looked into by the Ministry: 'The head
of the Ministry is certainly not to blame.' In the words of the
Turkish President, the struggle against terrorism in Turkey is
similar to what 'Germany did against the Baader-Meinhof Gang'.
Demirel said that his country was acting no differently than
other nations confronted with terrorists fighting against the
state armed with rocket launchers, mortars, grenades, bombs, and
machine guns. Foreign Minister Genscher's comments about human
rights violations were the result of false information, he said.
The Turkish government stood by its claims that it only uses
force against militant Kurds and that the civilian population are
not harmed. In this, there were no contradiction of reports of
the deployment of German weapons from the former East German
army, the NVA, in the Kurdish regions." (dpa/Badische Zeitung,
28.3.1992)
     The day before, on March 27, 1992, the then Foreign Minister
Genscher answered the question "Is it even possible to still
deliver weapons to a country guilty of such grave human rights
violations like Turkey?" with the answer: "If the Turkish
Republic doesn't undergo some major changes, No." He then said:
"I can only say that under the present conditions there
definitely is a persecution of the Kurdish minority taking
place." (Stuttgarter Zeitung, 27.3.1992, p.2)
     Such statements and comments, in addition to numerous
delegation reports, make it clear that German weapons deliveries
are continuing and that there is a massive deployment of German
weapons and munitions against the Kurdish civilian population
(cf. Report from Bremen delegation members Oppermann, Helmke, and
Schulz from 27.3.1992 about the deployment of German tanks in the
Kurdish city of Cizre). Six months after the government's cover-
ups and appeasements, journalist Wolfgang Storz wrote the
following article for the Badische Zeitung on September 24, 1992: 
A preliminary glace reveals that, by means of NATO's strategic
doctrine, Turkey is suppressing the Kurdish independence movement
under the guise of "anti-terrorism". Weapons deliveries from
Germany are not the result of bureaucratic oversights in the
Defence Ministry, but rather are part of NATO's strategy. That's
why this isn't just a special problem involving Germany, even
though Germany, as the strongest economic partner in Turkey,
plays a central role. The problem of the Federal Republic of
Germany and its EU and NATO partners is that they are forced to
cover up known torture and other human rights violations in
Turkey since the reality of the Turkish-ruled region of Kurdistan
is in contradiction to the human rights standards of the EU and
NATO. The actual dilemma is that the NATO states made a major
issue of the suppression of Kurds in Iraq to forward their
strategic interests against Saddam Hussein. If they don't express
the same concerns with regard to the Turkish government, then
it's clear that their policy is not dictated by human rights
concerns but rather by strategic economic interests. 
     Above all, the following development is clear: By dismissing
the independence movement of the Kurdish people as "terrorism",
the criminalization of it and the violation of human rights are
integral parts of the solution to the Kurdistan problem at the
international level, and the same is true for all liberation
movements which are branded as "terrorist" by representatives of
NATO states. The point of this text is to examine the aspects of
this which relate to the rights of peoples which concern the
recognition and handling of the Kurdish liberation struggle,
bearing in mind the forcible colonial oppression, as an
international struggle within which general human rights as well
as the humanitarian rights of people in war must be respected.
This text focusses on the section of Kurdistan controlled by
Turkey, North-West Kurdistan. Links will be made between the
practices of the Turkish government against the Kurds according
to NATO strategy which violate the rights of peoples to the
suppression of the Kurdish independence movement in the Federal
Republic of Germany. All of this can only be done in a cursory
manner.

2.   The system of the rights of peoples with respect to
humanitarian laws of war was created through the Geneva
Convention of 1864 after the founding of the International Red
Cross, the Brussels Declaration of 15 European states in 1874,
and both conventions on conventional warfare in The Hague in 1899
and 1907. The aim of these institutions was to limit the
allowable means of war and to compel parties at war to humanely
treat civilian populations and to respectfully treat political
opponents who are enemies in the war. The Fourth Hague Agreement
concerning the laws of conventional warfare, passed on October
18, 1907, is still legally binding today (in Germany: RGBI 1910,
p.10). Even at the time of this Fourth Hague Agreement, the Hague
Agreements on conventional warfare, interestingly enough,
considered partisan struggles to be governed by rules of war and
that partisans were to be considered combatants (cf. Art. 1 and
the so-called levee en masse in Art. 2). Characteristic for the
rules of that time was the notion of the "classical regularity of
war", in other words there was to be a clear distinction between
war and peace, combatants and non-combatants, and enemy and
criminal, and wars between states are to be combats between the
regular state armies of sovereign entities regulated by a jus
belli (law of war).
     In the 20th century, the reality of war began to greatly
diverge from the proposals of regularity in "classical" rights of
peoples in war. Clear distinctions were no longer present. This
fact has been recognized by nearly all experts on the rights of
peoples, as a brief glance at contemporary rights of peoples in
war will confirm (cf. Ignaz Seidl-Hohenveldern, Volkerrecht,
Baden-Baden 1972, p.15; Hans-Ulrich Scupln, "Freischarler,
Guerillos, Partisanen - Gedanken zum Begriff des Kombattenten" in
Internationales Recht und Diplomatie, Cologne 1972, p.201ff.;
Lombardi, Burgerkrieg und Volkerrecht, Berlin 1976, p.83ff.; Jurg
H. Schmid, Die volkerrechtliche Stellung der Partisanen im
Kriege, Zurich 1956). In brief, the changes were as follows: 
Elimination of the distinction between war and peace; in so far
as there is not a total world war, there are always small wars
taking place somewhere in the world in different forms.

Elimination of the distinction between domestic and international
wars due to the context of the global economy and the decline of
single-state sovereignty.

Elimination of the distinction between combatants (as parties at
war) and civilian populations (not parties at war according to
the classical rules of war); all are involved and all are
mobilized by the parties in the conflict.

The partisan form of struggle, namely the guerrilla, becomes the
most significant form of struggle for oppressed peoples; the
entire picture of conventional war, with its limited character of
scope and means, is completely lost. In the case of NATO states,
all wars have the potential of becoming world wars, threatening
not only the total destruction of the enemy but of the entire
planet as well.

     It's tough to say whether it's even possible for there to be
any further development of the rights of peoples in war given
these conditions, but such rules could be effective if modified
to fit contemporary changes in war-time conduct. In any case, the
frightening and destructive consequences of the Second World War
gave rise to the four Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949,
which were a considerable sign of progress.
     The Third Convention, which deals with Prisoners of War (in
Germany: BGBI 1954 II. p. 838; the other Conventions are cited
almost verbatim), includes an expanded definition of war which
includes international conflicts which are not declared wars but
rather armed conflicts between peoples. In other words, there
could be a war situation "even if one of the parties refused to
acknowledge the crisis" (Art. 2).
     Combatants are now clearly defined to include members of
resistance movements, even after a successful occupation by
another power (Art. 4; under classical rules of war, peoples no
longer had the right to resist or use armed force following a
successful occupation). But the formal demands of the Hague
Agreements on conventional warfare were retained.
     Art. 3 contains an entirely new clause, one which recognizes
the "binding rules of war for armed conflicts which do not
possess an international character but which take place in the
territory of a signatory nation". And this does not first require
the counter party to the armed conflict to be recognized by the
affected state.
     Art. 21ff. of the Third Convention lists specific rules for
the treatment of Prisoners of War, including detention with a
high degree of free movement, thereby prohibiting actual criminal
prison detention. The only trials permitted for prisoners of war
are those in the cases of illegitimate war-time activity (ie.,
something other than killing an enemy soldier, planning an
ambush, etc.).

3.   Of considerable importance to the contemporary development
of the humanitarian rights of people in war and its expansion to
include armed liberation struggles is the support of the vast
majority of UN member states for the last 50 years ever since the
founding of the United Nations Charter on June 26, 1945 (in
Germany: BGBI 1973 II p.431; 1974 II p.770; 1980 II p.1252; cf
Berber, Volkerrechtliche Vertraege, 1983, p.17ff.), in particular
the non-aggression clause in Art. 2 of the Charter, a position
which developed despite the negative votes or abstentions of the
NATO states. This position was expanded upon in several UN
General Assembly resolutions and shows the importance which
independence movements have in international developments.     
The following is stated in the "Declaration Of The
Independence Of Colonial Nations And Peoples" (Resolution 1514
XV), which was passed on December 14, 1960:

2. All peoples have the right of self-determination. They are
free to politically determine the force of this right and to
freely struggle for economic, social, and cultural development.

4. All armed actions and measures of repression, of any type
whatsoever, against dependent peoples are to be halted in order
to make it possible for them to peacefully and freely enjoy their
right to full independence. The integrity of their national
territory will be respected.

     UN General Assembly Resolution 3103, passed on December 12,
1973, expanded the 1960 Declaration and the resolutions which
came after it:

1. The struggle of the people under colonial or foreign rule or
under a racist regime to gain their rights to self-determination
and independence is legitimate and in full agreement with the
Principles of the Rights of Peoples. 
2. All attempts to suppress the struggle against colonial or
foreign rule or against a racist regime are incompatible with the
Charter of the United Nations, the Principles of the Rights of
Peoples, the declaration concerning friendly relations and
cooperation between states in accordance with the Charter of the
United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and
the declaration guaranteeing independence to colonized nations
and peoples, and such attempts pose a threat to international
peace and security. 
     These resolutions clearly show that oppressed peoples who
take up arms are not aggressors, but rather the colonial and
occupying powers are, since they are using police and military
force to suppress the right to self-determination (cf. Lombardi,
p.189ff. and p.332ff., as well as UN Resolution 3314 XXIX,
14.12.1974). Therefore, the notion of aggression under the rights
of peoples is more than just an actual armed attack, it also
indicates the aggressive and inhumane structure of a system of
which the utilization of police and military repressive machinery
is just the external appearance.

4.   After two long period of negotiations, which were often
stalled by the NATO states, there have been other steps taken to
advance the notion of the humanitarian rights of peoples in war,
including the December 12, 1977 additional Protocols to the
Geneva Conventions of 1949.
     The First Protocol deals with the protection of victims of
so-called "international armed conflicts", and the Second
Protocol deals with the protection of victims of so-called "non-
international armed conflicts" (cf. Berber, Volkerrechtliche
Vertraege, p.422, 483).
     In the First Protocol, progress was made with respect to the
actual development of war and humanitarian protection. One
significant change was the expansion of the notion of an
international armed conflict, which the NATO states had
previously stressed was only limited to wars between states. In
Art. 1 Section 4 of the First Protocol, this is clearly stated: 
[These include] armed conflicts in which people are struggling to
exercise their right to self-determination against colonial rule,
foreign occupation, or a racist regime, as allowed for under the
Charter of the United Nations and the "Statement On The Rights Of
Peoples With Respect To The Foundations Of Friendly Relations And
Cooperation Between States According To The Charter Of The United
Nations".

     Concerning the status of combatants in such conflicts, this
is no longer limited (as in the Geneva Conventions of 1949) to
members of a state or a non-recognized government, but rather it
also applies to parties in the conflict who belong to a non-
recognized organization (cf. Art. 43 of the First Protocol; also
Frick, "Ein neues Kapitel im humanitaren Kriegsvolkerrecht" in
Vereinte Nationen, Nr.76/182). Furthermore, the distinctions
between combatants and civilians were minimized and Prisoner of
War status is to be granted, even if the formal rules are not
adhered to. The following is written in Art. 44 Section 3/1: 
In order to protect the civilian population from hostilities,
civilians are not to be harmed if they are not taking part in
attacks or war activities or preparing attacks. Because in
certain armed situations it is not possible to differentiate
between the combatants and the civilians, people are to be
granted combatants status if they: a) are openly carrying a
weapon during a military manoeuvre; b) are openly carrying a
weapon in view of the enemy while on a military march prior to an
attack which they are supposed to take part in.

And in Section 4:

A combatant who falls into enemy hands and who is not covered by
the provisions of Section 3/2 is to be considered a Prisoner of
War; he is entitled to all rights guaranteed by the Third
Convention and this Protocol. 

Section 5:

A combatant who falls into enemy hands, not while taking part in
an attack or preparing for an attack, is not considered a
combatant or a Prisoner of War because of his prior activity.
(cf. other regulations in Art. 45 and the clear inclusion of
guerrilla warfare in Art. 37 Section 2)

     In short, anti-colonial and anti-racist liberation struggles
are legally equivalent to war (read: international armed
conflicts), likewise guerrillas are equal to soldiers in such
conflicts. It is irrelevant whether or not the (colonial or
racist) state accepts this. Declarations of war are equally
irrelevant.
     Neither the Geneva Conventions nor the additional Protocols
make use of the term "terrorism" to exclude certain groups from
the humanitarian rights of people in war. The only preconditions
- stated in Art. 4 of the Third Geneva Convention - are a certain
degree of regulated means of struggle and compliance with the
rules of war (Art. 4A/2d of the Third Convention). It goes
without saying that such rules of war include attacks on the
enemy's instruments of war or the killing of enemy combatants (in
the case of Turkey, this includes soldiers and even police, since
the latter are regularly deployed in anti-Kurdish acts of war).
Such acts have nothing whatsoever to do with terrorism, but the
Turkish government, with indirect support from Germany, for
example, continually condemns such conduct as "terrorism".     
Formally, the regulations of Art. 96 of the First Protocol can
only be applied if both parties to the war are bound by the
Protocol. States must ratify this Protocol for it to have effect.
Turkey has not ratified the First Protocol. Germany, like most
other NATO states, while often invoking this Protocol, has never
ratified it, mostly due to concerns that the protection of
civilians would not be possible in the event of a nuclear war.    
 Liberation movements, whose armed wings adhere to a certain
degree of regulated means of struggle in accordance with Art. 96
of the First Protocol, must issue a statement of intended
compliance to the International Red Cross in Geneva. Such a
statement then makes the Geneva Convention and the additional
Protocols applicable to the organization which represents a
people engaged in an anti-colonial war of liberation.
     [The PKK delivered this necessary statement to the United
Nations and the Red Cross in Geneva on January 24, 1995.]

5.   The NATO states, at least until the end of the 1980s, were
not able to do much about this reality of the development of war
and the corresponding international law. At the same time, while
paying lip service to the notion of human rights, these states
could not openly call for limits to this in times of war. But
because NATO's strategy was directly linked to the economic and
strategic interests of its leaders, including Japan, the world's
leading capitalist power, and members (including Turkey), there
have been major contradictions in its conduct. Compare the cases
of Iraq/Kuwait and the former Yugoslavia to that of Palestine,
South Africa, and, of course, Kurdistan. It is not in NATO's
interest to support genuine independence for nations of the Three
Continents or to allow oppressed peoples to have their own state.
Ever since the end of the Second World War, the calls for human
rights issued by the Foreign Ministries of these NATO countries
have been directly contradicted by the daily praxis of their
Defence Ministries, which used all means at their disposal to
suppress independence movements. The same is true today. Our
example cited above of press coverage in Germany about
developments in Kurdistan did not illustrate the whims of former
Defence Minister Stoltenberg or some renegade bureaucrat as the
calls for resignation issued by the SPD and FDP parties
(strangely silent under Stoltenberg's successor, Ruhe) might seem
to indicate.
     The notion of terrorism plays a key role in NATO's strategy
of countering increased appeals for human rights and the
development of humanitarian rights of people in war. Today, "the
fight against terrorism" is used to suspend the state's legal
guarantees, such as in criminal law and the right to seek asylum
in NATO states, as well as to avoid recognizing human rights and
international law with respect to liberation movements (cf.
Janssen and Schubert, Staatssicherheit: Die Bekaempfung des
politischen Feindes in Inneren, Bielefeld 1990, p.85ff. and
p.195ff.). A few thoughts on the development of this NATO
strategy: The starting point for all of this, in connection with
American psychological warfare which had begun as early as the
Second World War, was the experience of many NATO states - the
USA, France, Great Britain - beginning in the 1950s with military
defeats against liberation movements in countries of the "Third
World", despite having vast economic and military superiority.
The French Chief of Staff Andre Beaufre wrote about his own
experiences in Algeria and Vietnam in his 1973 German-language
book 'Die Revolutionierung des Kriegsbildes':

The surprising success of the decolonization wars can only be
explained by the following: The weak seem to have defeated the
strong, but actually just the reverse was true from a moral point
of view, which brings us to the conclusion that limited wars are
primarily fought on the field of morale. (p.34) 

     The British Chief of Staff Frank Kitson, who experienced
defeat in Malaysia, Kenya, and Cyprus, was able to research
several Third World liberation movements, and he drew the
following conclusions for Western Europe in the 1970s in his book
'Prior To War: Preventing Subversion And Revolt':

Although subversion and revolt have been present throughout this
entire century, never have they been so effectively used as in
the last 25 years. All around the world, these struggles have
grown to such an extent that some observers now speak of "modern
warfare". Such conflicts represent a new dimension of war. (p.34)

     Characteristic of the development of the NATO position is
NATO Letter Nr. 3/1976 which was issued by Sir Edward Peck of the
NATO Information Office in Brussels. Entitled "The Five Fronts Of
NATO", Peck calls subversion within the NATO states themselves
the "fifth front of NATO", and he advises that the organization
develop a common strategy to combat this. The development of
several operative units - secret and generally illegal - within
individual NATO states and states of the European Union (EU) is
illustrative of this strategic orientation. This new NATO
strategy concept is utilized by Turkey, with Germany's full
knowledge and support, in its actions against the Kurds.
     The decisive tactical consequence which the NATO states drew
from their defeats at the hands of anti-colonial liberation
struggles and their own domestic disturbances was to stress the
importance of preemptive military - and police - actions.
     In order for NATO states to quickly and effectively wipe out
"revolt", which could get out of hand despite technical
superiority (read: better weapons) due to the political and moral
convictions of the mass movement, it is necessary to make
comprehensive analyses early on and to take effective action in
the psychological arena. It's no coincidence, therefore, that
military and police circles seem to stress the benefits of
"psychological warfare". Ever since the U.S. Defence Department
organized the first ever World Wide Psyops Conference in 1963 and
the first NATO Symposium On Defence Psychology in Paris in 1960,
many NATO leaders and several scientists have been working in the
field of psychological counter-insurgency methods (cf. the
detailed reports and analyses of P. Watson, Psycho-War:
Possibilities, Power, And The Misuse Of Military Psychology,
Frankfurt 1985, p.25ff.).
     The central aim of this defence approach is to destroy the
morale of the insurgent movement at the early stages, to
discredit it and destroy it using repressive means like long
periods of isolation detention in prisons, thereby preventing a
mass movement from starting which could be hard to control with
conventional means. Defaming the insurgents as "terrorists" and
punishing them accordingly - thereby ignoring international law
concerning the rights of people in war - is a particularly useful
means. The German constitutional law professor Ulrich K. Peuss
noted this back in 1975 in his essay "Thoughts On The Notion Of
Political Prisoners":

Criminal law not only has the ability to make members of a party
in the civil war "criminals", it can also punish them on a moral
level by not seeing them as opponents in a war but rather as
morally inferior criminals. Both of these are means of
criminalizing political opponents. (in: Politische Prozesse ohne
Verteidigung, Berlin 1975, p.18)

     It is clear that this NATO strategy has been used
consistently since the 1970s against independence movements and
domestic disturbances which threaten NATO's economic and
strategic interests, dismissing these as "terrorist" in
contradiction to developing international law. In a May 1975
government study on military strategy in Western Europe
commissioned by the London Institute for the Study of Conflicts,
the following was written: "Wherever possible, terrorists should
be charged under normal criminal statutes and treated as normal
criminals." And at the EU Minister's Conference in 1977, the
problems with respect to the rights of peoples as outlined in the
recently approved First Protocol to the Geneva Conventions were
noted: "The Ministers agreed that captured terrorists would not
be treated as Prisoners of War as stated in the Geneva
Convention." (Stuttgarter Zeitung, 1.6.1977) As laws within NATO
and EU states were strengthened in order to "fight against
terrorism", those utilizing the term terrorism were well aware of
what they were doing (cf. Schubert, "Terrorismusverfolgung: EG
als Hebel repressiver Vereinheitlichung, die BRD als treibende
Kraft?" in Europa und Strafverteidigung, especially p.168ff.
which is based on the research of the Max-Plank Institute for
National and International Law in Freiburg; and the European
Agreement On Terrorism Prevention, 27.1.1977). We can assume that
these contradictions were deliberately utilized in order to be
ready for new situations, to cover up reality, and to increase
the psychological threat, the fear of foreigners who come in from
far away and keep spreading. Here are a few examples of the
definition:

- W. Schenk in Vereinte Nationen, Nr. 4, 1976, p.97: "The notion
of terrorism is many-sided. In general, it has a negative
connotation. But that doesn't mean that the same people can't be
classified either as terrorists or freedom fighters. It depends
on one's position."

- The British "terrorism expert" Jenkins in "Are 'Terrorists'
Politically Motivated Criminals Or Just Terrorists?" in
Kriminalistik, Nr. 1, 1984, p.17: "When we speak of terrorism,
what exactly are we talking about? There is no precise or
accepted definition." But he later states that "terrorism is
communism".

- The then Attorney General of the Federal Republic of Germany,
Rebmann, in his "Working Paper For The Berlin Conference On The
Law Of The World / July 21-26, 1985" published by the World Peace
Through Law Center in Washington, D.C.: "There is no
international agreement on what 'terrorism' is. Even today, there
are disagreements as to what the boundaries are between terrorism
and war confrontations, and concerning the question, what is
aggression, revolt, or the justified resistance of people and
groups of people?"

- Former U.S. President Reagan stated that "terrorism" is caused
by a "criminal phenomenon, a fanatical hatred of the United
States and our people, our way of life, and our international
significance". (Reagan, "The New Network Of Terrorist States" in
Current Policy, Nr. 721/1985, U.S. State Department, Bureau of
Public Affairs).

     The brutal scenarios envisioned in NATO and government
strategies to combat the terrorism and horror were made clear in
an article entitled "Terrorism: An Opportunity For New Rules"
published in the International Herald Tribune on November 9, 1985
and written by a man named Raymond Price, a member of Richard
Nixon's staff. Price, among other things, called for the creation
of an International Terrorism Court and the use of the death
penalty against people convicted of "guilt in a terrorist act".
This court would have the authority to take "special measures"
and supersede state laws. Turan Itil, a medical doctor who
carried out brain research for many years at university clinics
in Tubingen and Erlangen in Germany and then in Missouri in the
USA, commented at a non-public NATO government symposium on the
theme "Rehabilitation Possibilities For Terrorists" held on
January 23, 1985 in Istanbul that terrorists had a "genetic
predisposition" which caused them to become murderers with just a
political veneer. (Prof. Turan Itil, cited in Nokta, Nr. 6/85,
17.12.1985). Such thoughts are reminiscent of fascist notions of
"damaged people".

6.   Bearing in mind this development of NATO strategy and
conduct by and within its member states, the unjustified
accusations of terrorism and the resulting criminalization and
police and military operations are seen as isolated incidents,
and as such are just to be criticized as the isolated actions of
individual members states, like Turkey.
     But such criticism is only effective if it clearly draws on
the positions of the UN developed from the 1960s to the 1980s
concerning a people's right to self-determination, including the
right of a people to struggle for independence from a racist or
colonial regime, and the applicability of the humanitarian rights
of people in war for all forms of independence struggles on the
basis of the First Protocol of 1977. The anti-terrorism strategy
developed by NATO must be criticized on this basis. But it's not
enough to simply point out the deficiencies of the terrorism
claims made by these states. It would be more effective to stress
the further development of human rights and international law
with respect to self-determination and humanitarian rules of war,
which stand in contradiction to the accusations of terrorism. The
following comments are from the "Geneva Declaration On Terrorism"
of March 21, 1987 which was issued at the end of the conference
of the International Progress Organization (IPO):

The peoples of the world find themselves in countless struggles
for a just and peaceful world, based on fundamental rights, which
must be seen in the context of a whole series of broadly
supported international conventions. 

As for present-day confrontations:

Against this background of suffering and struggle, the
international debate in the media and elsewhere concerning
terrorism is being distorted and manipulated by the ruling
powers: The public are mislead into thinking that terrorism is
solely carried out by victims of the system. We would like to
make it clear that terrorism is almost always an expression of
the ruling structures and has little to do with legitimate
resistance struggles. The trademark of terrorism is fear and this
fear is stimulated in the population through horrifying forms of
violence. The worst form of international terrorism is the
preparation for nuclear war, in particular the expansion of this
arms race into outer space, as well as the development of
first-strike weapons. Terrorism includes state-organized
holocausts against the people of the world. The terrorism of
modern states and their high-technology weapons is far worse than
the political violence practiced by groups who want to end
oppression and live in freedom. (From the "Geneva Declaration On
Terrorism", 21.3.1987, translated from Janssen and Schubert,
Staatssicherheit, p.187ff.; the first people to sign this
declaration were Nobel Prize winner and former Irish Foreign
Minister Sean MacBride, former U.S. Justice Secretary Ramsey
Clark, Dr. Johann Galtung, peace researcher at Princeton
University, and Dr. Richard Falk, also of Princeton University)

     This definition of terrorism is an accurate one and is fully
in line with the criteria of the rights of people in war. The
humanitarian rights of people in war forbids the use of violence
against uninvolved civilians with the aim of spreading fear. Of
course, it is impossible to deny that some political targets are
attacked with violence during liberation struggles, thus
spreading fear among uninvolved persons - hijacking airliners,
for example - but this does not contradict the fact that
guerrilla attacks against persons and objects connected to the
colonialist war machine carried out in armed independence
struggles against colonialism are in full accordance with
contemporary rules of war. It is, therefore, unacceptable that
the Turkish government may classify the operations of the ARGK
(the armed wing of the PKK) as terrorist acts.
     In fact, contemporary debates concerning terrorism have
turned full circle: While true terrorist threats, as outlined in
the above Declaration as expressions of existing ruling
structures, are glorified and honoured, liberation movements are
unjustifiably labelled as terrorist with the aim of defeating
them.
     We shouldn't confuse the question of the legitimacy of armed
operations by guerrillas in an anti-colonial independence
struggle under international law with a moral question or with
the question of their use of effectiveness. According to the
Geneva Declaration On Terrorism:

To say this more clearly: We recommend that non-violent
resistance be used whenever possible, and we respect the genuine
efforts made by the liberation movements in South Africa and
elsewhere to avoid the use of violence as much as possible in
their struggle for justice. We condemn all methods of struggle
which inflict violence on innocent civilians. We don't want
terrorism, but we must emphasize that the terrorism of nuclear
weapons, criminal regimes, state atrocities, attacks with
high-technology weapons on Third World peoples, and the
systematic violation of human rights are far, far worse. It is a
cruel extension of the scourge of terrorism to classify the
struggle against terrorism as "terrorism". We support these
struggles and we call for clear political terminology together
with the liberation of humanity. 

     One more note on this theme of terrorism: It is quite
revealing that during the wave of anti-foreigner pogroms in
Germany, which killed and seriously injured several completely
innocent people, the German authorities and media never once used
the term terrorism, quite in contrast to their treatment of left-
wing movements ("ecoterrorism" and "intellectual terrorism").
Consider the text of a song by the English skinhead band
Screwdriver, whose lead singer was Ian Stuart, a leading member
of the National Front. This text is nothing more than a call for
terrorism: "Whenever I can I do something about these
Untermenschen, I fight and I make the blood of these Jews
flow/With boots and sticks and knives, until they're
gone/(Refrain) We will win and stay in this land, we'll fight for
pride and honour/Hit the mothers, rape the children, until they
go back to where they came from". Such bands are allowed to give
concerts in Germany. Screwdriver played in St. Ingbert near
Saarbrucken, for example, greeted by more than 400 bald and
uniformed Nazis giving stiff-arm chants of "Sieg Heil!"

7.   On the basis of the theses outlined above, let us look at
the present situation in Turkish-occupied Kurdistan.
     No one can deny any longer that this is a war, since the
Turkish army deploys tanks, cities are bombarded by warplanes,
and so on. Operations by the Turkish military and police in the
weeks before this article was written [in 1992] are prime
examples of Turkish state terrorism against the Kurdish
population: the massacre of unarmed Newroz demonstrators on March
21, 1992 (cf. dpa/Badische Zeitung, 23.3.1992); the bombardment
of the city of Sirnak on March 24, 1992 (cf. Frankfurter
Rundschau, 25.3.1992); new attacks on Sirnak on August 28, 1992 -
which the Turkish government claimed were carried out by the PKK,
a lie which even the Turkish press didn't believe - which caused
20,000 inhabitants to flee (cf. Suddeutsche Zeitung, 24.8.1992;
taz, 26.8.1992; Suddeutsche Zeitung, 22.9.1992); the forced
evacuation of entire Kurdish villages in the border region with
Iraq, and the murder of 50 political activists since July 1991
[as of late 1992] by death squads with close ties to the Turkish
police (cf. Suddeutsche Zeitung, 8.5.1992; statements from
Amnesty International, German Section, 8.5.1992). Such attacks
are exemplary of terrorist conduct as outline in thesis 6 above.  
     These recent developments have even forced courts
(particularly in Braunschweig, Stuttgart, and Hannover) to
partially recognize that Kurds, as a group, are entitled to a
right to asylum because of the persecution they suffer under
Turkish rule. A court decision in Braunschweig given on April 8,
1992 characterized the situation as follows:

Reports seem to indicate that the Turkish security forces have
used force against and opened fire on unarmed women and children,
in other words against persons not involved with terrorist acts.
This climate of arbitrary violence exists despite oral guarantees
that the state of emergency in all these provinces would be
lifted. Regardless of one's political estimation of the PKK or
the Turkish security forces, it must be recognized that persons
not involved in terrorist activities, Kurdish people in the
provinces under emergency rule, could at any time become the
targets of politically motivated repression at the hands of the
Turkish security authorities. (...) Such attacks are designed to
intimidate the Kurdish people and prevent them from expressing
their desire for independence through demonstrations or other
forms of expression. This has nothing whatsoever to do with the
fight against terrorism. This is state terrorism and the
repression of political opinions. (Braunschweig Administrative
Court, 8.4.1992, case number AZ:5 A 5087/91, p.67)

     But the Turkish regime doesn't just apply the NATO doctrine
of "anti-terrorism" in its military actions, but also in its
legal code as well. The so-called "Anti-Terror Law" (Law Nr.
3713), passed on April 12, 1991, criminalized not just the armed
resistance movement but also anyone suspected of supporting it.
This law is embarrassingly closely modelled on the so-called
"anti-terrorism" laws which were drafted in Germany in the 1970s
and similar laws in other European states. All of these laws are
characterized by the following provisions which closely border on
civil rights violations:

- Making membership in an organization a crime on its own, thus
not having to prove an individual carried out specific criminal
acts.

- Creating special legal procedures and special police and
prosecution investigation powers.

- The use of special crown witnesses, who get privileges and mild
sentences for denouncing other people.

- Special detention conditions, including isolation detention.
(cf. the "anti-terror" laws in Great Britain, France, Spain, and
Germany in Schubert and Janssen, Staatssicherheit, p.99ff.) 

     The Turkish Anti-Terror Law, which replaced and even
surpassed Articles 140, 141, 142, and 163 of the Turkish Criminal
Code, is a central instrument utilized against captured Kurdish
independence fighters from the ranks of the PKK/ERNK/ARGK: 

     The notion of what comprises "terror" outlined in Art. 1 of
Law Nr. 3713 is ridiculous: Any "use of pressure" is sufficient
to be considered terror, and this could include a strike or even
a newspaper article. Specifically, this pressure must have as its
goal any change in the existing political order or the
"indivisible unity of the state and its people". If two or more
people act together in this then they constitute a terrorist
organization.
     Art. 2 defines people as "terrorists" who are members of a
group described as such, even if these individuals themselves
have committed no criminal acts. Terrorists can also be people
who are not members of an organization but who commit an act "in
its name".
     Art. 7 spells out drastic sentences for not only membership
in a terrorist organization but also for spreading propaganda "in
connection with this organization". The sentence for such
propaganda can be 5 years in prison and a fine of 100-300 million
Turkish lira (TL).
     Art. 8 bans any "written or oral propaganda, assemblies, or
demonstrations which, through their means, aims, or ideas, seek
to destroy the indivisible unity of the state's territory and
people" and prescribes a jail term of 2-5 years and a fine of 50-
100 million TL. Section 2 of this article makes this "propaganda
crime" applicable to all media agencies as well.
     Art. 9 establishes special courts and procedures for anyone
charged under the Anti-Terror Law.
     Art. 10 states that the defence team can only be a maximum
of three lawyers (this is very similar to Germany's Paragraph
137) and allows for "contact between the accused and the lawyers
to be monitored by prison personnel" (again, very similar to the
contact and mail restrictions allowed for under German law in
cases involving Paragraph 129a, membership in a terrorist
organization), thereby greatly restricting the rights of the
defendant.
     Art. 11 allows for up to 15 days of detention before
arraignment in cases of "collective criminal acts".
     Art. 12ff. includes other anti-terror clauses, such as those
designed to dissuade witnesses from giving testimony for the
accused.
     Special detention conditions, isolation, and a total ban on
outside contacts are provided for in the third section of the
Anti-Terror Law, Art. 16, again very similar to laws in Western
Europe.
     In the fourth section, security measures and "rewards for
helping to solve terrorist cases" are spelled out, including an
entirely new identity for members of the public service.

     All of the provisions of this law are in gross contradiction
to the humanitarian norms and standards for treatment of
Prisoners of War as embodied in international law, and they
violate all human rights conventions concerning minimum legal
standards. This law allows the state to suspend nearly all the
rights of the defence team while sanctioning all acts of terror
and isolation by the state power. Although we haven't yet seen
the creation of Raymond Price's "terrorist court", Turkey's Anti-
Terror Law isn't that far removed from such a vision.

8.   The operations undertaken by the Turkish government against
the Kurdish independence movement are the brutal quintessence of
a decades-long development of counter-insurgency methods under
the guise of "anti-terrorism". This raises the question of
whether the independence movement in the Turkish-occupied portion
of Kurdistan and the armed struggle being waged by ARGK guerrilla
units fulfils the criteria of an international armed conflict as
outlined in the First Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1977,
despite objections by the Turkish regime (and those of many other
NATO states), and whether ARGK fighters should be considered
combatants. We believe these criteria have be sufficiently
fulfilled from a number of different angles. (cf. Ralf D.H.
Ferting and Patricia Krommer in their report to the Commission to
Protect the Rights of Minorities Against Discrimination, a
subcommission of the UN Human Rights Commission, cited in
Kurdistan Report, Nr. 45/46, 1992, p.51ff.; also the
investigation of lawyer Eberhard Schultz, Bremen, 10.7.1992)     
In particular, the following criteria have been fulfilled: 

- The liberation struggle of the Kurdish people is an
international conflict, in this case an anti-colonial (and anti-
racist) struggle, as defined in Art. 2 of the Geneva Convention
and Art. 1 Section 4 of the First Protocol. This concerns the
history, culture, size, and significance of the Kurdish people
who are living under colonial rule in Turkey, a state with a
racist ideology which denies their identity as Kurdish people
(they are called "mountain Turks"). The armed struggle of the
ARGK has broad popular support and is no longer characterized by
merely sporadic armed actions.

- All available information seems to indicate that the ARGK is an
organization with centralized responsibility and a controlled
leadership structure, something required by the additional
Protocols, therefore its members should be granted combatant
status as outlined in Art. 4A/2 of the Geneva Convention and Art.
44 of the First Protocol.

     [On January 24, 1995, a statement was released in Geneva
from the leader of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan. In this statement,
the PKK stated it would "respect the Geneva Convention of 1949
and the First Protocol of 1977 regarding the conduct of
hostilities and the protection of the victims of war" and that it
would "treat those obligations as having the force of law within
its own forces and the areas within its control". The PKK
distributed this statement to all of its forces and called upon
the International Red Cross to provide assistance. The PKK also
called on the Turkish government to make "the same undertakings
and to accept an offer for services from the International Red
Cross".]
     Therefore, according to laws outlined in this text, the
Kurdish movement should now no longer be treated as a "terrorist"
movement and captured Kurdish combatants should be classified as
Prisoners of War.

9.   It cannot be forgotten that the practices of the Turkish
government against the Kurdish civilian population and Kurdish
independence fighters would not be possible were it not for arms
provided to them by NATO states, in particular Germany, and the
actions carried out against the Kurdish independence movement
within various European states are designed to discriminate
against the Kurds as "terrorists". Germany has played a leading
role in all of this, particularly through its years-long campaign
to describe the PKK as a "terrorist organization", police raids
on Kurdish homes in Germany, and especially the two major show
trials at special courts in Dusseldorf and Celle against Kurds
accused of being PKK members. It would be beyond the scope of
this text to describe the ridiculous charges of being a terrorist
organization which fell apart during the Dusseldorf trial. It
would also be too much to describe all of the special conditions
which characterized the Dusseldorf trial, like the bulletproof
glass cage which separated the defendants from the courtroom and
even from their lawyers, the isolation detention, and so on. It
should be noted, however, that during the Dusseldorf trial, not
only were the defendants charged with membership in a terrorist
organization according to Paragraph 129a because of their alleged
activities in Germany, but two of them were also on trial for a
murder which supposedly took place in the 'Mazlum Korkmaz' ARGK
military academy in Lebanon (cf. Schultz and Schubert, Von
Stammheim nach Dusseldorf, Kiel 1989). The State Prosecutor
obviously decided to take on a sort of world lawyer position and
involve himself in the affairs of the Kurdish independence
movement, thereby helping the Turkish government "involve" itself
in fighting crime "on the home front". Such conduct shows the
obvious danger of international criminalization by the repression
organs of one of NATO's strongest states.
     In order to effectively support the Kurdish people's right
to self-determination, it is essential that the practices of the
human rights commissions, Foreign Ministries, and heads of state
of NATO and EU countries be exposed and pointed out. Without
their help, the Turkish government could never suppress the
Kurdish independence movement. We hope that this text can help
provide some effective support to the Kurdish independence
movement.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Sat Jul 22 05:37:22 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 22 Jul 1995 05:37:22
Subject: Liberation Movements & Internationa
References: <bac1c849.9507211817.AA16497@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.072295000152Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: Liberation Movements & International Law

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

Theses On Liberation Movements And The Rights Of Peoples

Written by Michael Schubert
Translated by the Kurdistan Committee of Canada

1.   On March 28, 1992, the Deutsche Presseagentur (dpa) reported
the following: "Despite a parliamentary moratorium, 15 Leopard-1
German tanks were delivered to Turkey as recently as February.
This was confirmed on Friday by a government spokesman in Bonn.
The SPD and FDP were shocked by the news and demanded the
resignation of Defence Minister Stoltenberg (CDU). On Friday,
Turkish President Demirel defended his country's actions against
the Kurds as a struggle against terrorism." According to the
report: "A spokesman for the Defence Ministry called the shipment
to Turkey a bureaucratic 'oversight'. Government spokesman Vogel
said the matter would be looked into by the Ministry: 'The head
of the Ministry is certainly not to blame.' In the words of the
Turkish President, the struggle against terrorism in Turkey is
similar to what 'Germany did against the Baader-Meinhof Gang'.
Demirel said that his country was acting no differently than
other nations confronted with terrorists fighting against the
state armed with rocket launchers, mortars, grenades, bombs, and
machine guns. Foreign Minister Genscher's comments about human
rights violations were the result of false information, he said.
The Turkish government stood by its claims that it only uses
force against militant Kurds and that the civilian population are
not harmed. In this, there were no contradiction of reports of
the deployment of German weapons from the former East German
army, the NVA, in the Kurdish regions." (dpa/Badische Zeitung,
28.3.1992)
     The day before, on March 27, 1992, the then Foreign Minister
Genscher answered the question "Is it even possible to still
deliver weapons to a country guilty of such grave human rights
violations like Turkey?" with the answer: "If the Turkish
Republic doesn't undergo some major changes, No." He then said:
"I can only say that under the present conditions there
definitely is a persecution of the Kurdish minority taking
place." (Stuttgarter Zeitung, 27.3.1992, p.2)
     Such statements and comments, in addition to numerous
delegation reports, make it clear that German weapons deliveries
are continuing and that there is a massive deployment of German
weapons and munitions against the Kurdish civilian population
(cf. Report from Bremen delegation members Oppermann, Helmke, and
Schulz from 27.3.1992 about the deployment of German tanks in the
Kurdish city of Cizre). Six months after the government's cover-
ups and appeasements, journalist Wolfgang Storz wrote the
following article for the Badische Zeitung on September 24, 1992: 
A preliminary glace reveals that, by means of NATO's strategic
doctrine, Turkey is suppressing the Kurdish independence movement
under the guise of "anti-terrorism". Weapons deliveries from
Germany are not the result of bureaucratic oversights in the
Defence Ministry, but rather are part of NATO's strategy. That's
why this isn't just a special problem involving Germany, even
though Germany, as the strongest economic partner in Turkey,
plays a central role. The problem of the Federal Republic of
Germany and its EU and NATO partners is that they are forced to
cover up known torture and other human rights violations in
Turkey since the reality of the Turkish-ruled region of Kurdistan
is in contradiction to the human rights standards of the EU and
NATO. The actual dilemma is that the NATO states made a major
issue of the suppression of Kurds in Iraq to forward their
strategic interests against Saddam Hussein. If they don't express
the same concerns with regard to the Turkish government, then
it's clear that their policy is not dictated by human rights
concerns but rather by strategic economic interests. 
     Above all, the following development is clear: By dismissing
the independence movement of the Kurdish people as "terrorism",
the criminalization of it and the violation of human rights are
integral parts of the solution to the Kurdistan problem at the
international level, and the same is true for all liberation
movements which are branded as "terrorist" by representatives of
NATO states. The point of this text is to examine the aspects of
this which relate to the rights of peoples which concern the
recognition and handling of the Kurdish liberation struggle,
bearing in mind the forcible colonial oppression, as an
international struggle within which general human rights as well
as the humanitarian rights of people in war must be respected.
This text focusses on the section of Kurdistan controlled by
Turkey, North-West Kurdistan. Links will be made between the
practices of the Turkish government against the Kurds according
to NATO strategy which violate the rights of peoples to the
suppression of the Kurdish independence movement in the Federal
Republic of Germany. All of this can only be done in a cursory
manner.

2.   The system of the rights of peoples with respect to
humanitarian laws of war was created through the Geneva
Convention of 1864 after the founding of the International Red
Cross, the Brussels Declaration of 15 European states in 1874,
and both conventions on conventional warfare in The Hague in 1899
and 1907. The aim of these institutions was to limit the
allowable means of war and to compel parties at war to humanely
treat civilian populations and to respectfully treat political
opponents who are enemies in the war. The Fourth Hague Agreement
concerning the laws of conventional warfare, passed on October
18, 1907, is still legally binding today (in Germany: RGBI 1910,
p.10). Even at the time of this Fourth Hague Agreement, the Hague
Agreements on conventional warfare, interestingly enough,
considered partisan struggles to be governed by rules of war and
that partisans were to be considered combatants (cf. Art. 1 and
the so-called levee en masse in Art. 2). Characteristic for the
rules of that time was the notion of the "classical regularity of
war", in other words there was to be a clear distinction between
war and peace, combatants and non-combatants, and enemy and
criminal, and wars between states are to be combats between the
regular state armies of sovereign entities regulated by a jus
belli (law of war).
     In the 20th century, the reality of war began to greatly
diverge from the proposals of regularity in "classical" rights of
peoples in war. Clear distinctions were no longer present. This
fact has been recognized by nearly all experts on the rights of
peoples, as a brief glance at contemporary rights of peoples in
war will confirm (cf. Ignaz Seidl-Hohenveldern, Volkerrecht,
Baden-Baden 1972, p.15; Hans-Ulrich Scupln, "Freischarler,
Guerillos, Partisanen - Gedanken zum Begriff des Kombattenten" in
Internationales Recht und Diplomatie, Cologne 1972, p.201ff.;
Lombardi, Burgerkrieg und Volkerrecht, Berlin 1976, p.83ff.; Jurg
H. Schmid, Die volkerrechtliche Stellung der Partisanen im
Kriege, Zurich 1956). In brief, the changes were as follows: 
Elimination of the distinction between war and peace; in so far
as there is not a total world war, there are always small wars
taking place somewhere in the world in different forms.

Elimination of the distinction between domestic and international
wars due to the context of the global economy and the decline of
single-state sovereignty.

Elimination of the distinction between combatants (as parties at
war) and civilian populations (not parties at war according to
the classical rules of war); all are involved and all are
mobilized by the parties in the conflict.

The partisan form of struggle, namely the guerrilla, becomes the
most significant form of struggle for oppressed peoples; the
entire picture of conventional war, with its limited character of
scope and means, is completely lost. In the case of NATO states,
all wars have the potential of becoming world wars, threatening
not only the total destruction of the enemy but of the entire
planet as well.

     It's tough to say whether it's even possible for there to be
any further development of the rights of peoples in war given
these conditions, but such rules could be effective if modified
to fit contemporary changes in war-time conduct. In any case, the
frightening and destructive consequences of the Second World War
gave rise to the four Geneva Conventions of August 12, 1949,
which were a considerable sign of progress.
     The Third Convention, which deals with Prisoners of War (in
Germany: BGBI 1954 II. p. 838; the other Conventions are cited
almost verbatim), includes an expanded definition of war which
includes international conflicts which are not declared wars but
rather armed conflicts between peoples. In other words, there
could be a war situation "even if one of the parties refused to
acknowledge the crisis" (Art. 2).
     Combatants are now clearly defined to include members of
resistance movements, even after a successful occupation by
another power (Art. 4; under classical rules of war, peoples no
longer had the right to resist or use armed force following a
successful occupation). But the formal demands of the Hague
Agreements on conventional warfare were retained.
     Art. 3 contains an entirely new clause, one which recognizes
the "binding rules of war for armed conflicts which do not
possess an international character but which take place in the
territory of a signatory nation". And this does not first require
the counter party to the armed conflict to be recognized by the
affected state.
     Art. 21ff. of the Third Convention lists specific rules for
the treatment of Prisoners of War, including detention with a
high degree of free movement, thereby prohibiting actual criminal
prison detention. The only trials permitted for prisoners of war
are those in the cases of illegitimate war-time activity (ie.,
something other than killing an enemy soldier, planning an
ambush, etc.).

3.   Of considerable importance to the contemporary development
of the humanitarian rights of people in war and its expansion to
include armed liberation struggles is the support of the vast
majority of UN member states for the last 50 years ever since the
founding of the United Nations Charter on June 26, 1945 (in
Germany: BGBI 1973 II p.431; 1974 II p.770; 1980 II p.1252; cf
Berber, Volkerrechtliche Vertraege, 1983, p.17ff.), in particular
the non-aggression clause in Art. 2 of the Charter, a position
which developed despite the negative votes or abstentions of the
NATO states. This position was expanded upon in several UN
General Assembly resolutions and shows the importance which
independence movements have in international developments.     
The following is stated in the "Declaration Of The
Independence Of Colonial Nations And Peoples" (Resolution 1514
XV), which was passed on December 14, 1960:

2. All peoples have the right of self-determination. They are
free to politically determine the force of this right and to
freely struggle for economic, social, and cultural development.

4. All armed actions and measures of repression, of any type
whatsoever, against dependent peoples are to be halted in order
to make it possible for them to peacefully and freely enjoy their
right to full independence. The integrity of their national
territory will be respected.

     UN General Assembly Resolution 3103, passed on December 12,
1973, expanded the 1960 Declaration and the resolutions which
came after it:

1. The struggle of the people under colonial or foreign rule or
under a racist regime to gain their rights to self-determination
and independence is legitimate and in full agreement with the
Principles of the Rights of Peoples. 
2. All attempts to suppress the struggle against colonial or
foreign rule or against a racist regime are incompatible with the
Charter of the United Nations, the Principles of the Rights of
Peoples, the declaration concerning friendly relations and
cooperation between states in accordance with the Charter of the
United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and
the declaration guaranteeing independence to colonized nations
and peoples, and such attempts pose a threat to international
peace and security. 
     These resolutions clearly show that oppressed peoples who
take up arms are not aggressors, but rather the colonial and
occupying powers are, since they are using police and military
force to suppress the right to self-determination (cf. Lombardi,
p.189ff. and p.332ff., as well as UN Resolution 3314 XXIX,
14.12.1974). Therefore, the notion of aggression under the rights
of peoples is more than just an actual armed attack, it also
indicates the aggressive and inhumane structure of a system of
which the utilization of police and military repressive machinery
is just the external appearance.

4.   After two long period of negotiations, which were often
stalled by the NATO states, there have been other steps taken to
advance the notion of the humanitarian rights of peoples in war,
including the December 12, 1977 additional Protocols to the
Geneva Conventions of 1949.
     The First Protocol deals with the protection of victims of
so-called "international armed conflicts", and the Second
Protocol deals with the protection of victims of so-called "non-
international armed conflicts" (cf. Berber, Volkerrechtliche
Vertraege, p.422, 483).
     In the First Protocol, progress was made with respect to the
actual development of war and humanitarian protection. One
significant change was the expansion of the notion of an
international armed conflict, which the NATO states had
previously stressed was only limited to wars between states. In
Art. 1 Section 4 of the First Protocol, this is clearly stated: 
[These include] armed conflicts in which people are struggling to
exercise their right to self-determination against colonial rule,
foreign occupation, or a racist regime, as allowed for under the
Charter of the United Nations and the "Statement On The Rights Of
Peoples With Respect To The Foundations Of Friendly Relations And
Cooperation Between States According To The Charter Of The United
Nations".

     Concerning the status of combatants in such conflicts, this
is no longer limited (as in the Geneva Conventions of 1949) to
members of a state or a non-recognized government, but rather it
also applies to parties in the conflict who belong to a non-
recognized organization (cf. Art. 43 of the First Protocol; also
Frick, "Ein neues Kapitel im humanitaren Kriegsvolkerrecht" in
Vereinte Nationen, Nr.76/182). Furthermore, the distinctions
between combatants and civilians were minimized and Prisoner of
War status is to be granted, even if the formal rules are not
adhered to. The following is written in Art. 44 Section 3/1: 
In order to protect the civilian population from hostilities,
civilians are not to be harmed if they are not taking part in
attacks or war activities or preparing attacks. Because in
certain armed situations it is not possible to differentiate
between the combatants and the civilians, people are to be
granted combatants status if they: a) are openly carrying a
weapon during a military manoeuvre; b) are openly carrying a
weapon in view of the enemy while on a military march prior to an
attack which they are supposed to take part in.

And in Section 4:

A combatant who falls into enemy hands and who is not covered by
the provisions of Section 3/2 is to be considered a Prisoner of
War; he is entitled to all rights guaranteed by the Third
Convention and this Protocol. 

Section 5:

A combatant who falls into enemy hands, not while taking part in
an attack or preparing for an attack, is not considered a
combatant or a Prisoner of War because of his prior activity.
(cf. other regulations in Art. 45 and the clear inclusion of
guerrilla warfare in Art. 37 Section 2)

     In short, anti-colonial and anti-racist liberation struggles
are legally equivalent to war (read: international armed
conflicts), likewise guerrillas are equal to soldiers in such
conflicts. It is irrelevant whether or not the (colonial or
racist) state accepts this. Declarations of war are equally
irrelevant.
     Neither the Geneva Conventions nor the additional Protocols
make use of the term "terrorism" to exclude certain groups from
the humanitarian rights of people in war. The only preconditions
- stated in Art. 4 of the Third Geneva Convention - are a certain
degree of regulated means of struggle and compliance with the
rules of war (Art. 4A/2d of the Third Convention). It goes
without saying that such rules of war include attacks on the
enemy's instruments of war or the killing of enemy combatants (in
the case of Turkey, this includes soldiers and even police, since
the latter are regularly deployed in anti-Kurdish acts of war).
Such acts have nothing whatsoever to do with terrorism, but the
Turkish government, with indirect support from Germany, for
example, continually condemns such conduct as "terrorism".     
Formally, the regulations of Art. 96 of the First Protocol can
only be applied if both parties to the war are bound by the
Protocol. States must ratify this Protocol for it to have effect.
Turkey has not ratified the First Protocol. Germany, like most
other NATO states, while often invoking this Protocol, has never
ratified it, mostly due to concerns that the protection of
civilians would not be possible in the event of a nuclear war.    
 Liberation movements, whose armed wings adhere to a certain
degree of regulated means of struggle in accordance with Art. 96
of the First Protocol, must issue a statement of intended
compliance to the International Red Cross in Geneva. Such a
statement then makes the Geneva Convention and the additional
Protocols applicable to the organization which represents a
people engaged in an anti-colonial war of liberation.
     [The PKK delivered this necessary statement to the United
Nations and the Red Cross in Geneva on January 24, 1995.]

5.   The NATO states, at least until the end of the 1980s, were
not able to do much about this reality of the development of war
and the corresponding international law. At the same time, while
paying lip service to the notion of human rights, these states
could not openly call for limits to this in times of war. But
because NATO's strategy was directly linked to the economic and
strategic interests of its leaders, including Japan, the world's
leading capitalist power, and members (including Turkey), there
have been major contradictions in its conduct. Compare the cases
of Iraq/Kuwait and the former Yugoslavia to that of Palestine,
South Africa, and, of course, Kurdistan. It is not in NATO's
interest to support genuine independence for nations of the Three
Continents or to allow oppressed peoples to have their own state.
Ever since the end of the Second World War, the calls for human
rights issued by the Foreign Ministries of these NATO countries
have been directly contradicted by the daily praxis of their
Defence Ministries, which used all means at their disposal to
suppress independence movements. The same is true today. Our
example cited above of press coverage in Germany about
developments in Kurdistan did not illustrate the whims of former
Defence Minister Stoltenberg or some renegade bureaucrat as the
calls for resignation issued by the SPD and FDP parties
(strangely silent under Stoltenberg's successor, Ruhe) might seem
to indicate.
     The notion of terrorism plays a key role in NATO's strategy
of countering increased appeals for human rights and the
development of humanitarian rights of people in war. Today, "the
fight against terrorism" is used to suspend the state's legal
guarantees, such as in criminal law and the right to seek asylum
in NATO states, as well as to avoid recognizing human rights and
international law with respect to liberation movements (cf.
Janssen and Schubert, Staatssicherheit: Die Bekaempfung des
politischen Feindes in Inneren, Bielefeld 1990, p.85ff. and
p.195ff.). A few thoughts on the development of this NATO
strategy: The starting point for all of this, in connection with
American psychological warfare which had begun as early as the
Second World War, was the experience of many NATO states - the
USA, France, Great Britain - beginning in the 1950s with military
defeats against liberation movements in countries of the "Third
World", despite having vast economic and military superiority.
The French Chief of Staff Andre Beaufre wrote about his own
experiences in Algeria and Vietnam in his 1973 German-language
book 'Die Revolutionierung des Kriegsbildes':

The surprising success of the decolonization wars can only be
explained by the following: The weak seem to have defeated the
strong, but actually just the reverse was true from a moral point
of view, which brings us to the conclusion that limited wars are
primarily fought on the field of morale. (p.34) 

     The British Chief of Staff Frank Kitson, who experienced
defeat in Malaysia, Kenya, and Cyprus, was able to research
several Third World liberation movements, and he drew the
following conclusions for Western Europe in the 1970s in his book
'Prior To War: Preventing Subversion And Revolt':

Although subversion and revolt have been present throughout this
entire century, never have they been so effectively used as in
the last 25 years. All around the world, these struggles have
grown to such an extent that some observers now speak of "modern
warfare". Such conflicts represent a new dimension of war. (p.34)

     Characteristic of the development of the NATO position is
NATO Letter Nr. 3/1976 which was issued by Sir Edward Peck of the
NATO Information Office in Brussels. Entitled "The Five Fronts Of
NATO", Peck calls subversion within the NATO states themselves
the "fifth front of NATO", and he advises that the organization
develop a common strategy to combat this. The development of
several operative units - secret and generally illegal - within
individual NATO states and states of the European Union (EU) is
illustrative of this strategic orientation. This new NATO
strategy concept is utilized by Turkey, with Germany's full
knowledge and support, in its actions against the Kurds.
     The decisive tactical consequence which the NATO states drew
from their defeats at the hands of anti-colonial liberation
struggles and their own domestic disturbances was to stress the
importance of preemptive military - and police - actions.
     In order for NATO states to quickly and effectively wipe out
"revolt", which could get out of hand despite technical
superiority (read: better weapons) due to the political and moral
convictions of the mass movement, it is necessary to make
comprehensive analyses early on and to take effective action in
the psychological arena. It's no coincidence, therefore, that
military and police circles seem to stress the benefits of
"psychological warfare". Ever since the U.S. Defence Department
organized the first ever World Wide Psyops Conference in 1963 and
the first NATO Symposium On Defence Psychology in Paris in 1960,
many NATO leaders and several scientists have been working in the
field of psychological counter-insurgency methods (cf. the
detailed reports and analyses of P. Watson, Psycho-War:
Possibilities, Power, And The Misuse Of Military Psychology,
Frankfurt 1985, p.25ff.).
     The central aim of this defence approach is to destroy the
morale of the insurgent movement at the early stages, to
discredit it and destroy it using repressive means like long
periods of isolation detention in prisons, thereby preventing a
mass movement from starting which could be hard to control with
conventional means. Defaming the insurgents as "terrorists" and
punishing them accordingly - thereby ignoring international law
concerning the rights of people in war - is a particularly useful
means. The German constitutional law professor Ulrich K. Peuss
noted this back in 1975 in his essay "Thoughts On The Notion Of
Political Prisoners":

Criminal law not only has the ability to make members of a party
in the civil war "criminals", it can also punish them on a moral
level by not seeing them as opponents in a war but rather as
morally inferior criminals. Both of these are means of
criminalizing political opponents. (in: Politische Prozesse ohne
Verteidigung, Berlin 1975, p.18)

     It is clear that this NATO strategy has been used
consistently since the 1970s against independence movements and
domestic disturbances which threaten NATO's economic and
strategic interests, dismissing these as "terrorist" in
contradiction to developing international law. In a May 1975
government study on military strategy in Western Europe
commissioned by the London Institute for the Study of Conflicts,
the following was written: "Wherever possible, terrorists should
be charged under normal criminal statutes and treated as normal
criminals." And at the EU Minister's Conference in 1977, the
problems with respect to the rights of peoples as outlined in the
recently approved First Protocol to the Geneva Conventions were
noted: "The Ministers agreed that captured terrorists would not
be treated as Prisoners of War as stated in the Geneva
Convention." (Stuttgarter Zeitung, 1.6.1977) As laws within NATO
and EU states were strengthened in order to "fight against
terrorism", those utilizing the term terrorism were well aware of
what they were doing (cf. Schubert, "Terrorismusverfolgung: EG
als Hebel repressiver Vereinheitlichung, die BRD als treibende
Kraft?" in Europa und Strafverteidigung, especially p.168ff.
which is based on the research of the Max-Plank Institute for
National and International Law in Freiburg; and the European
Agreement On Terrorism Prevention, 27.1.1977). We can assume that
these contradictions were deliberately utilized in order to be
ready for new situations, to cover up reality, and to increase
the psychological threat, the fear of foreigners who come in from
far away and keep spreading. Here are a few examples of the
definition:

- W. Schenk in Vereinte Nationen, Nr. 4, 1976, p.97: "The notion
of terrorism is many-sided. In general, it has a negative
connotation. But that doesn't mean that the same people can't be
classified either as terrorists or freedom fighters. It depends
on one's position."

- The British "terrorism expert" Jenkins in "Are 'Terrorists'
Politically Motivated Criminals Or Just Terrorists?" in
Kriminalistik, Nr. 1, 1984, p.17: "When we speak of terrorism,
what exactly are we talking about? There is no precise or
accepted definition." But he later states that "terrorism is
communism".

- The then Attorney General of the Federal Republic of Germany,
Rebmann, in his "Working Paper For The Berlin Conference On The
Law Of The World / July 21-26, 1985" published by the World Peace
Through Law Center in Washington, D.C.: "There is no
international agreement on what 'terrorism' is. Even today, there
are disagreements as to what the boundaries are between terrorism
and war confrontations, and concerning the question, what is
aggression, revolt, or the justified resistance of people and
groups of people?"

- Former U.S. President Reagan stated that "terrorism" is caused
by a "criminal phenomenon, a fanatical hatred of the United
States and our people, our way of life, and our international
significance". (Reagan, "The New Network Of Terrorist States" in
Current Policy, Nr. 721/1985, U.S. State Department, Bureau of
Public Affairs).

     The brutal scenarios envisioned in NATO and government
strategies to combat the terrorism and horror were made clear in
an article entitled "Terrorism: An Opportunity For New Rules"
published in the International Herald Tribune on November 9, 1985
and written by a man named Raymond Price, a member of Richard
Nixon's staff. Price, among other things, called for the creation
of an International Terrorism Court and the use of the death
penalty against people convicted of "guilt in a terrorist act".
This court would have the authority to take "special measures"
and supersede state laws. Turan Itil, a medical doctor who
carried out brain research for many years at university clinics
in Tubingen and Erlangen in Germany and then in Missouri in the
USA, commented at a non-public NATO government symposium on the
theme "Rehabilitation Possibilities For Terrorists" held on
January 23, 1985 in Istanbul that terrorists had a "genetic
predisposition" which caused them to become murderers with just a
political veneer. (Prof. Turan Itil, cited in Nokta, Nr. 6/85,
17.12.1985). Such thoughts are reminiscent of fascist notions of
"damaged people".

6.   Bearing in mind this development of NATO strategy and
conduct by and within its member states, the unjustified
accusations of terrorism and the resulting criminalization and
police and military operations are seen as isolated incidents,
and as such are just to be criticized as the isolated actions of
individual members states, like Turkey.
     But such criticism is only effective if it clearly draws on
the positions of the UN developed from the 1960s to the 1980s
concerning a people's right to self-determination, including the
right of a people to struggle for independence from a racist or
colonial regime, and the applicability of the humanitarian rights
of people in war for all forms of independence struggles on the
basis of the First Protocol of 1977. The anti-terrorism strategy
developed by NATO must be criticized on this basis. But it's not
enough to simply point out the deficiencies of the terrorism
claims made by these states. It would be more effective to stress
the further development of human rights and international law
with respect to self-determination and humanitarian rules of war,
which stand in contradiction to the accusations of terrorism. The
following comments are from the "Geneva Declaration On Terrorism"
of March 21, 1987 which was issued at the end of the conference
of the International Progress Organization (IPO):

The peoples of the world find themselves in countless struggles
for a just and peaceful world, based on fundamental rights, which
must be seen in the context of a whole series of broadly
supported international conventions. 

As for present-day confrontations:

Against this background of suffering and struggle, the
international debate in the media and elsewhere concerning
terrorism is being distorted and manipulated by the ruling
powers: The public are mislead into thinking that terrorism is
solely carried out by victims of the system. We would like to
make it clear that terrorism is almost always an expression of
the ruling structures and has little to do with legitimate
resistance struggles. The trademark of terrorism is fear and this
fear is stimulated in the population through horrifying forms of
violence. The worst form of international terrorism is the
preparation for nuclear war, in particular the expansion of this
arms race into outer space, as well as the development of
first-strike weapons. Terrorism includes state-organized
holocausts against the people of the world. The terrorism of
modern states and their high-technology weapons is far worse than
the political violence practiced by groups who want to end
oppression and live in freedom. (From the "Geneva Declaration On
Terrorism", 21.3.1987, translated from Janssen and Schubert,
Staatssicherheit, p.187ff.; the first people to sign this
declaration were Nobel Prize winner and former Irish Foreign
Minister Sean MacBride, former U.S. Justice Secretary Ramsey
Clark, Dr. Johann Galtung, peace researcher at Princeton
University, and Dr. Richard Falk, also of Princeton University)

     This definition of terrorism is an accurate one and is fully
in line with the criteria of the rights of people in war. The
humanitarian rights of people in war forbids the use of violence
against uninvolved civilians with the aim of spreading fear. Of
course, it is impossible to deny that some political targets are
attacked with violence during liberation struggles, thus
spreading fear among uninvolved persons - hijacking airliners,
for example - but this does not contradict the fact that
guerrilla attacks against persons and objects connected to the
colonialist war machine carried out in armed independence
struggles against colonialism are in full accordance with
contemporary rules of war. It is, therefore, unacceptable that
the Turkish government may classify the operations of the ARGK
(the armed wing of the PKK) as terrorist acts.
     In fact, contemporary debates concerning terrorism have
turned full circle: While true terrorist threats, as outlined in
the above Declaration as expressions of existing ruling
structures, are glorified and honoured, liberation movements are
unjustifiably labelled as terrorist with the aim of defeating
them.
     We shouldn't confuse the question of the legitimacy of armed
operations by guerrillas in an anti-colonial independence
struggle under international law with a moral question or with
the question of their use of effectiveness. According to the
Geneva Declaration On Terrorism:

To say this more clearly: We recommend that non-violent
resistance be used whenever possible, and we respect the genuine
efforts made by the liberation movements in South Africa and
elsewhere to avoid the use of violence as much as possible in
their struggle for justice. We condemn all methods of struggle
which inflict violence on innocent civilians. We don't want
terrorism, but we must emphasize that the terrorism of nuclear
weapons, criminal regimes, state atrocities, attacks with
high-technology weapons on Third World peoples, and the
systematic violation of human rights are far, far worse. It is a
cruel extension of the scourge of terrorism to classify the
struggle against terrorism as "terrorism". We support these
struggles and we call for clear political terminology together
with the liberation of humanity. 

     One more note on this theme of terrorism: It is quite
revealing that during the wave of anti-foreigner pogroms in
Germany, which killed and seriously injured several completely
innocent people, the German authorities and media never once used
the term terrorism, quite in contrast to their treatment of left-
wing movements ("ecoterrorism" and "intellectual terrorism").
Consider the text of a song by the English skinhead band
Screwdriver, whose lead singer was Ian Stuart, a leading member
of the National Front. This text is nothing more than a call for
terrorism: "Whenever I can I do something about these
Untermenschen, I fight and I make the blood of these Jews
flow/With boots and sticks and knives, until they're
gone/(Refrain) We will win and stay in this land, we'll fight for
pride and honour/Hit the mothers, rape the children, until they
go back to where they came from". Such bands are allowed to give
concerts in Germany. Screwdriver played in St. Ingbert near
Saarbrucken, for example, greeted by more than 400 bald and
uniformed Nazis giving stiff-arm chants of "Sieg Heil!"

7.   On the basis of the theses outlined above, let us look at
the present situation in Turkish-occupied Kurdistan.
     No one can deny any longer that this is a war, since the
Turkish army deploys tanks, cities are bombarded by warplanes,
and so on. Operations by the Turkish military and police in the
weeks before this article was written [in 1992] are prime
examples of Turkish state terrorism against the Kurdish
population: the massacre of unarmed Newroz demonstrators on March
21, 1992 (cf. dpa/Badische Zeitung, 23.3.1992); the bombardment
of the city of Sirnak on March 24, 1992 (cf. Frankfurter
Rundschau, 25.3.1992); new attacks on Sirnak on August 28, 1992 -
which the Turkish government claimed were carried out by the PKK,
a lie which even the Turkish press didn't believe - which caused
20,000 inhabitants to flee (cf. Suddeutsche Zeitung, 24.8.1992;
taz, 26.8.1992; Suddeutsche Zeitung, 22.9.1992); the forced
evacuation of entire Kurdish villages in the border region with
Iraq, and the murder of 50 political activists since July 1991
[as of late 1992] by death squads with close ties to the Turkish
police (cf. Suddeutsche Zeitung, 8.5.1992; statements from
Amnesty International, German Section, 8.5.1992). Such attacks
are exemplary of terrorist conduct as outline in thesis 6 above.  
     These recent developments have even forced courts
(particularly in Braunschweig, Stuttgart, and Hannover) to
partially recognize that Kurds, as a group, are entitled to a
right to asylum because of the persecution they suffer under
Turkish rule. A court decision in Braunschweig given on April 8,
1992 characterized the situation as follows:

Reports seem to indicate that the Turkish security forces have
used force against and opened fire on unarmed women and children,
in other words against persons not involved with terrorist acts.
This climate of arbitrary violence exists despite oral guarantees
that the state of emergency in all these provinces would be
lifted. Regardless of one's political estimation of the PKK or
the Turkish security forces, it must be recognized that persons
not involved in terrorist activities, Kurdish people in the
provinces under emergency rule, could at any time become the
targets of politically motivated repression at the hands of the
Turkish security authorities. (...) Such attacks are designed to
intimidate the Kurdish people and prevent them from expressing
their desire for independence through demonstrations or other
forms of expression. This has nothing whatsoever to do with the
fight against terrorism. This is state terrorism and the
repression of political opinions. (Braunschweig Administrative
Court, 8.4.1992, case number AZ:5 A 5087/91, p.67)

     But the Turkish regime doesn't just apply the NATO doctrine
of "anti-terrorism" in its military actions, but also in its
legal code as well. The so-called "Anti-Terror Law" (Law Nr.
3713), passed on April 12, 1991, criminalized not just the armed
resistance movement but also anyone suspected of supporting it.
This law is embarrassingly closely modelled on the so-called
"anti-terrorism" laws which were drafted in Germany in the 1970s
and similar laws in other European states. All of these laws are
characterized by the following provisions which closely border on
civil rights violations:

- Making membership in an organization a crime on its own, thus
not having to prove an individual carried out specific criminal
acts.

- Creating special legal procedures and special police and
prosecution investigation powers.

- The use of special crown witnesses, who get privileges and mild
sentences for denouncing other people.

- Special detention conditions, including isolation detention.
(cf. the "anti-terror" laws in Great Britain, France, Spain, and
Germany in Schubert and Janssen, Staatssicherheit, p.99ff.) 

     The Turkish Anti-Terror Law, which replaced and even
surpassed Articles 140, 141, 142, and 163 of the Turkish Criminal
Code, is a central instrument utilized against captured Kurdish
independence fighters from the ranks of the PKK/ERNK/ARGK: 

     The notion of what comprises "terror" outlined in Art. 1 of
Law Nr. 3713 is ridiculous: Any "use of pressure" is sufficient
to be considered terror, and this could include a strike or even
a newspaper article. Specifically, this pressure must have as its
goal any change in the existing political order or the
"indivisible unity of the state and its people". If two or more
people act together in this then they constitute a terrorist
organization.
     Art. 2 defines people as "terrorists" who are members of a
group described as such, even if these individuals themselves
have committed no criminal acts. Terrorists can also be people
who are not members of an organization but who commit an act "in
its name".
     Art. 7 spells out drastic sentences for not only membership
in a terrorist organization but also for spreading propaganda "in
connection with this organization". The sentence for such
propaganda can be 5 years in prison and a fine of 100-300 million
Turkish lira (TL).
     Art. 8 bans any "written or oral propaganda, assemblies, or
demonstrations which, through their means, aims, or ideas, seek
to destroy the indivisible unity of the state's territory and
people" and prescribes a jail term of 2-5 years and a fine of 50-
100 million TL. Section 2 of this article makes this "propaganda
crime" applicable to all media agencies as well.
     Art. 9 establishes special courts and procedures for anyone
charged under the Anti-Terror Law.
     Art. 10 states that the defence team can only be a maximum
of three lawyers (this is very similar to Germany's Paragraph
137) and allows for "contact between the accused and the lawyers
to be monitored by prison personnel" (again, very similar to the
contact and mail restrictions allowed for under German law in
cases involving Paragraph 129a, membership in a terrorist
organization), thereby greatly restricting the rights of the
defendant.
     Art. 11 allows for up to 15 days of detention before
arraignment in cases of "collective criminal acts".
     Art. 12ff. includes other anti-terror clauses, such as those
designed to dissuade witnesses from giving testimony for the
accused.
     Special detention conditions, isolation, and a total ban on
outside contacts are provided for in the third section of the
Anti-Terror Law, Art. 16, again very similar to laws in Western
Europe.
     In the fourth section, security measures and "rewards for
helping to solve terrorist cases" are spelled out, including an
entirely new identity for members of the public service.

     All of the provisions of this law are in gross contradiction
to the humanitarian norms and standards for treatment of
Prisoners of War as embodied in international law, and they
violate all human rights conventions concerning minimum legal
standards. This law allows the state to suspend nearly all the
rights of the defence team while sanctioning all acts of terror
and isolation by the state power. Although we haven't yet seen
the creation of Raymond Price's "terrorist court", Turkey's Anti-
Terror Law isn't that far removed from such a vision.

8.   The operations undertaken by the Turkish government against
the Kurdish independence movement are the brutal quintessence of
a decades-long development of counter-insurgency methods under
the guise of "anti-terrorism". This raises the question of
whether the independence movement in the Turkish-occupied portion
of Kurdistan and the armed struggle being waged by ARGK guerrilla
units fulfils the criteria of an international armed conflict as
outlined in the First Protocol to the Geneva Conventions of 1977,
despite objections by the Turkish regime (and those of many other
NATO states), and whether ARGK fighters should be considered
combatants. We believe these criteria have be sufficiently
fulfilled from a number of different angles. (cf. Ralf D.H.
Ferting and Patricia Krommer in their report to the Commission to
Protect the Rights of Minorities Against Discrimination, a
subcommission of the UN Human Rights Commission, cited in
Kurdistan Report, Nr. 45/46, 1992, p.51ff.; also the
investigation of lawyer Eberhard Schultz, Bremen, 10.7.1992)     
In particular, the following criteria have been fulfilled: 

- The liberation struggle of the Kurdish people is an
international conflict, in this case an anti-colonial (and anti-
racist) struggle, as defined in Art. 2 of the Geneva Convention
and Art. 1 Section 4 of the First Protocol. This concerns the
history, culture, size, and significance of the Kurdish people
who are living under colonial rule in Turkey, a state with a
racist ideology which denies their identity as Kurdish people
(they are called "mountain Turks"). The armed struggle of the
ARGK has broad popular support and is no longer characterized by
merely sporadic armed actions.

- All available information seems to indicate that the ARGK is an
organization with centralized responsibility and a controlled
leadership structure, something required by the additional
Protocols, therefore its members should be granted combatant
status as outlined in Art. 4A/2 of the Geneva Convention and Art.
44 of the First Protocol.

     [On January 24, 1995, a statement was released in Geneva
from the leader of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan. In this statement,
the PKK stated it would "respect the Geneva Convention of 1949
and the First Protocol of 1977 regarding the conduct of
hostilities and the protection of the victims of war" and that it
would "treat those obligations as having the force of law within
its own forces and the areas within its control". The PKK
distributed this statement to all of its forces and called upon
the International Red Cross to provide assistance. The PKK also
called on the Turkish government to make "the same undertakings
and to accept an offer for services from the International Red
Cross".]
     Therefore, according to laws outlined in this text, the
Kurdish movement should now no longer be treated as a "terrorist"
movement and captured Kurdish combatants should be classified as
Prisoners of War.

9.   It cannot be forgotten that the practices of the Turkish
government against the Kurdish civilian population and Kurdish
independence fighters would not be possible were it not for arms
provided to them by NATO states, in particular Germany, and the
actions carried out against the Kurdish independence movement
within various European states are designed to discriminate
against the Kurds as "terrorists". Germany has played a leading
role in all of this, particularly through its years-long campaign
to describe the PKK as a "terrorist organization", police raids
on Kurdish homes in Germany, and especially the two major show
trials at special courts in Dusseldorf and Celle against Kurds
accused of being PKK members. It would be beyond the scope of
this text to describe the ridiculous charges of being a terrorist
organization which fell apart during the Dusseldorf trial. It
would also be too much to describe all of the special conditions
which characterized the Dusseldorf trial, like the bulletproof
glass cage which separated the defendants from the courtroom and
even from their lawyers, the isolation detention, and so on. It
should be noted, however, that during the Dusseldorf trial, not
only were the defendants charged with membership in a terrorist
organization according to Paragraph 129a because of their alleged
activities in Germany, but two of them were also on trial for a
murder which supposedly took place in the 'Mazlum Korkmaz' ARGK
military academy in Lebanon (cf. Schultz and Schubert, Von
Stammheim nach Dusseldorf, Kiel 1989). The State Prosecutor
obviously decided to take on a sort of world lawyer position and
involve himself in the affairs of the Kurdish independence
movement, thereby helping the Turkish government "involve" itself
in fighting crime "on the home front". Such conduct shows the
obvious danger of international criminalization by the repression
organs of one of NATO's strongest states.
     In order to effectively support the Kurdish people's right
to self-determination, it is essential that the practices of the
human rights commissions, Foreign Ministries, and heads of state
of NATO and EU countries be exposed and pointed out. Without
their help, the Turkish government could never suppress the
Kurdish independence movement. We hope that this text can help
provide some effective support to the Kurdish independence
movement.

-----
Kurdistan Committee of Canada		Tel: (613) 733-9634
2487 Kaladar Ave. Suite 203		Fax: (613) 733-0090
Ottawa, Ontario, K1V 8B9		E-mail: kcc at magi.com
		http://infoweb.magi.com/~kcc
-----




----------------------------- End forwarded message --------------------------

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Jul 26 21:33:55 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 26 Jul 1995 21:33:55
Subject: URGENT! Kani Yilmaz To Be Deported
Message-ID: <bac1c849.9507261957.AA21326@magi.com>

From: kcc at magi.com (Kurdistan Committee of Canada)

A court in London has agreed to extradite Kani Yilmaz, the
head of the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) in Europe,
to Germany! There, he either faces severe political persecution or
deportation to certain death in Turkey. It is now up to British
government officials to decide whether to extradite him to Germany or not.




From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 27 19:05:16 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 27 Jul 1995 19:05:16
Subject: URGENT! Kani Yilmaz To Be Deported
References: <bac1c849.9507261957.AA21326@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.072795124500Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Re: URGENT! Kani Yilmaz To Be Deported

 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : kcc at magi.com -------------------------

A court in London has agreed to extradite Kani Yilmaz, the
head of the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) in Europe,
to Germany! There, he either faces severe political persecution or
deportation to certain death in Turkey. It is now up to British
government officials to decide whether to extradite him to Germany or not.

!!!!!!


From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 27 09:05:25 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 27 Jul 1995 09:05:25
Subject: Kurdish Struggle: German Front Mi,
Message-ID: <bac1c849.072795032444Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

Subject: Kurdish Struggle: German Front Mi, 26.07.1995  19:00 MES

T11944; Thu, 27 Jul 1995 03:42:48 -0800

------ Forwarded from : German News <germnews at model2an.physik.uni-ulm.de> ------

* Kurdische Mahnwache an der Gedaechtniskirche von Polizei beendet
* PKK wird als aeusserst gefaehrlich eingestuft
* Teufel verurteilt juengste Anschlaege auf tuerkische Einrichtungen


- Kurdische Mahnwache an der Gedaechtniskirche von Polizei beendet

Die Berliner Polizei hat heute frueh die Mahnwache von Kurden an der
Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gedaechtniskirche beendet. Ein Behoerdensprecher sagte, man
habe sich zu dem Schritt wegen fortgesetzter Verstoesse gegen das
Vereinsgesetz entschlossen. Vor allem habe es Propaganda fuer die
verbotene kurdische Arbeiterpartei PKK und ihre Teilorganisation ERNK
gegeben.


- PKK wird als aeusserst gefaehrlich eingestuft

Der niedersaechsische Verfassungsschutz stuft die PKK inzwischen als eine
aeusserst gefaehrliche extremistische Organisation ein. Der Praesident der
Behoerde in Hannover, Miniere (sp?), sagte, die PKK sei an
Gewaltbereitschaft kaum zu ueberbieten. Ausserdem bilde sie in Deutschland
junge Maenner fuer den bewaffneten Kampf in der Suedosttuerkei aus.
In Baden-Wuerttemberg sind in der zweiten Nacht in Folge Brandanschlaege
auf tuerkische Einrichtungen veruebt worden. Tatverdaechtig sind Kurden.


- Teufel verurteilt juengste Anschlaege auf tuerkische Einrichtungen

Baden-Wuerttembergs Ministerpraesident sagte: "Wer bei uns Gastrecht
geniessen will und gleichzeitig Gewalt anwendet, hat keinen Anspruch mehr
auf Schutz in Deutschland." Er sei sich mit Innenminister Birzele einig,
dass straffaellig gewordene Kurden weiter abgeschoben werden koennten.


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                                [\[ [\[ [\[     [\\\\\[ info: info at aps.nl



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Jul 27 16:36:12 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 27 Jul 1995 16:36:12
Subject: German News On Kurdistan
Message-ID: <bac1c849.199507271510.LAA03511@locust.cic>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org>

- Kurdish vigil near Berlin church ended by police

Berlin police today disbanded a vigil held by Kurds near the Kaiser-
Wilhelm-Gedaechtniskirche in Berlin's city centre. An official said
the step was taken because of repeated violations of the associations
law. Above all, there had been propaganda in favour of the Kurdish
Workers Party PKK and its subsidiary organisation ERNK.

- PKK classified highly dangerous

The Lower Saxony Verfassungsschutz, the state intelligence agency, now
classifies the PKK as a highly dangerous extremist organisation. The
agency's head Miniere (sp?) said in Hanover the PKK was almost topping
the list in its preparedness for violence. Furthermore, it was
training young men in Germany for armed combat in East Turkey. For
the second night in a row, arson attacks have been carried out against
Turkish facilities in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Kurds are suspected to be
behind the attacks.

- Teufel condemns latest attacks on Turkish facilities

The Baden-Wuerttemberg State Premier said: "People who want to enjoy
their right to our hospitality and who at the same time use violence
no longer have a claim to protection in Germany." Teufel said he
agreed with Minister of the Interior Birzele that Kurds who committed
crimes should continue to face expulsion from Germany.

- Arrests following attacks on Turkish institutions

Police arrested two suspects following arson attacks on five Turkish
institutions and a German travel agency in Baden-Wuerttemberg. According to
the police one of them is a Kurd, who is known as an activist of the outlawed
kurdish workers'party (PKK). The other man is supposed to have contacts to
this party. Last night's attacks caused material damage. Nobody was injured.

- Kurds protest against Turkish policy in German cities

Today about 500 Kurds were protesting against Turkish government policy
in several German cities. In Hannover the editorial offices of a free paper
were occupied by approximately 100 demonstrators, in order to bring a
resolution on the Kurdish problems before the public. For the same reason
Kurds had occupied a studio of the private TV channel RTL for three hours
yesterday.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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From kurdeng at aps.nl  Thu Jul 27 19:06:12 1995
From: kurdeng at aps.nl (kurdeng at aps.nl)
Date: 27 Jul 1995 19:06:12
Subject: German News On Kurdistan
References: <bac1c849.199507271510.LAA03511@locust.cic>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.072795193208Rnf0.79b6@newsdesk.a>

       id VT12092; Thu, 27 Jul 1995 19:41:47 -0800

------------------------ Forwarded from : ats at etext.org ------------------------

- Kurdish vigil near Berlin church ended by police

Berlin police today disbanded a vigil held by Kurds near the Kaiser-
Wilhelm-Gedaechtniskirche in Berlin's city centre. An official said
the step was taken because of repeated violations of the associations
law. Above all, there had been propaganda in favour of the Kurdish
Workers Party PKK and its subsidiary organisation ERNK.

- PKK classified highly dangerous

The Lower Saxony Verfassungsschutz, the state intelligence agency, now
classifies the PKK as a highly dangerous extremist organisation. The
agency's head Miniere (sp?) said in Hanover the PKK was almost topping
the list in its preparedness for violence. Furthermore, it was
training young men in Germany for armed combat in East Turkey. For
the second night in a row, arson attacks have been carried out against
Turkish facilities in Baden-Wuerttemberg. Kurds are suspected to be
behind the attacks.

- Teufel condemns latest attacks on Turkish facilities

The Baden-Wuerttemberg State Premier said: "People who want to enjoy
their right to our hospitality and who at the same time use violence
no longer have a claim to protection in Germany." Teufel said he
agreed with Minister of the Interior Birzele that Kurds who committed
crimes should continue to face expulsion from Germany.

- Arrests following attacks on Turkish institutions

Police arrested two suspects following arson attacks on five Turkish
institutions and a German travel agency in Baden-Wuerttemberg. According to
the police one of them is a Kurd, who is known as an activist of the outlawed
kurdish workers'party (PKK). The other man is supposed to have contacts to
this party. Last night's attacks caused material damage. Nobody was injured.

- Kurds protest against Turkish policy in German cities

Today about 500 Kurds were protesting against Turkish government policy
in several German cities. In Hannover the editorial offices of a free paper
were occupied by approximately 100 demonstrators, in order to bring a
resolution on the Kurdish problems before the public. For the same reason
Kurds had occupied a studio of the private TV channel RTL for three hours
yesterday.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------
|  Questions on contents / technical problems:            DE-NEWS at vm.gmd.de  |
----------------------------Subscribe-------------------Unsubscribe-----------
|                  Mail to LISTSERV at vm.gmd.de with the contents              |
| German Edition  :   SUB GERMNEWS Egon Mustermann   |  UNSUB GERMNEWS       |
| English Edition :   SUB DE-NEWS  Jesse James       |  UNSUB DE-NEWS        |
------------------------------------------------------------------------------


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Jul 29 21:00:22 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 29 Jul 1995 21:00:22
Subject: Kurdish Hungerstriker Dies In Berli
Message-ID: <bac1c849.199507291319.JAA11622@locust.cic>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org>
Subject: Kurdish Hungerstriker Dies In Berlin

Hunger Strike Claims Kurd, 41

Activists in Germany press for end of war

Bonn, Germany (Toronto Star via Reuter - July 28, 1995) A woman
on a hunger strike died in Berlin yesterday amid a wave of
protests and attacks on Turkish properties in Germany that police
have linked to Kurdish activists.
     Police said the dead woman was among a group of several
hundred Kurds in Germany showing solidarity with imprisoned
members of the separtist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in
Turkey.
     A Belgian-based Kurdish organization, in a statement
distributed in Germany, named the dead woman as Gulnaz Bagiztani,
41, and said she had been on the hunger strike for eight days.
     Imprisoned PKK members, who are fighting an 11-year battle
for independence or autonomy in southeast Turkey, started the
hunger strike on July 14 to demand Anakara open talks to end the
war.
     Ankara has not yet responded to the hunger strike.
     The pro-Kurdish newspaper Yeni Politika said hundreds of
Kurds in Europe were also on sympathy hungerstrikes or had
occupied buildings in support.
     Between 8,000 and 10,000 people in 22 Turkish jails joined
the hungerstrike, the Human Rights Association of Turkey said.
     Turkish Kurds in Germany and Britain have protested over
various Kurdish issues this week.
     Police detained about 80 Kurds in Frankfurt as they broke up
a week-long vigil for displaying the symbols of the PKK, which is
banned in Germany for extremism.
     Eight Turkish properties were firebombed during the night in
Germany.
     It was the third consecutive night of such attacks, and
police said some of the incidents were the work of the PKK.
     Prosecutors in the south-western city of Stuttgart said
police had detained five suspects after a firebombing in the town
of Villingen-Schweningen took the total of such attacks in the
area in the last three days to 12.
     Two Kurds made confessions that indicated "the majority or
all of the attacks were probably masterminded by the banned
Kurdistan Workers' Party", a police spokesperson said.
     Interior Minister Manfred Kanther called on Kurds living in
Germany not to support political extremists.
     "We must proceed against PKK terror with resolve and
determination", he said in a statement.
     Stuttgart investigators have linked some of the attacks to
the planned extradition to Germany from Britain of PKK member
Kani Yilmaz, who has been given 14 days to return to Germany.
     Bonn is seeking Yilmaz on suspicion of helping to organize,
as European head of the PKK, the series of Europe-wide attacks on
Turkish properties in 1993 and 1994 that led to the banning of
the PKK in Germany.

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++

+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++==
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist collective based
in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide variety of
material, including political prisoners, national liberation
struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, the fight
against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our writings,
research, and translation materials in our magazine and bulletins
called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++== 


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Jul 29 21:00:37 1995
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 29 Jul 1995 21:00:37
Subject: Victory To The Kurds!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.199507291322.JAA11677@locust.cic>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at etext.org>

The Kurdish People Will Have Victory With Dignity And Pride

     On July 25, 1995 Kani Yilmaz, European representative of the
ERNK appeared in court for the fourth and final extradition
hearing at Belmarsh Magistrates Court. Kani has been confined to 
Belmarsh Prison in South East London as a 'Category A' prisoner
since January, following his October 26, 1994, arrest outside
Westminster tube station by Special Branch. Initially on his way
to address MPs and peers on a political solution to the Kurdish
question, and having previously entered Britain numerous times
unhindered, Kani soon found himself facing deportation on
supposed 'national security' grounds. On November 10 an
extradition request was made by the German government for
offences connected with Kani's membership of the PKK and related
activities. Having committed no crime, Kani, like many Kurds
before him, has faced torture and persecution at the hands of the
Turkish state for simply advocating civil and human rights for
the Kurdish peoples. Now, he languishes in a British prison under
a justice system and security service which has aligned itself
with Turkish state fascism.
     Since the arrest of Kani Yilmaz, the campaign for his
release and for a halt to the criminalisation of the Kurds in
Britain and Europe has gathered momentum. On July 14, 10,000
prisoners of war from Kurdistan went on indefinite hungerstrikes
in Turkish prisons in resistance to Turkey's escalation of the
war in Kurdistan and have demanded a negotiated political
solution to the Kurdish question. Solidarity hungerstrikes were
started on July 20 in cities all over the world including Berlin,
Frankfurt, Paris, Geneva, Stockholm, The Hague, Athens and
Washington DC. In London, Kurdish people are presently on
hungerstrike outside Westminster Cathedral in Victoria Street. On
July 25 Kani himself commenced a hungerstrike in solidarity with
the Kurdish people.
     On the day of July 25 a picket and demonstration was held in
London at Kani Yilmaz's committal hearing to bring the Kurdish
question into the public eye and continue the campaign for Kani's
release. 2,000 Kurds and their supporters, including the
hungerstrikers, were present on the day. At noon, an
overwhelmingly heavy riot police presence were on the scene as
protesters participated in traditional Kurdish dances and
listened to a variety of speeches. A few hours later an
announcement was made that Kani Yilmaz was to be deported. This
was returned by strong silence and an atmosphere of disbelief,
then the protest returned to Westminster Cathedral to bring the
situation of the Kurds in Turkey into focus. At this point a
sit-down protest took place, followed by a continuation of the
march which would have continued if not for the riot police who
formed a line against the confused demonstrators and Kurdish
families, lashing out against them with truncheons. Following
this sustained attack, enraged marchers fought back with sticks
and bottles. Running battles continued until police effectively
fenced-in the entire demonstration. Close to midnight, the
protesters dispersed themselves into the underground subway. The
press later claimed that twelve police were injured in the melee,
while downplaying the casualties on the demonstrator's side which
included a young woman and hungerstriker who had her leg broken
in several places by police batons. Considering the nature of the
demonstrators, who by and large restrained themselves against
police forces which from the outset sought to menace any display
of Kurdish protest, it seems quite hard to believe statements
from the police who claim that the Kurds had planned the
violence. One officer claimed his partner had been "stabbed in
the chest", while another claims to have caught demonstrators in
the possession of petrol bombs. None of these claims actually
came to ground.
     For the Kurds, Turkish state fascism has again shown its
interests met by the hands of the British authorities. An extract
from Abdullah Ocalan, PKK chairman, to the people of Britain
reads: "Our British friends must raise their voice to stop the
killings which are ten times worse than Saddam's atrocities
across the border. There was only one Halabja in Iraqi Kurdistan
but in Turkey, the whole southeast is becoming one enormous
Halabja. This war is worse than Chechnya, yet it is being
ignored. Can you possibly justify these double standards?"

Yesterday Vietnam, Today Kurdistan! - Yesterday Hitler, Today
Ciller! Release Kani Yilmaz - Victory to the Honourable Kurdish
Struggle! 

London, England - July 28, 1995

(Written by a comrade at Arm The Spirit)

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++

+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++==
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist collective based
in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide variety of
material, including political prisoners, national liberation
struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, the fight
against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our writings,
research, and translation materials in our magazine and bulletins
called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: gopher://locust.cic.net:70/11/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++===+++==