From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Apr 10 08:39:42 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 10 Apr 1997 08:39:42
Subject: War News From Kurdistan
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.960820104..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970410033..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

War News From Kurdistan

Dersim

There have been major troop movements in Dersim province for about a week
now. In particular in Ovacik, around 1,000 Turkish army troops have been
assembled together. There are helicopters and fighter jets in Ovacik,
Pulumur, Hozat, and Cemisgezek. In Ovacik, military bases are being set up
near the villages of Koyungolu and Gozeler. There are no figures yet
available concerning clashes with guerrilla forces.

Mardin

During clashes between the Turkish army and units of the People's Liberation
Army of Kurdistan (ARGK), the ARGK were able to confiscate materials from
the army. Further information is not yet available.

Diyarbakir

In Lice (Diyarbakir), Genc (Bingol), and Palu (Elazig), the Turkish army
launched major operations starting on March 17. These operations are
continuing. A large number of village guards are taking part in the
operations. Accoding to reports, 8 peasants were arrested in Hezan and
Derxust villages in Diyarbakir province, but their identities are not 
yet known.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief, Nr. 7, Vol. 10, 8.4.1997)

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Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
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liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
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P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
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From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Fri Apr  4 00:57:22 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 03 Apr 1997 23:57:22 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Trial of SKD and IHD Ankara Branch
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a1526a2.e56@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)

From: warresisters at gn.apc.org (War Resisters' International)
Subject: Trial of ISKD and IHD Ankara Branch, second hearing

Dear Friends

The second hearing of ISKD and Ankara Branch of IHD was held on 1 April
1997. Serdar Tekin and Oya Ataman, who did not take part in the first
hearing, were told to give evidence concerning the accusation. As two of the
accused, Oya Ataman and Serdar Tekin said that the court could not be
recognised as legitimate because of its military identity, and therefore
refused to give any evidence. Serdar also said that the legal norm itself
("breaking the will power of nation by alienating people from the military"
- Article 58 of Turkish Military Penal Code and Article 155 of Turkish Penal
Code) can not be legitimised because it goes against freedom of thought and
expression.
The third hearing of the trial will take place on 20 May.

Background information:
On 9 December 1995 Ankara Branch of IHD organised a congress called "Human
Rights Panorama of Turkey" . Izmir War Resisters Association (ISKD) were
also invited to present a statement on the subject of the right of peace.
ISKD prepared a written statement and sent it to the congress. All the
statements which had been presented at the congress were collected and
published in book form as a report of the congress by Ankara Branch of IHD.
On 15 August 1996 the 2nd State Security Court (DGM) of Ankara confiscated
this book and brought a trial against the former board of Ankara Branch of
IHD who were on duty in December 1995. The statement of ISKD was charged
with "alienating the people from military" (Article 58 of Turkish Penal
Code) and "breaking the will power of nation" (Article 58 of turkish
Military Penal Code). The accusation file was transferred to the Military
Court of General Staff and the trial opened against the boards of ISKD and
Ankara Branch of IHD. The first hearing of the trial was held on 18 February
1997.

Those accused are:
Former Board of Ankara Branch of IHD: Yildiz Temurturkan, oya Ersoy Ataman,
Ed Buyukculha, Naciye Erkol, Mustafa Tun, Meryem Erdal, Adnan Okur.
Board of ISKD: Osman Murat Ulke, Vedat Zeneir, Ferda Ulker, Ali Serdar Tekin.


posted by:
      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          |  
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-171-6907103                        |
     |  email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   |
     /)                                                 (\
    /                                                     \
  _( (+-------------------------------------------------+) )_
 (((\ \   /_)                                     /^)   / /)))
 (\\\\ \_/ /                                      \ \_ / ////
  \       /                                        \       /
   \   __/                                          \__   /
    |   |                                            |   |


From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Fri Apr  4 01:00:30 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 04 Apr 1997 00:00:30 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Osman faces 16 years imprisonment
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a1526a3.01e@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)

From: warresisters at gn.apc.org (War Resisters' International)
Subject: Osman faces 16 years imprisonment

3 April 1997

Today (3 April) was the first hearing of a new trial against
Turkish war resister Osman Murat Ulke.  This time he faces
four charges:

1. Desertion: because he did not report to the military unit
after he was released by the Military Court in Eskisehir on
27 December 1996.
        Article: Turkish Military Penal Code Article 66, Para 1a
        Sentence: from 1 year up to 3 years

2. Using tricks in order to avoid military service:
The prosecutor claims that the concept of conscientious objection
is not in accordance with the reality of the country and it is
a trick to claim such a right in order not to perform military
service.
        Article: Turkish Military Penal Code Article 81, Para 1
        Sentence: up to 10 years

3. Draft evasion:
Osman is considered to have been a draft evader between 1992 and
1995.
        Article: Turkish Military Penal Code Article 63, Para 1a
        Sentence: from 4 months up to 2 years

4. Not to join the unit on time:
Osman was enlisted as a conscript on August 29 1995, after 
a trial in the Military Court of General Staff.  Afterwards he
held a press conference, declaring his conscientious objection,
on 1 September 1995.  Arrested in October 1996, he was sent to
the military unit at the end of November 1996.  So there is a 
delay of 17 months between his enlistment and his "participation"
in the unit.
        Article: Turkish Military Penal Code - Article 63, Para 1b

NEXT HEARING - 1 MAY
The next hearing for these four cases will be on 1 May, the same
day as the first hearing of the abrogation trial against ISKD -
Izmir Savas Karsitlari Dernegi (Izmir War Resisters Association).
Osman, as president of ISKD, is one of the accused at that tirla.

DISCIPLINE SENTENCE IN MILITARY PRISON
Osman is refusing to wear military uniform both in military units
and military prisons.  The internal disciplinary regulations of
the prison consider this an offence.  Therefore, last month he 
was was sentenced not to receive letters for one month.  This sentence
finished at the beginning of this month, but he has now been condemned
not to receive letters and not to have visitors for one month.

Please continue to send letters and postcards to Osman.  
He will receive the collected letters at the end of his sentence.

Address:
Osman Murat Ulke
1 Taktik Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanligi
Askeri Cezaevi
3 Kogug
Eskisehir
Turkey

ISKD new fax: +90 232 369 02 52

Protest messages to:
Minister of Justice, Mr Sevket Kazan
Adalan Bakanligi,
O6659 Ankara
Turkey
fax +90 312 425 4066/417 3954

Minister of Defence, Mr Turham Tayan
Milli Savunma Bakanligi,
06100 Ankara
Turkey

May 15 - International CO Day - take action in your own country
in support of Osman and the Turkish war resistance movement!

posted by:
      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          |  
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-171-6907103                        |
     |  email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   |
     /)                                                 (\
    /                                                     \
  _( (+-------------------------------------------------+) )_
 (((\ \   /_)                                     /^)   / /)))
 (\\\\ \_/ /                                      \ \_ / ////
  \       /                                        \       /
   \   __/                                          \__   /
    |   |                                            |   |


From dhkc at dds.nl  Fri Apr  4 13:21:23 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 04 Apr 1997 13:21:23
Subject: Turkey: the military, the parties and the 12th. of september
Message-ID: <bac1c849.lzragqa41b.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: the military, the parties and the 12th. of september
From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>

THE MILITARY, THE PARTIES AND THE 12TH. OF SEPTEMBER

by M. Ali Baran

The discussions about a military coup will go on for quite a
while. There have been such discussions before, in all the times when
the oligarchy was in a serious crisis. The threat with a coup is aimed
at freeing the oligarchy from such crises. But for an actual coup, the
external and internal conditions have to be right, support is needed
from the imperialists and monopolists. Only then can a military coup
fulfil its salvage mission. Otherwise the imperialists and the
collaborating economic monopolies would get into an ever deeper crisis
because of a military coup. In stead of a military coup, they try to
contain the growing revolutionary wave of the people's masses by
reforms within the oligarchy, building a front against the
revolution. 

The oligarchy and the imperialist fear the revolution. They know they
can not defeat the revolution by a coup. The contradictions within the
ruling forces have increased because of Susurluk, the fear among the
front of the oligarchy for the revolution increased. Broad segments of
the population are discussing the state and the system. Fear is
compelling the powers that be to hasty actions. After Susurluk, the
state definitely lost any legitimisation in the eyes of the masses,
its situation has become unstable. The efforts to present a clean
state and the "democratisation plans" from TUSIAD, the media and the
military did not showed the desired effect. Campaigns and the
propaganda to "clean up the state" and exchanging several figures
weren't able to get rid of the filth, it could not be covered
up. Everybody is seeing that the ruling forces are stuck in this
quagmire. 

The state is shaking. TUSIAD and the military are trying all they can
to save the system and to stop the people's demand for
accountability. The ruling forces know that neither a coup, nor new
elections or a new government can soften the crisis and stabilise the
system. To discipline the parties, discussions were launched in the
media about the danger of "Islamisation" and a threat against
secularism. Although a new government of "national consensus" will not
be able to realise a new policy, it could serve to soften the crisis
by selecting the Refah Partisi as a scapegoat, thus disciplining the
other parties.  To do this, the military will have to strengthen its
hegemony over the quarrelling bourgeois parties, which are stuck in
this filth up to their necks, and demonstrate its power by a
intervention policy. No other force is capable to show the strength
which is necessary for such an operation. But the military can not
take its refuge to the method of a classical coup. Different as in
1980, the conditions are not given.

In September 1980, the power of the military was laid down in
law. According to the putchists, measures were to be made possible to
intervene, preventing a new "accident of democracy". Therefore the
military was guaranteed to right to intervene politically and
economically at all times. Of course, an army which possesses such a
guarantee will not feel the need for a coup. It will rather make use
of its right to intervene in case the system gets into an unstable
situation. And this is exactly what is happening now. The right to
intervene, laid down in the constitution, is still valid. It was
strengthened and expanded by other laws, institutions and
practices. Therefore the National Security Council is not a coup
instrument, it's an instrument of the known right of intervention. The
democracy game, which started on September 12, 1980, goes on. The
pieces of this game are TUSIAD, the media, the bourgeois parties, the
organisations of the civic society, parliament, the government and
institutions like elections. 

The military and the state president play the role of king in this
game of chess. At the time it can be seen once again that the
bourgeois parties do not have the intention at all to defend their
identity against interventions by the military. In stead they compete
to show themselves as willing servants of the system. And despite all
the propaganda against the junta, the bourgeois parties once again
bowed without any resistance. Not a single party resisted the open
threat of the military - "when you do not as we want, we will use
pressure" - by claiming to be a force, elected by the people.  This
means they have surrendered to the ideology, the politics and the
morals of the September 12 junta, continuing its "democracy. The
"democracy" of the junta is fascism. The form of fascism,
characteristic to our country, is colonial fascism. The conditions for
this were created by the junta. 

In a situation where there are no more means available to the junta, a
fake democracy is presented by holding elections and establishing new
governments. But in reality nothing changes, oppression and violence
continue. Because the government is hindering the existence of the
system and because the strength of the bourgeois parties in weakening
and they can thus not present a solution, the military uses quite
openly its right to intervene to protect system and state. This
reality is part of colonial fascism in our country. Today the
conditions for a classic coup are not given. The right to intervene of
the military of September 12 opens the possibility of far-reaching and
lasting intervention on all levels. Colonial fascism secures these
possibilities. The military openly carries out its interventions, they
want to show them, especially to the bourgeois parties. The bourgeois
parties can resist these interventions, or they have to surrender. The
attitude of slavishness is proof for the continuation of the dominance
of the military over future governments. 

The discussions about the "Islamists" or the "enemies of progress",
whose representatives are supposedly preparing an armed rebellion,
were recognised for what they were: they were meant to prepare and
legitimise the intervention by the military. The small Islamist groups
which propagate armed struggle are not capable of gathering large
groups of supporters and therefore ineffective. The real purpose of
the intervention by the military is to restore the stability of the
rule of the oligarchy, delivering blows to the revolutionary struggle
and destroying the growing people's movement. The fact that the state
believes in the propaganda of a Islamist threat shows the system is
collapsing, that the rulers are not capable of governing the state.
None of the Islamist groups is really against the system. Except for a
few exceptions, they denied the facts which were revealed by Susurluk
and they even took side with the state, defending the burned out
system against the revolutionaries. The imperialists support the
Islamist tendencies as well, using them against the
revolutionaries. Even the forces of the contra-guerrilla consist of
Islamists, besides the MHP fascists. 

These tendencies are supported by the imperialists and their
collaborators, they are integrated into the system and used to defend
the ruling powers. The "progressive forces" among them are in no way
dangerous for the system. The oligarchy has only one fear, the
revolution, and all its interventions, all its plans are directed
against the revolution. All its institutions, its measures, the
founding of parties, elections etc. are valued according the criteria
whether they offer protection against the revolution, whether they
defend the system, or not. Not only oppression, cruelty and the
violation of law are applied for that. They also initiate reforms,
political and social measures in case these promise a stabilisation of
the system. That's why the military is talking about not using the
methods of the anti-terrorism struggle, but using social and political
reforms in stead. The military thus imposes its stamp on the policy of
the bourgeois parties and the government programme. The real inventors
of this policy are the imperialists. The open interventions by the
military can not be seen apart from the policy of the
imperialists. 

Under the present circumstances, it's impossible for the bourgeois
parties to free themselves from these dogfights, they are not capable
of realising policy. In this situation, the interventions are carried
out in a co-operation between the imperialists, Demirel and the
military. That the interventions will not offer a solution for the
crisis, that they deepen the crisis in stead, that's no secret
now. Under the circumstances in which a state apparatus is not
fulfilling its functions to a large degree, in which the dogfights
among the rulers are becoming unbearable, the military, with the aid
of the media, tries to present itself without success as a clean force
which offers a solution. But the military is stuck in the filth
itself. No force can deny this situation in the end. The interventions
are only deepening the contradictions within the oligarchy and even
the military can not save itself from being dragged into this and
getting affected.

-- 
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
mailto: dhkc at dds.nl
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 01:39:24 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 01:39:24
Subject: Fascist Murders In Holland And Germ
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970406203..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Fascist Murders In Holland And Germany

"They Set Us On Fire!"

In Europe, The Year Against Racism Is Marked By A Massacre
March 29, 1997

        On March 25 in The Hague, Netherlands, 6 people were murdered in an
arson attack. Following this horrific attack, Mahi Koesedag and her five
children, Yakup, Muhammet, Aysel, Senquel, and Huri, were dead. The father
and the other children were badly hurt.
        Racist attacks on people of foreign nationalities reached a climax
in Moelln, Solingen, and Karlsruhe. The racist roots of these attacks grow
strong in the imperialist sun. Today, racism has become state policy all
across Europe. Such attacks are no longer extraordinary occurences. When one
takes a look at the statistics, it is clear to what degree these racist
attacks have reached. But the attacks themselves already make this clear.
        But we have no use for people's false tears and their words of pity.
Imperialism is responsible for these massacres. Just like following the
racist murders in Germany, the Dutch media doesn't seem to take these events
very seriously.

[...]

        The attack in The Hague shows the true face of the imperialist
regimes in Europe, who claim to be tolerant. Witnesses said that mother Mahi
Koesedag was found with her 2-year-old son in her arms. Zeki Koesedag, who
lost his wife and five children, screamed: "Our house was set on fire, it
was burned to the ground! I cannot bear this pain! My wife died to save me
and my children. They set us on fire!"
        We must listen to these screams. This attack was aimed at all of us.
In Europe, an imperialist government, and its partner, the fascist state of
Turkey, can no longer guarantee our safety from such attacks. So long as we
do not answer in a strong voice and organize effective reactions, such
attacks with continue.
        These are our people who are being attacked and killed. Their pains
are our pains. We must not fail to answer to our working people in Europe.
Let us share the pains of the people in Moelln, Solingen, The Hague, and
many other places where there have been attacks and massacres.
        Let us protest against imperialism and make those who are
responsible for these racist attacks pay.

DHKC Information Burean, Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
Email: dhkc at dds.nl


Thousands Demonstrate Against The Arson Attack In Krefeld
March 31, 1997

        Today, following the arson attack on a Kurdish family in Krefeld
which took place during the night, more than 1,000 people demonstrated
against the attack and conduct of the police. During the demonstration, a
group of 50 Grey Wolves [members of the Turkish fascist party MHP - ATS]
tried to join in the demo. After they were kept out, having been told that
no fascists were welcome in the demo, irregardless of their nationality,
they tried to provoke the marchers. Thanks to peoples' conduct, however, the
provocations were not successful. People continued to march and shout
slogans such as "Shoulder to shoulder against fascism!" and "Don't be
silent, for if you're silent, you're next in line!" and "Death to fascism
everywhere!".
        The demo continued to the police station where people demanded an
immediate statement concerning the attack from the authorities. State
prosecutor Medel stated that police were investigating but still had no
clues. He said he was shocked by the attack, but saw no reason for a
demonstration. He was amazed that such a big demonstration could form so
quickly, but he said it was wrong to shout slogans against fascism since
there was still no proof that it was a "hate-motivated attack". This
statement, following similar ones in Moelln, Solingen, Lubeck, and most
recently in Holland, was met with shouts from the crowd as it was proof that
the police are blind in the face of fascism.
        According to the authorities, the fire was set at the house using
flammable materials at around 2:00 in the morning. Two neighbors from across
the street reported what had happened that night: At exactly 2:00 in the
morning, there was a sound like an explosion. The house immediately was on
fire. No one from the building of 120 Turkish and German families tried to
help the Demir family. The women of the Demir family ran to the windows and
shouted for help. They were apparently told to jump from their third storey
apartment onto the pavement below. The 19-year-old daughter Tulay and her
mother tried to save themselves by jumping. Neither survived the fall. When
police arrived 15 minutes after the attack, they showed no interest in
helping. The second daughter, Gulay Demir, was told by police not to jump.
But she did jump, after her hair was already on fire. She survived, but was
brought to hospital in serious condition. After a neighbor shouted to police
to go inside the house, since the familiy's 16-year-old son was still
inside, she was told that it was already too late and that the police
couldn't do anything. 15 minutes after the police arrived, the fire trucks
came. By then, 16-year-old Umit Demir had died as well.

Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++




From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Sun Apr  6 20:17:09 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 06 Apr 1997 20:17:09
Subject: [akin@kurdish.org (AKIN)] Turkey's Terrorists by Lucy Komisar
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3iv1zd0ux.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: [akin at kurdish.org (AKIN)] Turkey's Terrorists by Lucy Komisar
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_04:26:46_1997-1
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII



--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_04:26:46_1997-1
Content-Type: message/rfc822

Message-Id: <v01540b00af6df341b592@[168.143.23.172]>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Date: Sun, 6 Apr 1997 20:50:00 -0400
To: friends2 at mail.clark.net
From: akin at kurdish.org (AKIN)
Subject: Turkey's Terrorists by Lucy Komisar


This article was published in the April 1997 issue of The Progressive.

Turkey's Terrorists: A CIA Legacy Lives On

By Lucy Komisar

On November 3, a truck crashed into a Mercedes Benz in Susurluk, 90 miles
south of Istanbul, and killed three Turkish passengers: a fugitive heroin
smuggler and hitman, a former high-ranking police officer, and a former
"Miss Cinema." The lone survivor was a rightwing member of parliament. In
the car's trunk, police found a forged passport, police identification
papers, ammunition, silencers and machine guns.

Abdallah Catli, the fugitive heroin smuggler, had escaped from a Swiss
prison. The dead beauty queen, Gonca Uz, was his girlfriend.

The police officer was Huseyin Kocadag, head of a Turkish police academy
and a former Istanbul deputy police chief who reportedly organized hit
squads in the southeast that kill Kurdish guerrillas and their supporters.

The survivor, Sedat Bucak, a member of parliament from the conservative
True Path Party is reportedly in charge of 2,000 Kurdish mercenaries paid
by the government to fight Kurdish guerrillas.

The car carsh has created a sensation in Turkey and had led parliament to
hold hearings on the ties linking the True Path Party, the police, and
thugs like Abdullah Catli. Newspapers in Turkey are making connections
between what they are calling the "state gang" and a secret paramilitary
force that for decades has attacked the left. But as Turkish investigators
dig, they may come across one more hidden connection: The United States set
up that secret paramilitary force at the height of the Cold War.

In the 1950s, the United States was concerned that the Soviet Union would
conquer much of Western Europe. The CIA and the Pentagon came up with a
plan to establish secret resistance groups within various Western European
countries that would fight back against the predicted Soviet occupation.
These groups were called "stay behind" organizations: little cells of
paramilitary units that would take on the Soviets behind enemy lines.
Belgium, France, Holland, Greece, Italy, and Germany have all acknowledged
that they participated in the covert network.

The United States funded these stay behind groups for decades. Even though
there was no Soviet occupation, some of the groups did take up
arms--against leftwing dissidents in their own countries. Some descendants
of these groups are still at it, especially in Turkey.

Abdullah Catli was one of these.

"The accident unveiled the dark liaisons within the state," former prime
minister Bulent Ecevit told parliament in December. Now leader of a small
opposition social democratic party, Ecevit knows a lot about those
liaisons. He first told me about them--and the American connection--back in
1990, when I interviewed him in his Ankara office, where he sat in a soft,
brown chair sipping a cherry drink.

Ecevit is a genial, seventy-one year old man with a high forehead, deep-set
eyes, a beakish nose, curly black hair, and a moustache. The son of a
doctor and a painter, Ecevit is an intellectual and a poet who has
translated T.S. Elliot and Ezra Pound. He graduated from the American-run
Robert College and lived in the U.S. as a student and a journalist. He once
led the major social democratic party; there was a split, and he now heads
the smaller of the two.

Ecevit became prime minister in 1973. He told me he was startled the
following year when the Turkish military high command requested money from
the prime minister's secret fund to pay for a new headquarters for the
Special Warfare Department. General Semih Sancar, Turkey's army commander,
told him about the department. He said the Americans had funded it from the
start, but now they were allegedly pulling out. Sancar advised Ecevit not
to look too closely at the matter. Ecevit investigated and found no such
organization in the state budget.

"There are a certain number of volunteer patriots whose names are kept
secret and are engaged for life in this special department," a military
briefer told Ecevit. "They have hidden arms caches in various parts of the
country."

At the time, Ecevit worried that these so-called lifetime patriots might
have a rightist slant and would use their weaponry to advance their
ideological goals. But he felt he was in no position to deny them funds.
Ecevit's party was the largest, but it had won only a third of the votes.
He was running a shaky coalition government. Ecevit released the funds the
military wanted and never discussed the matter with the United States.

But the U.S. government surely knew about it. It set up the secret stay
behind organization and funded it for more than two decades.

Working out of the Joint U.S. Military Aid Team headquarters, it was known
first as the Tactical Mobilization Group and then the Special Warfare
Department. In 1971, after a military coup, it was dubbed the
counterguerrilla force and turned into an instrument of terror against the
left.

Journalist Ugur Mumcu, who was arrested shortly after the coup, wrote later
that his torturers told him, "We are the counterguerrilla. Even the
president of the republic cannot touch us." (Mumcu, who continued to write
in the daily Cumhuriyet about the counterguerrilla force and about the
existence of rightist drug gangs connected to the government, was killed by
a car bomb in 1993.)

Confirmation of the counterguerrilla force's existence has come from the
highest sources. Former Army Chief of Staff Gen. Kennan Evren, who led a
1980 coup, wrote in his memoirs that Suleyman Demirel, now president and in
the late 1970s prime minister, asked then that the Special Warfare
Department be used to combat terrorism. Evren said he refused, but that
Demirel had insisted, pointing out that it had been used in 1971 against
subversive activities.

General Evren acknowledged that the Special Warfare Department was involved
in clandestine activities, citing the murder of nine leftwing militants at
Kizildere in northern Turkey in 1972. He told a newspaper that civilians in
the paramilitary organization run by the department may have been involved
in terrorist incidents in the 1970s without his knowledge. Given the
military's tight control over security, such ignorance is highly unlikely.

One notorious terrorist incident the stay behind group may have been
involved in occurred on May Day, 1977, when the major trade union
confederation organized a rally that brought several hundred thousand
people to Istanbul's main Taksim Square. As the sun was setting, snipers on
surrounding buildings started firing at the speakers' platform. The crowd
panicked. Thirty-eight were killed; hundreds were injured. The shooting
lasted for 20 minutes; several thousand police at the scene did nothing.

Ecevit, who was out of office at the time, went to see President Fahri
Koruturk and told him he thought the counterguerrilla force might have
carried out the massacre. "Give me a written statement," Koruturk answered.
He relayed Ecevit's fears to Prime Minister Demirel, Ecevit recalled, but
nothing came of it.

When he ran for prime minister in late 1977, Ecevit denounced the
counterguerrillas. When he became prime minister, he told Army Chief of
Staff Evren, 'During the Kizildere incidents the Special Warfare Section is
said to have been used. I am worried about this civilian organization.
There is no means of knowing or controlling what a young recruit may get up
to after twenty years in such an organization."

Evren replied, "There is nothing to worry about. We will deal with it." So
Ecevit blocked a parliamentary debate on the issue. At a news conference,
he denied existence of the counterguerrilla group and said his earlier
charges were just suppositions. Signaling his fear of provoking the
military, he said, "We must all be respectful towards the Turkish Armed
Forces and help them in the realization of their desire to remain out of
politics."

Once, when Ecevit was touring the country, a general in eastern Turkey gave
a dinner in his honor. When Ecevit learned he had worked in the Special
Warfare Department, he told the general, "I have deep suspicians about the
civilian extension of that department."

"The civilians work very honestly, very faithfully," the general assured
him. "There is nothing to be afraid of."

Ecevit told him, "Simply as a hypothesis, it's quite possible, general,
that one of those lifetime patriots might at a certain later date become
the party chief of the Nationalist Action Party which is involved in
rightwing terrorism in this very town.

"Yes," said the general, "This is the case, but he's a very nice man."

By the late 1970's, violence between the left and right threatened Turkey's
stability. The chief violent group on the right was the neofascist "Grey
Wolves," the militant arm of the rightist Nationalist Action Party head by
Alparslan Turkes, a former colonel and a leader of the 1960 military coup.

Our dead heroin trafficker, Abdallah Catli, was a leader of the Grey Wolves
when he was found guilty in absentia of organizing the 1978 murders of
seven student members of the Turkish Labor Party.

After the car crash, Turkes admitted that Catli had worked clandestinely
for the military and police, that he had worked "in the framework of a
secret service working for the good of the state." A former Turkish
foreign-ministry adviser and the head of the intelligence anti-terror unit
also told officials conducting the current parliamentary inquiry that Catli
worked for Turkish intelligence.

Foreign Minister Tansu Ciller, a leader of the conservative True Path
Party, praised Catli after the crash: "Those who fire bullets or suffer
their wounds in the name of this country, this nation and this state will
always be respectfully remembered by us."

The rightwing terrorism Catli was involved in during the late 1970s helped
set the stage for the 1980 military coup, which the generals said was
needed to save the country from anarchy.

After the 1980 coup, several hundred thousand leftists were jailed for
three or four years without trial. Many were tortured. The parliamentary
commission has called on Evren to testify about charges that terror squads
were used routinely by the military junta and participated in roundups of
leftists.

By the mid-80s, the counterguerrillas had a new target; the Kurds.
Government security agencies began using paramilitary death squads against
Kurds who started an armed struggle in 1984. In November 1990, six months
after our interview, Ecevit repeated publicly that a clandestine
paramilitary force existed in Turkey. Three weeks later, the head of the
Turkish Army Operations Department and the commander of the Special Forces
issued a statement that there was a special NATO organization in Turkey
called the Special Warfare Department, whose mission was "to organize
resistence in the case of a communist occupation." They said its secret
member "patriots" were not connected to the counterguerrillas. The special
NATO organization was, of course, the "stay behind" operation the Americans
had started.

In 1992, the commander of the Special Warfare Department, General Kemal
Yilmaz said, "The department is still active in security operations against
armed members of the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) in Turkey's southeastern
provinces."

The U.S. State Department's 1995 human rights report on Turkey was blunt:
"Prominent credible human rights organizations, Kurdish leaders, and local
Kurds asserted that the government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the
murders of civilians." It said, "Human rights groups reported the
widespread and credible belief that a counterguerrilla group associated
with the security forces had carried out at least some 'mystery killings.'
"

The State Department's 1996 report on Turkey did not mention the
counterguerrillas, but said that, " 'mystery killings,' continued to occur
with disturbing frequency." It also said, "The 1995 recommendations of a
parliamentary committee, designed to purge "illegal formations" within the
state which the committee said committed some mystery killings, were not
implemented."

The Turkish embassy in Washington said it had no information on these
illegal formations. Meanwhile, the paramilitary commission investigating
the Mercedes Benz crash has recommended prosecuting the lone survivor of
the crash, along with thirty-four others linked to the scandal, including
several former police chiefs and officers.

As for Washington's role, Pentagon would not tell me whether it was still
providing funds or other aid to the Special Warfare Department; in fact, it
wouldn't answer any questions about it. I was told by officials variously
that they knew nothing about it, that it had happened too long ago for
there to be any records available, or that what I described was a CIA
operation for which they could provide no information. One Pentagon
historian, said, "Oh, you mean the 'stay behind' organization. That's
classified."

The Pope's Assassins

Abdullah Catli, the fugitive who died in the Mercedes Benz crash, was also
connected to the man who tried to assassinate Pope John Paul II in 1981,
Mehmet Ali Agca.

Both were members of the Grey Wolves. Both had worked together in a
previous assassination effort. In 1979, Ali Agca killed a Turkish newspaper
editor. Catli was in on the plot. When the police arrest Agca, they found a
false passport belonging to Catli.

Catli then reportedly helped organize Agca's escape from an Istanbul
military prison, and some have suggested Catli was even involved in the
Pope's assassination attempt.

The CIA said the assassination attempt was the work of the Soviets, through
their Bulgarian allies. This has never been proven, and a much more
plausible case can be made that it was a rightist plot. The Grey Wolves
were clearly implicated, and they are directly related to the Turkish
counterguerrilla force.

But why would a Turkish rightist squad have an interest in assassinating
the Pope? The answer may lie with links between the "stay behind"
organizations in various European countries, which all had a stake in
blaming terrorism on the left.

Most is known about the Italian Gladio, Latin for sword, which worked with
the Mafia and neofascists to prevent Italian communists from taking power
through insurrection or the vote. Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti
acknowledged the existence of the Gladio in testimony before an Italian
parliamentary commission on August 2, 1990. He said Italy had used a
"strategy of tension" to undercut the influence of the legal communist
party.

That strategy was terrorism. The Gladio conducted bombings, and then blamed
the bombings on the left. The assassination attempt on the Pope may have
been part of this strategy of tension.

At the scene of the Mercedes Benz crash, Turkish investigators found Catli
with a fake passport. "The person on this photo, Mehmet Ozbay, works as a
specialist for the police directorate and he is allowed to carry guns."
Mehmet Ozbay was an alias--the very same alias that Mehmet Ali Agca had on
his own passport.



Lucy Komisar, a New York journalist, is doing research about Turkey for a
book on U.S. foreign policy and human rights in the 1970s and 80s.


----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_04:26:46_1997-1--

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 03:06:29 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 03:06:29
Subject: Turkey's Terrorists: A CIA Legacy L
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970406220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey's Terrorists: A CIA Legacy Lives On

(This article was published in the April 1997 issue of 
The Progressive.)


Turkey's Terrorists: A CIA Legacy Lives On

By Lucy Komisar

On November 3, a truck crashed into a Mercedes Benz in Susurluk, 90 miles
south of Istanbul, and killed three Turkish passengers: a fugitive heroin
smuggler and hitman, a former high-ranking police officer, and a former
"Miss Cinema." The lone survivor was a rightwing member of parliament. In
the car's trunk, police found a forged passport, police identification
papers, ammunition, silencers and machine guns.

Abdallah Catli, the fugitive heroin smuggler, had escaped from a Swiss
prison. The dead beauty queen, Gonca Uz, was his girlfriend.

The police officer was Huseyin Kocadag, head of a Turkish police academy
and a former Istanbul deputy police chief who reportedly organized hit
squads in the southeast that kill Kurdish guerrillas and their supporters.

The survivor, Sedat Bucak, a member of parliament from the conservative
True Path Party is reportedly in charge of 2,000 Kurdish mercenaries paid
by the government to fight Kurdish guerrillas.

The car carsh has created a sensation in Turkey and had led parliament to
hold hearings on the ties linking the True Path Party, the police, and
thugs like Abdullah Catli. Newspapers in Turkey are making connections
between what they are calling the "state gang" and a secret paramilitary
force that for decades has attacked the left. But as Turkish investigators
dig, they may come across one more hidden connection: The United States set
up that secret paramilitary force at the height of the Cold War.

In the 1950s, the United States was concerned that the Soviet Union would
conquer much of Western Europe. The CIA and the Pentagon came up with a
plan to establish secret resistance groups within various Western European
countries that would fight back against the predicted Soviet occupation.
These groups were called "stay behind" organizations: little cells of
paramilitary units that would take on the Soviets behind enemy lines.
Belgium, France, Holland, Greece, Italy, and Germany have all acknowledged
that they participated in the covert network.

The United States funded these stay behind groups for decades. Even though
there was no Soviet occupation, some of the groups did take up
arms--against leftwing dissidents in their own countries. Some descendants
of these groups are still at it, especially in Turkey.

Abdullah Catli was one of these.

"The accident unveiled the dark liaisons within the state," former prime
minister Bulent Ecevit told parliament in December. Now leader of a small
opposition social democratic party, Ecevit knows a lot about those
liaisons. He first told me about them--and the American connection--back in
1990, when I interviewed him in his Ankara office, where he sat in a soft,
brown chair sipping a cherry drink.

Ecevit is a genial, seventy-one year old man with a high forehead, deep-set
eyes, a beakish nose, curly black hair, and a moustache. The son of a
doctor and a painter, Ecevit is an intellectual and a poet who has
translated T.S. Elliot and Ezra Pound. He graduated from the American-run
Robert College and lived in the U.S. as a student and a journalist. He once
led the major social democratic party; there was a split, and he now heads
the smaller of the two.

Ecevit became prime minister in 1973. He told me he was startled the
following year when the Turkish military high command requested money from
the prime minister's secret fund to pay for a new headquarters for the
Special Warfare Department. General Semih Sancar, Turkey's army commander,
told him about the department. He said the Americans had funded it from the
start, but now they were allegedly pulling out. Sancar advised Ecevit not
to look too closely at the matter. Ecevit investigated and found no such
organization in the state budget.

"There are a certain number of volunteer patriots whose names are kept
secret and are engaged for life in this special department," a military
briefer told Ecevit. "They have hidden arms caches in various parts of the
country."

At the time, Ecevit worried that these so-called lifetime patriots might
have a rightist slant and would use their weaponry to advance their
ideological goals. But he felt he was in no position to deny them funds.
Ecevit's party was the largest, but it had won only a third of the votes.
He was running a shaky coalition government. Ecevit released the funds the
military wanted and never discussed the matter with the United States.

But the U.S. government surely knew about it. It set up the secret stay
behind organization and funded it for more than two decades.

Working out of the Joint U.S. Military Aid Team headquarters, it was known
first as the Tactical Mobilization Group and then the Special Warfare
Department. In 1971, after a military coup, it was dubbed the
counterguerrilla force and turned into an instrument of terror against the
left.

Journalist Ugur Mumcu, who was arrested shortly after the coup, wrote later
that his torturers told him, "We are the counterguerrilla. Even the
president of the republic cannot touch us." (Mumcu, who continued to write
in the daily Cumhuriyet about the counterguerrilla force and about the
existence of rightist drug gangs connected to the government, was killed by
a car bomb in 1993.)

Confirmation of the counterguerrilla force's existence has come from the
highest sources. Former Army Chief of Staff Gen. Kennan Evren, who led a
1980 coup, wrote in his memoirs that Suleyman Demirel, now president and in
the late 1970s prime minister, asked then that the Special Warfare
Department be used to combat terrorism. Evren said he refused, but that
Demirel had insisted, pointing out that it had been used in 1971 against
subversive activities.

General Evren acknowledged that the Special Warfare Department was involved
in clandestine activities, citing the murder of nine leftwing militants at
Kizildere in northern Turkey in 1972. He told a newspaper that civilians in
the paramilitary organization run by the department may have been involved
in terrorist incidents in the 1970s without his knowledge. Given the
military's tight control over security, such ignorance is highly unlikely.

One notorious terrorist incident the stay behind group may have been
involved in occurred on May Day, 1977, when the major trade union
confederation organized a rally that brought several hundred thousand
people to Istanbul's main Taksim Square. As the sun was setting, snipers on
surrounding buildings started firing at the speakers' platform. The crowd
panicked. Thirty-eight were killed; hundreds were injured. The shooting
lasted for 20 minutes; several thousand police at the scene did nothing.

Ecevit, who was out of office at the time, went to see President Fahri
Koruturk and told him he thought the counterguerrilla force might have
carried out the massacre. "Give me a written statement," Koruturk answered.
He relayed Ecevit's fears to Prime Minister Demirel, Ecevit recalled, but
nothing came of it.

When he ran for prime minister in late 1977, Ecevit denounced the
counterguerrillas. When he became prime minister, he told Army Chief of
Staff Evren, 'During the Kizildere incidents the Special Warfare Section is
said to have been used. I am worried about this civilian organization.
There is no means of knowing or controlling what a young recruit may get up
to after twenty years in such an organization."

Evren replied, "There is nothing to worry about. We will deal with it." So
Ecevit blocked a parliamentary debate on the issue. At a news conference,
he denied existence of the counterguerrilla group and said his earlier
charges were just suppositions. Signaling his fear of provoking the
military, he said, "We must all be respectful towards the Turkish Armed
Forces and help them in the realization of their desire to remain out of
politics."

Once, when Ecevit was touring the country, a general in eastern Turkey gave
a dinner in his honor. When Ecevit learned he had worked in the Special
Warfare Department, he told the general, "I have deep suspicians about the
civilian extension of that department."

"The civilians work very honestly, very faithfully," the general assured
him. "There is nothing to be afraid of."

Ecevit told him, "Simply as a hypothesis, it's quite possible, general,
that one of those lifetime patriots might at a certain later date become
the party chief of the Nationalist Action Party which is involved in
rightwing terrorism in this very town.

"Yes," said the general, "This is the case, but he's a very nice man."

By the late 1970's, violence between the left and right threatened Turkey's
stability. The chief violent group on the right was the neofascist "Grey
Wolves," the militant arm of the rightist Nationalist Action Party head by
Alparslan Turkes, a former colonel and a leader of the 1960 military coup.

Our dead heroin trafficker, Abdallah Catli, was a leader of the Grey Wolves
when he was found guilty in absentia of organizing the 1978 murders of
seven student members of the Turkish Labor Party.

After the car crash, Turkes admitted that Catli had worked clandestinely
for the military and police, that he had worked "in the framework of a
secret service working for the good of the state." A former Turkish
foreign-ministry adviser and the head of the intelligence anti-terror unit
also told officials conducting the current parliamentary inquiry that Catli
worked for Turkish intelligence.

Foreign Minister Tansu Ciller, a leader of the conservative True Path
Party, praised Catli after the crash: "Those who fire bullets or suffer
their wounds in the name of this country, this nation and this state will
always be respectfully remembered by us."

The rightwing terrorism Catli was involved in during the late 1970s helped
set the stage for the 1980 military coup, which the generals said was
needed to save the country from anarchy.

After the 1980 coup, several hundred thousand leftists were jailed for
three or four years without trial. Many were tortured. The parliamentary
commission has called on Evren to testify about charges that terror squads
were used routinely by the military junta and participated in roundups of
leftists.

By the mid-80s, the counterguerrillas had a new target; the Kurds.
Government security agencies began using paramilitary death squads against
Kurds who started an armed struggle in 1984. In November 1990, six months
after our interview, Ecevit repeated publicly that a clandestine
paramilitary force existed in Turkey. Three weeks later, the head of the
Turkish Army Operations Department and the commander of the Special Forces
issued a statement that there was a special NATO organization in Turkey
called the Special Warfare Department, whose mission was "to organize
resistence in the case of a communist occupation." They said its secret
member "patriots" were not connected to the counterguerrillas. The special
NATO organization was, of course, the "stay behind" operation the Americans
had started.

In 1992, the commander of the Special Warfare Department, General Kemal
Yilmaz said, "The department is still active in security operations against
armed members of the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) in Turkey's southeastern
provinces."

The U.S. State Department's 1995 human rights report on Turkey was blunt:
"Prominent credible human rights organizations, Kurdish leaders, and local
Kurds asserted that the government acquiesces in, or even carries out, the
murders of civilians." It said, "Human rights groups reported the
widespread and credible belief that a counterguerrilla group associated
with the security forces had carried out at least some 'mystery 
killings.'"

The State Department's 1996 report on Turkey did not mention the
counterguerrillas, but said that, " 'mystery killings,' continued to occur
with disturbing frequency." It also said, "The 1995 recommendations of a
parliamentary committee, designed to purge "illegal formations" within the
state which the committee said committed some mystery killings, were not
implemented."

The Turkish embassy in Washington said it had no information on these
illegal formations. Meanwhile, the paramilitary commission investigating
the Mercedes Benz crash has recommended prosecuting the lone survivor of
the crash, along with thirty-four others linked to the scandal, including
several former police chiefs and officers.

As for Washington's role, Pentagon would not tell me whether it was still
providing funds or other aid to the Special Warfare Department; in fact, it
wouldn't answer any questions about it. I was told by officials variously
that they knew nothing about it, that it had happened too long ago for
there to be any records available, or that what I described was a CIA
operation for which they could provide no information. One Pentagon
historian, said, "Oh, you mean the 'stay behind' organization. That's
classified."

The Pope's Assassins

Abdullah Catli, the fugitive who died in the Mercedes Benz crash, was also
connected to the man who tried to assassinate Pope John Paul II in 1981,
Mehmet Ali Agca.

Both were members of the Grey Wolves. Both had worked together in a
previous assassination effort. In 1979, Ali Agca killed a Turkish newspaper
editor. Catli was in on the plot. When the police arrest Agca, they found a
false passport belonging to Catli.

Catli then reportedly helped organize Agca's escape from an Istanbul
military prison, and some have suggested Catli was even involved in the
Pope's assassination attempt.

The CIA said the assassination attempt was the work of the Soviets, through
their Bulgarian allies. This has never been proven, and a much more
plausible case can be made that it was a rightist plot. The Grey Wolves
were clearly implicated, and they are directly related to the Turkish
counterguerrilla force.

But why would a Turkish rightist squad have an interest in assassinating
the Pope? The answer may lie with links between the "stay behind"
organizations in various European countries, which all had a stake in
blaming terrorism on the left.

Most is known about the Italian Gladio, Latin for sword, which worked with
the Mafia and neofascists to prevent Italian communists from taking power
through insurrection or the vote. Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti
acknowledged the existence of the Gladio in testimony before an Italian
parliamentary commission on August 2, 1990. He said Italy had used a
"strategy of tension" to undercut the influence of the legal communist
party.

That strategy was terrorism. The Gladio conducted bombings, and then blamed
the bombings on the left. The assassination attempt on the Pope may have
been part of this strategy of tension.

At the scene of the Mercedes Benz crash, Turkish investigators found Catli
with a fake passport. "The person on this photo, Mehmet Ozbay, works as a
specialist for the police directorate and he is allowed to carry guns."
Mehmet Ozbay was an alias--the very same alias that Mehmet Ali Agca had on
his own passport.

(Lucy Komisar, a New York journalist, is doing research about Turkey for a
book on U.S. foreign policy and human rights in the 1970s and 80s.)

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 03:10:32 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 03:10:32
Subject: Turkey's Kurdish Policy In The Nine
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970406220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey's Kurdish Policy In The Nineties

Dear Friends,

We have just posted a 20-page paper, "Turkey's Kurdish Policy in the
Nineties", by Lord Eric Avebury on our home page.  It is very good
analysis of the Kurdish question as it relates to Turkey.  We urge you to
take a look at it.

As always, we thank you for your interest in the Kurds.

AKIN

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship




From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Sun Apr  6 20:47:18 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 06 Apr 1997 20:47:18
Subject: [akin@kurdish.org (AKIN)] Diyarbakir Human Rights Association Monthl
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3encncy8e.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: [akin at kurdish.org (AKIN)] Diyarbakir Human Rights Association Monthly Report
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_05:23:28_1997-1
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII

KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_05:23:28_1997-1
Content-Type: message/rfc822

Message-Id: <v01540b02af6df73fa5de@[168.143.23.172]>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
Date: Sun, 6 Apr 1997 21:06:23 -0400
To: friends2 at mail.clark.net
From: akin at kurdish.org (AKIN)
Subject: Diyarbakir Human Rights Association Monthly Report

From: ihd-diyarbakir at info-ist.comlink.apc.org (Human Rights Ass. Diyarbakir)

HUMAN RIGHTS ASSOCIATION DIYARBAKIR BRANCH
Report of the Human Rights Violations in March 1997

Summary of the human rights violations which our association became aware of:
3 people lost their lives in the ongoing violent clashes in the area, while
13 were injured.

7 people were badly hurt by mine explosions. In a place near the province
center of Siirt two children named H.K. (15) and H.K. (10) were also badly
hurt in an explosion of explosives they found.

In armed attacks agains civilians 5 people were killed, 11 wounded. In fire
opened by soldiers 3 people died, two of them children, one was wounded. In
armed attacks by village guards 2 people were killed, one wounded.
The number of civilians who got involved and lost their lives in clashes
was 6, 4 were wounded.

There is still no information avaliable about Ilyas Eren (43), who was
detained at the minibus terminal in Diyarbakir/Kulp by people with weapons
and wirelesses.

128 people were detained, only two of which applied to our association
because of torture. Of the 128 detainde 22 were arrested.

5 villages were raided, two villages were evacuated, one of them named
Hilaluk in the district of Eruh/Siirt, the other Ziwi (Yakitli) in Batman.
In the village of Ziyarettepe in the district of Hani, province Diyarbakir,
the corpses of  two men were found whose  identity is unknown.

Because of the ongoing problems in the prisons, the political prisoners in
the prisons of the provinces Siirt, Van and Erzurum went into collective
hunger strike with no extension defined. In the prison of Elazig the bad
problem resulting of the irregular attitude of the prison direction.

As everywhere in Turkey in our region also the severe human rights
violation contiued in March.

We call for social peace and the respect for human rights in Turkey and in
our region.

DIYARBAKIR BRANCH MARCH BALANCE SHEET

                                events          dead            wounded

In clashes                                      3               13
Mines                                                           7
Attacks against civilians                       5               11
Civilian victims in clashes                     6               4
Disappeared                     1
Detained                        128
Torture                         2
Raided villages                 5
Evacuated villages              2
Unidentified corpses            2
Prisons                         1
Arrests                         22
TOTAL                           163             14              35

IHD Diyarbakir Branch
## CrossPoint v3.02 ##


----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship




-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

--Multipart_Mon_Apr__7_05:23:28_1997-1--

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 07:00:19 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 07:00:19
Subject: Three Years Too Many (An Op-Ed For
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970407015..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Three Years Too Many (An Op-Ed For Leyla Zana)

Three Years Too Many
By Noah Weiss

Potomac News
March 27, 1997

This month marks the three-year anniversary of the arrest of Leyla
Zana -- a candidate for the 1995 and 1996 Nobel Peace Prize. Three years
ago, she and six other Kurdish members of the Turkish Grand National
Assembly were stripped of their parliamentary immunity and arrested on
charges of sedition and treason. Leyla Zana, a spirited 33-year-old mother
of two, had become the only Kurdish woman ever elected to the Turkish
Parliament in October 1991.

Leyla Zana and her six colleagues -- each of them representing
Kurdish constituents almost entirely -- were sentenced to as many as 15
years in prison simply because they, along with democratic governments
throughout the world, vehemently denounced the Turkish government's
oppressive measures against its 15 million Kurdish citizens, one-fourth of
the nation's entire population. Since her arrest, Leyla Zana's efforts
have been recognized by the Nobel Committee, the European Union's awarding
her the 1995 Sakharov Peace Prize, and Austria, Denmark, Italy, and Norway
all awarding her peace prizes of their own.

At every opportunity, Leyla Zana admonished the Turkish government
for its tactics, which, for the last 73 years, essentially have amounted to
legalized oppression, or "cultural genocide". According to the Turkish
Constitution, its citizens are prohibited from proclaiming their Kurdish
identity, from speaking their native Kurdish language, from giving their
children traditional Kurdish names, and from practicing traditional Kurdish
customs -- activities Kurds had practiced for millenniums, according to
ancient Greeks and Romans.

Leyla Zana grew up a witness to this oppression. At age 15, she
married an outspoken proponent of Kurdish rights, only to see him carted
off to prison shortly thereafter because of his political views. Though
she never did receive a formal education, Leyla Zana was inspired by her
husband and learned a great deal from him. She soon became a spokesperson
for her people, denouncing torture and tyranny while demanding the most
elementary political, social, and cultural freedoms for her fellow Kurds.
The Kurdish electorate gave Leyla Zana's voice a mandate for action,
electing her with 84% of the vote in the October 1991 parliamentary
elections.

As a member of parliament, Leyla Zana brought her message of peace,
justice, and democracy to the United States and numerous European
countries. In her tour of the West, Mrs. Zana spoke firmly of "being
subjugated to a policy of total assimilation" and eloquently defended the
Kurdish fight "for freedom, for liberty, for basic human rights as 20th
century citizens of this world". Before the Helsinki Commission of the
United States Congress in May 1993, Leyla Zana impressed upon its members,
"Peace and democracy are no longer the concerns of a few but rather the
preoccupation of us all, that is if we want to have truth, understanding,
and beauty in the world."

Leyla Zana's speeches abroad frightened Turkish government
officials at home. In the post-Cold War era, Turkey has experienced most
profitable relations with the West, especially with the United States;
still, with its admittance into the European Union already on shaky ground,
Turkey feared repercussions from Leyla Zana's visits overseas. They
declared her and her collaborators enemies of the state. The Turkish media
joined its government in denouncing Leyla Zana and her allies, brandishing
them as separatists and terrorists. Although she was neither a separatist
nor a terrorist, but rather the leading proponent of democracy and human
rights in Turkey, the Turkish government arrested Leyla Zana along with six
other parliamentarians in March 1994. Never before had members of the
Turkish Grand National Assembly been stripped of their immunity and
arrested.

Leyla Zana, the inspirational leader to Kurds everywhere, is
feeling ill; three years of prison have weakened her considerably. Despite
her close ties to several European governments, the Turkish government
refuses to permit any visitors. John Shattuck, the U.S. Assistant
Secretary of State for Human Rights, is the only member of the
international community who has been allowed to visit Leyla Zana.
Obviously, the United States, and only the United States, has the authority
to influence Turkish policy in this regard.

It is America's responsibility to do all it can to free Leyla Zana
-- whose only crime has been the struggle against countless odds to promote
democracy and human rights -- from prison immediately and restore basic
rights and freedoms for the Kurds. Presently, several members of Congress,
including Representative Frank R. Wolf (R-VA), are undertaking an
initiative to free Leyla Zana from Ankara Central Prison in Turkey. But,
to effectively influence President Clinton's policies towards Turkey and,
in turn, Turkish policies towards the Kurds, Leyla Zana's allies in
Congress need greater support. The United States government must commit
itself to joining the effort to free Leyla Zana and her colleagues from
prison, for they have committed no crime. Providing basic human rights to
all citizens cannot be achieved in Turkey unless its citizens -- Turks and
Kurds alike -- are free to promote Leyla Zana's truly democratic ideals of
truth, freedom, and justice.

(Noah Weiss is the program director of the American Kurdish Information
Network, a human rights organization based in Washington, D.C.)

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 07:02:30 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 07:02:30
Subject: Turkey: The Military, The Parties,
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970407015..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey: The Military, The Parties, And The 12th Of September

Turkey: The Military, The Parties, And The 12th Of September

By M. Ali Baran

The discussions about a military coup will go on for quite a
while. There have been such discussions before, all at times when
the oligarchy was in a serious crisis. The threat of a coup is aimed
at freeing the oligarchy from such crises. But for an actual coup, the
external and internal conditions have to be right, and support is needed
from the imperialists and monopolists. Only then can a military coup
fulfil its salvage mission. Otherwise the imperialists and the
collaborating economic monopolies would get into an ever deeper crisis
because of a military coup. Instead of a military coup, they try to
contain the growing revolutionary wave of the people's masses by
reforms within the oligarchy, building a front against the
revolution. 

The oligarchy and the imperialists fear the revolution. They know they
cannot defeat the revolution by a coup. The contradictions within the
ruling forces have increased because of Susurluk, the fear among the
front of the oligarchy for the revolution increased. Broad segments of
the population are discussing the state and the system. Fear is
compelling the powers that be to hasty actions. After Susurluk, the
state definitely lost any legitimisation in the eyes of the masses, and
its situation has become unstable. The efforts to present a clean
state and the "democratization plans" from TUSIAD, the media and the
military did not show the desired effect. Campaigns and propaganda 
to "clean up the state" and exchanging several figures
weren't able to get rid of the filth, it could not be covered
up. Everybody is seeing that the ruling forces are stuck in this
quagmire. 

The state is shaking. TUSIAD and the military are trying all they can
to save the system and to stop the people's demand for
accountability. The ruling forces know that neither a coup nor new
elections or a new government can soften the crisis and stabilize the
system. To discipline the parties, discussions were launched in the
media about the danger of "Islamization" and a threat against
secularism. Although a new government of "national consensus" will not
be able to realize a new policy, it could serve to soften the crisis
by selecting the Refah Partisi [Welfare Party of Islamist prime minister
Erbakan - ATS] as a scapegoat, thus disciplining the
other parties. To do this, the military will have to strengthen its
hegemony over the quarrelling bourgeois parties, which are stuck in
this filth up to their necks, and demonstrate its power by a
intervention policy. No other force is capable of showing the strength
which is necessary for such an operation. But the military cannot
seek refuge in the method of a classical coup. Unlike 1980, the 
conditions are not right.

In September 1980, the power of the military was laid down in
law. According to the putchists, measures were to be made possible to
intervene, preventing a new "accident of democracy". Therefore the
military was guaranteed to right to intervene politically and
economically at all times. Of course, an army which possesses such a
guarantee will not feel the need for a coup. It will rather make use
of its right to intervene in case the system gets into an unstable
situation. And this is exactly what is happening now. The right to
intervene, laid down in the constitution, is still valid. It was
strengthened and expanded by other laws, institutions, and
practices. Therefore the National Security Council is not a coup
instrument, it's an instrument of the known right of intervention. The
democracy game, which started on September 12, 1980, goes on. The
pieces of this game are TUSIAD, the media, the bourgeois parties, the
organizations of the civic society, parliament, the government, and
institutions like elections. 

The military and the state president play the role of king in this
game of chess. At the present time it can be seen once again that the
bourgeois parties do not have the intention at all to defend their
identity against interventions by the military. Instead they compete
to show themselves as willing servants of the system. And despite all
the propaganda against the junta, the bourgeois parties once again
bowed without any resistance. Not a single party resisted the open
threat of the military - "when you do not as we want, we will use
pressure" - by claiming to be a force elected by the people. This
means they have surrendered to the ideology, the politics, and the
morals of the September 12th junta, continuing its "democracy". The
"democracy" of the junta is fascism. This form of fascism,
characteristic to our country, is colonial fascism. The conditions for
this were created by the junta. 

In a situation where there are no more means available to the junta, a
fake democracy is presented by holding elections and establishing new
governments. But in reality nothing changes, oppression and violence
continue. Because the government is hindering the existence of the
system and because the strength of the bourgeois parties in weakening
and they can thus not present a solution, the military uses quite
openly its right to intervene to protect the system and the state. This
reality is part of colonial fascism in our country. Today, the
conditions for a classic coup are not present. The right to intervene of
the military of September 12th opens the possibility of far-reaching and
lasting intervention on all levels. Colonial fascism secures these
possibilities. The military openly carries out its interventions, they
want to show them, especially to the bourgeois parties. The bourgeois
parties can resist these interventions, or they have to surrender. The
attitude of slavishness is proof of the continuation of the dominance
of the military over future governments. 

The discussions about the "Islamists" or the "enemies of progress",
whose representatives are supposedly preparing an armed rebellion,
were recognized for what they were: they were meant to prepare and
legitimize the intervention by the military. The small Islamist groups
which propagate armed struggle are not capable of gathering large
groups of supporters and are therefore ineffective. The real purpose of
the intervention by the military is to restore the stability of the
rule of the oligarchy, delivering blows to the revolutionary struggle
and destroying the growing people's movement. The fact that the state
believes in the propaganda of a Islamist threat shows the system is
collapsing, that the rulers are not capable of governing the state.
None of the Islamist groups is really against the system. Except for a
few exceptions, they denied the facts which were revealed by Susurluk
and they even took sides with the state, defending the burned out
system against the revolutionaries. The imperialists support the
Islamist tendencies as well, using them against the
revolutionaries. Even the forces of the contra-guerrilla consist of
Islamists, in addition to the MHP fascists. 

These tendencies are supported by the imperialists and their
collaborators, and they are integrated into the system and used to defend
the ruling powers. The "progressive forces" among them are in no way
dangerous for the system. The oligarchy has only one fear, the
revolution, and all its interventions, all its plans are directed
against the revolution. All its institutions, its measures, the
founding of parties, elections etc. are valued according the criteria
of whether they offer protection against the revolution, whether they
defend the system, or not. Not only oppression, cruelty, and the
violation of law are applied for that. They also initiate reforms,
political and social measures, if these promise a stabilization of
the system. That's why the military is talking about not using the
methods of the anti-terrorism struggle, but using social and political
reforms instead. The military thus imposes its stamp on the policy of
the bourgeois parties and the government programme. The real inventors
of this policy are the imperialists.. The open interventions by the
military cannot be seen apart from the policy of the imperialists. 

Under the present circumstances, it's impossible for the bourgeois
parties to free themselves from these dogfights, they are not capable
of realizing policy. In this situation, the interventions are carried
out in a co-operation between the imperialists, Demirel, and the
military. That the interventions will not offer a solution for the
crisis, that they deepen the crisis instead, that's no secret
now. Under the circumstances in which a state apparatus is not
fulfilling its functions to a large degree, in which the dogfights
among the rulers are becoming unbearable, the military, with the aid
of the media, tries to present itself without success as a clean force
which offers a solution. But the military is stuck in the filth
itself. No force can deny this situation in the end. The interventions
are only deepening the contradictions within the oligarchy and even
the military cannot save itself from being dragged into this and
getting affected.

-- 
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
mailto: dhkc at dds.nl
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr  7 07:06:42 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 07:06:42
Subject: Diyarbakir Human Rights Association
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970407020..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Diyarbakir Human Rights Association Monthly Report

Human Rights Association (IHD) - Diyarbakir Branch
Report Of Human Rights Violations - March 1997

Summary of the human rights violations which our association 
became aware of:

3 people lost their lives in the ongoing violent clashes in the area, while
13 were injured.

7 people were badly hurt by mine explosions. In a place near the provincial
center of Siirt, two children named H.K. (15) and H.K. (10) were also badly
hurt in an explosion of explosives they found.

In armed attacks against civilians, 5 people were killed, 11 wounded. 
3 people died, 2 of them children, 1 was wounded from fire by soldiers.
In armed attacks by village guards, 2 people were killed, 1 wounded.
The number of civilians who got involved and lost their lives in clashes
was 6, 4 were wounded.

There is still no information avaliable about Ilyas Eren (43), who was
detained at the minibus terminal in Diyarbakir/Kulp by people with weapons
and wireless phones.

128 people were detained, 2 of which applied to our association
because of torture. Of the 128 detained, 22 were formally arrested.

5 villages were raided, 2 villages were evacuated, one of them named
Hilaluk in the district of Eruh/Siirt, the other Ziwi (Yakitli) in Batman.
In the village of Ziyarettepe in the district of Hani, Diyarbakir province,
the corpses of two men were found whose identities are unknown.

Because of the ongoing problems in the prisons, the political prisoners in
the prisons of the provinces Siirt, Van, and Erzurum went into collective
hunger strike for an indefinite period. There have also been problems in
Elazig prison due to the conduct of the prison directors.

As everywhere in Turkey, our region suffered severe human rights
violations in March. We call for social peace and respect for human rights 
in Turkey and in our region.

DIYARBAKIR BRANCH MARCH BALANCE SHEET

                                events          dead            wounded

In clashes                                      3               13
Mines                                                           7
Attacks against civilians                       5               11
Civilian victims in clashes                     6               4
Disappeared                     1
Detained                        128
Torture                         2
Raided villages                 5
Evacuated villages              2
Unidentified corpses            2
Prisons                         1
Arrests                         22
TOTAL                           163             14              35

(Source: IHD Diyarbakir Branch, ihd-diyarbakir at info-ist.comlink.apc.org)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Apr  7 20:43:30 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 07 Apr 1997 20:43:30
Subject: Grup Yorum on the internet
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m367xyqmuc.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

Good news!

To all who love life,
we are very happy to announce:
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/gyindex.html

Here you find beautiful revolutionary music from Grup Yorum from Turkey.
Translations from the songs will be available on a short notice. 
Stay Tuned!
-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Apr  9 01:28:20 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 09 Apr 1997 01:28:20
Subject: Grup Yorum on the internet
References: <bac1c849.m367xyqmuc.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970408202..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Grup Yorum On The Internet

Good news!

To all who love life, we are very happy to announce:

http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/gyindex.html

Here you'll find beautiful revolutionary music from 'Grup Yorum' from
Turkey. Translations from the songs will be available soon. 
Stay tuned!

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Apr  9 15:46:54 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 09 Apr 1997 15:46:54
Subject: Turkey: People's Councils against Susurluk
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2r8m3f5.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: People's Councils against Susurluk
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

THE ALLIANCE OF THE PEOPLE AGAINST THE ALLIANCE OF THE STATE

In Susurluk we met an alliance. The supporters of this alliance are
known. They are the policemen, the fascist murderers, the delegates,
the large landowners, the village guards and the Mafia, represented by
the three from Susurluk. This alliance is the alliance of the
state. It's the alliance of the ruling classes.  Despite the dogfights
among the rulers, we very well know that they depend on co-operation
if they want to maintain their rule. In the present crisis they
therefore frequently use slogans like "National Unity" and
"consensus". We must not interpret the words of "unity and consensus"
as mere demagogy. The ruling forces are using these words for special
reasons. They call all exploiting and oppressing forces to unite to
save their exploiting and oppressing order. Let's look at the words of
those who now raise the flag of the opposition: all of them try to
free the state from this filth. They are prepared to sacrifice up to
three or five people to strengthen the ruling alliance again. The same
principle applies to the people which is at the opposite front of the
class war. For them it is even of greater importance. The people which
wants to get rid of the oppressive system must unite to gain
power. Alliances have to be established and rooted. For this reason,
the DHKP-C has called for establishing People's Councils on all
levels. These councils consist of all segments of the population,
regardless of nationality and religious creed, regardless of age and
gender, whether they are workers or peasants, small merchants,
housewives, pupils, craftsmen... The people will learn in these
councils how to take matters into their own hand, how to solve their
own problems. Through the People's Councils, the people will get aware
of its creativity and strength. Organising these forces and directing
them against the system is the duty of the revolutionaries which will
be represented in the People's Councils. The revolutionaries have been
leading the revolutionary struggle in our country for years and they
have a lot of experience in the economical and political struggle of
the workers, the civil servants and the people in the
gececondus. However, the People's Councils are an organisational form
of their own and therefore not connected to a political
organisation. The People's Councils are open to all segments of the
population and all members have the right to speak and vote. The
revolutionaries can, like anybody else, present their proposals and
try to convince others with their arguments. However, decisions are
taken by all members and delegates after discussing the different
proposals. Another method would overshadow or even destroy the right
organising of the people. Decisions are taken on the basis whether
they are right or wrong, not dependent on where the proposals come
from. The People's Councils, established on all levels and in all
areas, will constitute the people's alliance against the alliance of
Susurluk. The basic problem of the contra-revolutionary alliance is
the question "how can we get away from this accident with minimal
damage and how can we strengthen the alliance of exploitation?" The
question of the people's forces should be: "Can we strengthen the
alliance of the People's Councils and can we expand them to the whole
country?" A first step to the unity of the people was taken in
Gazi. On March 12, 1995, Gazi - a neighbourhood in Istanbul - made the
headlines of the papers in Turkey after a massacre by the
contra-guerrilla and the following people's uprising. One and a half
year later, the first People's Council - with 130 members - was
established in Gazi. Gazi, what kind of a neighbourhood is it? The
neighbourhood of Gazi was build in 1970 near the Alibeykoy dam as a
"gececondu" (slum area). In the years of the big migration from
Anatolia in which poor peasants escaped to the cities in order to
survive, Gazi steadily grew. Kurds, Laz, Alevites and Sunni from
provinces like Tokat, Dersim, Erzurum etc. moved to Gazi. With the
increasing number of people, the problems for the working people
increased as well. The state left the people to itself in stead of
helping them with solving the problems. With the help from people of
the revolutionary organisations, the Mafia - who raised the price of
the land and sold it many times - was driven out of Gazi. From then
on, the trust grew between the revolutionaries and the people from
Gazi. From 1970 till 1980, Gazi - situated next to a dam - had no
electricity, and there was no running water till 1987. Until 1988,
there were no busses in this neighbourhood.  It were the people in
Gazi who lost their children, tortured in the police stations. They
were the target of the civic fascist gangs and police terror. The
people in Gazi realised they had to get organised because of what they
went through. Armed with this knowledge and its anger, the people took
to the streets and threw up barricades after the attack by the
contra-guerrilla on March 12,
1995. Fascism was held accountable. The state is still seeking revenge because
of this. That's why they try to terrorise the people in Gazi even more. Taking
advantage of the disorganisation of the people, the state started daily
operations. Custody, torture and imprisonment became daily events. And there
were still the problems with the supply of electricity and water. The people
realised it could not solve it problems if they staid unorganised. That's how
the discussions about the People's Councils started. There were calls for the
old, young, Kurds, Turks, Alevites and Sunni to organise under one roof. Every
phase, every article and the regulations were discussed in detail and the
People's Council for Gazi and the neighbouring area of Zubeyde Hanim was formed.
The will and the initiative of the people were expressed in every detail. In
general, the People's Councils have to take care of the problems and worries of
the people, whether they are of a political, social or economic nature. The
People's Council is the basic organisation for all the segments of life. The
People's Council for Gazi and Zubeyde Hanim was announced after three months of
discussions at a circumcision festivity. At this ceremony, 70 children - from
Alevi and Sunni origin - were circumcised. The children's families and other
families prepared the festivity together. More than 1.000 guests were present at
the founding ceremony, and many who could not come themselves sent greetings of
solidarity. Many musicians and bands participated, delighting the people with
their songs. The ceremony was visited by representatives from several parties
like the CHP (Republican People's Party), the HADEP (Democratic People's Party),
the ODP (Freedom and Democracy Party), leading members of several organisations
in Gaziosmanpasa and many other associations and unions. Besides the chairman of
the neighbourhood administration and many other personalities from Gazi, there
were participants like the general chairman of the Genel-Is union, Erol Ekici,
the second regional chairman of Genel-Is in Istanbul, Mehmet Karagoz, the 3.
chairman of Genel-Is, Mersim Guvenlik, the regional chairman in Trakya, Arif
Kutan, the 6. chairman, Hasan Kaya, the CHP-delegate Ercan Karakas, the chairman
of the CHD (Contemporary Lawyers Association), Murat Inceoglu, the chairman of
the Cemevleri (Alevite community centres) in Gazi and Alibeykoy, the chairman of
the Migrants Association, Sabahettin Celik, lawyers from the People's Lawyers
Office and the spokeswoman of the Platform for Rights and Freedom, Oya
Gokbayrak. There were also solidarity messages from several organisations and
association and from the socialist papers Kurtulus, Atilim, Ozgur Gelecek, Isci
Hareketi, Kervan and Partizan Sesi. Ali Ekber Emre, who held the opening speech
in the name of the People's Council of Gazi and Zubeyde Hanim, explained the
reason for founding the People's Council. He pointed at the fact that the state
had not cared for Gazi for a long time, leaving the people alone with their
infrastructure problems. "We learned a lesson from it all. We saw that we
couldn't change anything as individuals. We realised we could only move things
with joined forces and solidarity. The answer to those who want to divide and
rule is solidarity", A.E. Emre continued. He also stated that they had already
started work before founding the People's Council and that actions had been
carried out. As an example he mentioned the health investigation of the people
in Gazi by physicians in which people were checked three times and in which
medicaments, worth 300 million TL, were given to the population for free. After
this, the electricity problem was tackled. After looking for the causes, a
committee of merchants was formed. This committee already started its work. At
the same time a petition was started and already more than one thousand
signatures were gathered. Al this, emphasised Emre, will encourage us to go on
and it will give us even more courage. A.E. Emre ended his speech by saying: "We
announce that from now on the people in Gazi can not be divided according to
political, religious and ethical views. The people in Gazi formed its People's
Council out of unity and a feeling of belonging together. This People's Council
represents the common will of our neighbourhood." In its first statement, the
reasons for founding the People's Council and its aims were made public:

"On March 12, 1995, civic fascists opened fire upon some cafe's to sow conflicts
and animosity among the people of Gazi which belong to different nationalities
and religious creeds. While the people waited for justice, they let the
murderers escape. Thereupon the people expressed its growing anger in protests
which lasted for days. The people who hoped for justice were shot by the police,
many were killed and hundreds of them were wounded, arrested and tortured. After
this attack there arose no conflict between Alevites and Sunni, respectively
between Turks and Kurds. The joint anger was directed against those who were
responsible. But since then a certain distance and tensions can be felt among
the people. In this situation the government acted with continuous oppression,
arrests, torture and other means of terror against the people of Gazi. Gazi
needs unity, keeping together and solidarity because the majority, economically
spoken, consists of poor people. The infrastructure here is not sufficient. The
education possibilities are insufficient as well, there is no precautionary
health care, no social security. We, the people in Gazi, have come to the
conclusion that founding a People's Council is unavoidable to create a culture
of solidarity and solve the problems here.

1. It is our aim to create solidarity among the people without making national
or religious divisions. Our people will be enlightened so attacks, like the one
on March 12, 1995, will not occur again. 2. It is our aim to form a coalition
against the police, the police presence and the continuous arbitrariness and the
arrests, a coalition which applies the principles of a state of law. 3. Another
aim is to reach lasting solutions for problems in the field of  infrastructure,
education, social security, unemployment, housing and food, caused by the
unequal division of income. 4. We will confront the social and cultural problems
of the people like drug abuse, gambling, alcoholism and other diseases, caused
by the influence of the system. The positive values of the people will be taken
as a basis. 5. The women's question will be tackled. A women's committee will be
formed which will confront the  problems of the housewives, the working women,
the mothers and the women which are seen as objects of lust, keeping in mind the
social conditions. 6. In the context of production and consume, organisations
will be set up which will develop a culture of solidarity. These organisations
are: co-operations or associations which are not profit orientated, they will
decrease unemployment in stead. This system will pose a culture of solidarity
against the greed for profit, caused by the system. 7. All problems like
recreation parks, market places, state hospitals etc., caused by an unequally
divided income, will be tackled and serious steps will be taken to solve these
problems. 8. Within the framework of the limits of our neighbourhood, sporting
activities will be encouraged and the people will be mobilised to participate in
health encouraging sports. Sports will not serve to watch, they will become
activities in which children, as well as women, can participate. 9. Families and
associations will become active to improve education in the primary and
secondary schools. The quantity, as well as quality, of the teaches will improve
and steps will be taken against high school fees. 10. Within our financial
possibilities, the health care question will be solved for the time being by
checking the people for free. This will be carried out on a permanent basis
later. 11. Our neighbourhood will determine weeks and months for the people to
have their circumcision and wedding ceremonies together. We will try to solve
these problems with few financial means. We decided to found a People's Council
to solve these problems and the many others we did not even mention. Our aim is
to solve these problems together, creating a collective culture of solidarity.
One of the most important principles of our People's Council is the
participation \of the people in the leadership. Participation is based on
voluntariness.

Conclusion:
1. It will be tried to pick up all the problems which concern the people in our
neighbourhood and solutions will be developed. 2. A culture of solidarity and
unity among the people in our neighbourhood should be developed. 3. Incidents
which are not really cases for the courts, for example conflicts between
families, should be solved in peace by the people in Gazi themselves. 

These are the criteria for friendship and solidarity. The People's Council was
established on the basis of these criteria. The regulations for the People's
Council were adopted with the approval of all participants."

Meanwhile other neighbourhoods and regions followed the example of Gazi and
started to set up People's Councils. People's Councils were established in
several villages in the region of Bergama and committees were set up in the
neighbourhoods of Sarigazi, Samandra and Yeni Dogan in Istanbul to prepare the
founding of People's Councils.

The alliance of the People's Councils against the alliance of Susurluk. 

The oligarchy, violating justice, formed an alliance against the people. An
alliance of the people against it is completely legitimate. Their are no
judicial limits which could be a hindrance for this alliance. It is a struggle
between illegitimacy and legitimacy. The alliance of Susurluk is illegitimate,
the alliance of the People's Councils is legitimate. The illegitimacy of the
alliance of the rulers is clearly visible, compared to the historical
justification and legitimacy of the People's Councils. The legitimacy of the
alliance, the strength and the actions of the people's forces in every field are
clear and can be felt. The alternative to the Susurluk alliance is the unity of
the people. Nobody should believe that the people's unity can be achieved at a
negotiating table. The people's unity is achieved by actions and organisations
of the people themselves. Keeping away form the actions and the people's
organisations  means keeping away from the people's unity. The people wants
results. It needs victory. We call for unity in order to win. We call for
actions in order to win. 

What do we want? We want:

JUSTICE, EQUALITY AND FREEDOM
THE SELF-DETERMINATION OF NATIONS
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ORGANISATION
FREEDOM OF RELIGION
INDEPENDENCE AND DEMOCRACY

ALL THESE DEMANDS ARE JUSTIFIED AND LEGITIMATE
WE ARE RIGHT
WE NEED COURAGE TO WIN
WE HAVE TO DEFEND OUR HONOUR
WE NEED THE PEOPLE'S UNITY
WE HAVE TO TAKE TO THE STREETS
WE HAVE TO OCCUPY THE SQUARES

WE CAN DO IT, WE CAN ACHIEVE ALL OF THIS
WE ARE THE PEOPLE AND WE ARE RIGHT
WE ARE RIGHT AND WE WILL WIN






Nevzal Altun, neighbourhood mayor of Gazi:

"The People's Councils were set up on the initiative of the people in Gazi.
There is nothing more beautiful than when the people want to take their affairs
into their own hands. I will support these splendid developments as much as I
can."

Haydas Kirmizigul, worker:

"The People's Council should also take care of the police terror. The People's
Council is open to all, no matter what nationality or religion they have, except
for those who  committed crimes against the people."

Huseyin Gulen, chairman of the Alevi Association:

"Everybody should see that the people are organising. The People's Council is
the best example for the efforts to unify the Turks, Kurds, Laz, Tcherkessians,
the unification of the people's forces in Turkey. All worked together for the
festivity. Every family prepared something. Some made the clothes, others bought
something or decorated the hall. Seventy children were circumcised at the
ceremony."

Huseyin Kartal, driver:

"First we want to solve the problems of education. In the evening there is
virtually a curfew in Gazi, those who are on the street after a certain time,
are arrested by the police. I think the People's Council will solve these
problems. It has all kinds of members. Even an Imam participates."

Nazan Askeran, pharmacist: 

"The People's Council especially wants the women to participate. All will learn
to speak about their problems and develop solutions for them"

Gulten Bilgili, laboratory assistant:

"A general medical examination was carried out in Gazi. 700 sick people were
treated. Of course, this did not solve the health problems, but the People's
Council wants to make sure that there are physicians available for health
prevention."

Hulya Elmas, housewife:

"They make our children disappear in custody. There is no work for our children.
My husband has been working for years, but it is in no way enough. The state
does not give anything, but we have to pay taxes. May Allah damn them, is such a
state possible? The people work, and they take everything. We will solve our
problems ourselves."

Zeynep Erturk, secretary:

"Although we are living in the 20th. century, our women can neither read nor
write. This problem should be tackled first. We as committee members want to
offer reading and writing courses to our women. We have to take care of the
women who can neither read, nor write. When we started as a committee, there
were only few members. But when we realised we could achieve something, the
committee became bigger. The electricity supply was a constant problem in our
neighbourhood. We feel better since this electricity problem was partly solved.
Problems like a lack of water, no electricity, no pavement, especially concern
women."


-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From Press  Thu Apr 10 12:21:22 1997
From: Press (Press)
Date: 10 Apr 1997 12:21:22
Subject: Mainstream News on Workers-struggle in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0wFP53.000OVdC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: "Press Agency Ozgurluk <Press Agency Ozgurluk" <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Subject: Mainstream News on Workers-struggle in Turkey


By Osman Senkul
 
Megak?y, April 10 (Reuter) - Turkish public workers stepped up industrial
action on Thursday aimed at forcing the government to accept their pay terms as
talks between Turkey's biggest labour confederation and coalition drag on.

"Our members do not want us to step back from where we are and they are
pressuring us to act if there is no progress in the collective bargaining
negotiations," Semsi Denizer, general secretary of the labour federation
Turk-Is, told Reuters. "I do not have any hope of an agreement with the
government, because they just want to put us off to gain one month more."

More than 22,000 workers at Turkey's leading state oil and petrochemical plants
began to obstruct the shipment of goods from factories on Thursday and 34,000
workers connected with the military sector held marches.

Highway workers in the Megak?y region slowed operations. On Wednesday petrol
sector workers stopped work for two hours.

Union officials have already put pressure on the government to move towards an
accord after three months of collective bargaining talks between the
Islamist-led coalition and Turk-Is representing more than 500,000 public
workers.

Some union representatives said a strike was possible. "We want all our workers
to be ready for any form of action, including a strike," Seluloz-Is union
chairman Mithat Sari said.

A five-week public sector strike in 1995 helped bring down the minority
government of then-prime minister Tansu Ciller in a vote of confidence.

The latest actions reflect an expansion of protests as trade unions urge the
Turk-Is confederation to coordinate a general strike. Turk-Is and the
government of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan are negotiating a two-year
labour contract from January 1 1997.

The coalition has offered to increase salaries by 38 percent plus 10.6 million
lira for the first six months of the year and to raise them in line with
inflation every six months.

Turk-Is is seeking an increase of 42 percent and 11.5 million lira for an
initial six months and subsequent inflation indexed rises every six months.

But most of Turk-Is member trade unions are seeking an increase in the basic
salary to 35-40 million lira and a 100 percent raise. They are also calling
for further action.

"The confederation should start and coordinate general actions now," Izzet
Cetin, president of Harb-Is, told Reuters.

Bayram Yildirim, president of the petroleum sector union, Petrol-Is, said
Thursday's action by the union's 22,000 members will continue next week if
there is no progress in talks.

Thursday's protest was in 13 plants belonging to Petkim Petrokimya Holding,
Tupras Turkiye Petrol Rafinerileri, Turkiye Petrolleri Anonim Ortakligi,
Petrol Ofisi, Botas Boru Tasimaciligi. The plants are mainly located in the
western and southern coastal regions of the country.



-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Fri Apr 11 10:04:56 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 11 Apr 1997 10:04:56
Subject: Turkey: Bergama against "Eurogold"
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3sp0x1oqo.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>


Bergama, a village 1 .5 hour from Izmir, with its natural beauty, is
one of the attractions of Turkey. Now, a foreign company tries to
destroy the natural treasures of Bergama, annihilating the livelihood
of the population, by winning gold with a destructive method, using
cyanide.

Imperialism is the enemy of nature and of mankind

Imperialism is the enemy of all human values and it destroys nature,
just to enlarge its capital. This can also be seen in Bergama where
"Eurogold" and its collaborators (and monopolies) are threatening life
in an unscrupulous manner.  But the people in Bergama do not remain
silent about the destruction of nature.  Since 1990, the population
has been fighting with all its strength against the sell-out of their
land, their livelihood, to the foreign capitalists.

The people are saying: "We are sold cheap for a few dollars." The
state authorities knew right from the beginning of the gold winning
with the cyanide procedure that the population would be poisoned
because of the waste products and the gasses, mixing with water and
air. The lives of the people and the animals in the region is severely
threatened. Because of the cyanide in the ground water, the harvests,
the livelihood of the population, will be contaminated that much that
the products can no longer be consumed and thus will be destroyed.

The people, fighting for 7 years against Eurogold, shouts the slogan:
"We are the people, we will win."

The people in Bergama are determined, and rightly so, to chase away
Eurogold from the region. To express their rights, and to spread their
call for justice everywhere, press statements are published and
discussion meetings are organised. For 6 months, mass actions have
been organised now. Action committees were set up to co-ordinate and
to better organise several forms of action.  Furthermore, the village
population founded a People's Council, joining the struggle against
Eurogold.

The People's Council is the true people's form of organising. Word and
action meet here. The People's Council is the organisation where the
people's problems, and possible solutions, are discussed and where
everybody has the right to speak. Decisions are made, and those who
make them do their utmost to realise possible solutions.

The people is using its entire strength against the murderous gold
winning through cyanide by Eurogold.

Several parties and organisations (HOP, DSP, CHP, ODP, KESK, SES,
Ataturkcu Dusunce Dernegi) are helping to spread the People's Councils
to other villages.  4-5 villages participated in a meeting in the
village of Pinar where the villagers decided to found their
council. To ease the council's work, tasks are delegated to the
villagers. Together with the population, discussions are carried out,
actions are planned. (For example: road blocks). Now there are already
People's Councils in 17 villages which defend the people's rights in a
disciplined way, saying "No", resisting the exploitation of nature,
the destruction of their environment and their livelihood and the
threat against their lives by Eurogold.

Everybody who calls himself a human being should listen to the voice
of the people in Bergama who defend the future of their villages and
they should fight against imperialism and collaboration together with
them. The problem is not just saving nature, the problem is the
survival of the people as well.

The people in Bergama will not sell out their country to the
imperialists.

"There is only one thing left to do: fight."

(Hamza Kural, farmer, 32, from the village of Narlica)

"The winning of gold with cyanide will have a strong effect on our
lives. We depend on farming, it is our only means of existence. The
damage caused here by the winning of gold is indisputable. It's about
the life of the people. When they want to win gold here, there is only
one thing left to do: fight - we will either die because of the
cyanide, or because who fought against it."

"We will not abandon this fight."

(Huseyin Ozyali, farmer, 46, from the village of Cam)

"We want solutions on a democratic way. But the state is not listening
to our voice. We are in a disadvantageous position. We will not leave
our land, even if this will cost us our lives. We are prepared to do
anything to get rid of this company which threatens our life and we
will not give up without a fight."

"The people will fight for justice."

(Suleyman Bektas, farmer, 50, from the village of Cam)

"The fate of the people here can not be in the hands of those who work
for the state. We will try the democratic ways till the end and if
necessary, the people will fight for justice."

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From Press  Sat Apr 12 13:18:22 1997
From: Press (Press)
Date: 12 Apr 1997 13:18:22
Subject: Mainstream News on the Classwar in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0wG94s.000OVdC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: "Press Agency Ozgurluk <Press Agency Ozgurluk" <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Subject: Mainstream News on the Classwar in Turkey

Turkish Daily News 


Public workers begin industrial action 

While Turk-Is and government officials reached agreement to a great
extent late on Thursday night, Reuters reported that member trade
unions of Turk-Is began industrial action on Thursday with the aim of
forcing the government to accept their pay terms.

While more than 22,000 workers at Turkey's leading state oil and
petrochemical plants began to obstruct the shipment of goods from
factories, 34,000 workers from the military sector held marches and
highway workers in the Istanbul region slowed operations.

"Our members do not want us to step back from where we are and they
are pressuring us to act if there is no progress in the collective
bargaining negotiations," Semsi Denizer, general-secretary of Turk-Is,
told Reuters.

"I do not have any hope of an agreement with the government, because
they just want to put us off to gain one more month."

A sign of the determination of Turk-Is members to get what they want
was certain union representatives' remarks that a strike was possible.

"We want all our workers to be ready for any form of action, including
a strike," Seluloz-Is union Chairman Mithat Sari said.

The latest actions show that trade unions are urging Turk-Is to
coordinate a general strike. "The confederation should start to
coordinate general actions now," Izzet Cetin, president of the
military base workers' union, Harb-Is, told Reuters.

Bayram Yildirim, president of the petroleum sector union, Petrol-Is,
said Thursday's action by the union's 22,000 members would continue
next week if there was no progress in the talks.


Susurluk Commission member Saglar: 'Ciller and Agar must be
investigated'

     Expressing his reservations about the commission report, Saglar
     says a complaint must be filed against Ozer Ciller and Prime
     Minister Erbakan too



By Ayla Ganioglu / TDN Parliament Bureau 

Ankara- The parliamentary commission looking into "state gang" claims
triggered by a mysterious road accident which occurred in Susurluk on
Nov. 3, 1996, completed its work and published its report. But now the
opposition representatives in the commission are expressing their
reservations to the report adopted with the votes of the ruling party
representatives. On Friday, Republican People's Party (CHP)
representative in the commission Fikri Saglar said in Turkey there
existed "illegally founded gangs supported morally and materially by
certain segments of the state."

Saglar said, in his 20-page "reservations," that a parliamentary
investigation should be started into True Path Party (DYP) leader
Tansu Ciller, a former prime minister currently serving as Deputy
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. He recalled that Ciller had
declared, "Those who fire bullets and who get hit by bullets for the
sake of the state are honorable persons," referring to Abdullah Catli,
the former Ulkucu (member of an ultranationalist movement) chief who
was wanted by the Interpol for a variety of crimes. He said, "A motion
for a parliamentary investigation of Ciller must be tabled with the
conviction that she must have known about all the relevant incidents,
as can be deduced from these words, and has failed to act with the
wisdom administrators should have in a state upholding the rule of
law."

Saglar maintained that Ciller carried a bigger "political and criminal
responsibility" than anyone else in the "politics and economy becoming
Mafia-like." He noted that DYP Deputy Mehmet Agar, who resigned as
interior minister due to the pressure he came under following the
Susurluk accident, is "one of the names at the peak of these
incidents." He said that a parliamentary investigation should be
started against Agar too.

Referring to the DYP Deputy and clan leader Sedat Bucak, the sole
survivor of the Susurluk incident, Saglar said that Bucak too should
be investigated because of the claims about his "illegal activities in
the Southeast," and about his role as a village guards chief.

Saglar said that an independent investigation is needed also into
Tansu Ciller letting her husband, Ozer Ciller, in on state secrets and
involving him in many state activities despite the fact that he is not
a public official. He stressed that the commission should have filed a
complaint against Ozer Ciller with the relevant prosecutor's
office. He noted that Nuri Gundes, a former National Intelligence
Organization (MIT) official, had told the commission that during the
time he served as the chief adviser for security affairs at the Prime
Ministry, he could not gain access to then-Prime Minister Tansu
Ciller, and, as a result, he used to present to Ozer Ciller the
reports he drafted.

Another issue on which Saglar expressed reservations about the
commission report involved the Istanbul State Security Court
prosecutor's bid to have DYP deputies Mehmet Agar and Sedat Bucak
stripped of their legislative immunity so that criminal charges could
be brought against them. Saglar noted that the prosecutor's reports to
this effect have been kept at the Prime Ministry since end of January,
effectively blocking this process. He said, "This has been the latest
and most substantial example of the behind-the-scenes political
protection behind the Susurluk phenomenon. Looking at the positions of
Agar and Bucak, one observes that political protection has been at
force in all these incidents. For its own future the government is
resisting the legal requirement."

Saglar stressed that the commission should file a complaint with the
prosecutor's office against RP leader and Prime Minister Erbakan too
for keeping the reports against Agar and Bucak in his possession
without doing anything about them, and without giving any legal reason
for his failure to duly relay these to Parliament.

Saglar pointed out that when investigating the "gang relationships
within the state," one should start from "Gladio" the organization
said to have been established in NATO countries. Noting that in Turkey
these relationships have not been "solved," Saglar said, "In light of
the information presented to our commission, we have come to hear, to
our great surprise, that in the early 1990s, a decision had been made
to resort to illegal means in the fight against terrorism, which was
escalating in the Southeast and in the wake of the Newroz incidents."
Saglar stressed that after Ciller, prime minister at that time, said,
"We know about the businessmen supporting the PKK (outlawed Kurdistan
Workers' Party) and we will do what is required," came a series of
suspicious deaths.

Maintaining that the bloodshed in the Southeast was continuing due to
the gangs which have infiltrated the state, Saglar said, "The
instability in that region facilitates such activities as narcotics
and arms smuggling, robbery and abduction for ransom, that is, the
main sources of the hot money generated in the region." He noted that
due largely to the authority vacuum in the region, narcotics base
materials coming from Afghanistan and Pakistan can be brought into
Turkey and processed in the country. He claimed that there were
illicit narcotics labs in many parts of the region. As a result of
these activities, hot money amounting to some $ 50 billion is
circulating in Turkey, he stressed.


Prosecutor asks 22.5 years for HADEP Chairman in flag trial 

Turkish Daily News 

Ankara- The trial of 47 defendants charged with tearing down the
Turkish flag and putting up the poster of the Kurdistan Workers' Party
(PKK) leader at the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP)
congress on June 23, 1996, continued on Friday in Ankara State
Security Court, the Anatolia news agency reported.

The two witnesses, heard in court, said the party administrators
immediately showed reactions to the incident and asked the Turkish
flag to be hung back in its place from the rostrum. Both of the
witnesses said people wearing masks tore down the flag and threw it on
the floor.

HADEP Chairman Murat Bozlak, one of the defendants, said HADEP was
being unfairly tried to be shown as a political branch of the PKK in
the prosecutor's indictment.

The prosecutor is asking for capital punishment for two of the
defendants, 22 years and 6 months of imprisonment for 23 of them
including Bozlak, 15 years of imprisonment for 21 defendants and three
years for one of the defendants.

By Jonathan Lyons 

Megak?y, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey's "Saturday Mothers" rallied for
their 100th weekly vigil in a Megak?y plaza, their demand for an
accounting of missing loved ones a symbol of the country's seemingly
intractable record of human rights abuses.

About 200 people gathered Saturday in the European heart of Megak?y,
holding aloft black-and-white photographs of sons, daughters, fathers
and brothers last seen in the hands of the security forces.

They have met there every Saturday since May of 1995, and vow to carry
on until the disappearances stop and their relatives are accounted
for.

"We will come here each week until the missing our found," said the
father of Hasan Ocak, whose body was later found in a municipal
grave. We must find the bones of all the 'disappeared.'"

Turkey's Human Rights Association says it is investigating 792 reports
of disappearances from 1992 through 1996. Amnesty International says
its investigators have solid documentation of at least 135 cases.

However, experts say many 'missing' go unreported altogether in nine
restive eastern provinces, which remain under emergency rule
restrictions. Most are believed dead, either at the hands of the
security forces or right-wing death squads. Rights workers say they
have found some bodies that still bore the ink from police
fingerprinting.

The authorities report they have no records of most of those said to
be missing, suggesting many have joined outlawed guerrilla groups,
such as the Kurdistan Workers Party, or are already in prison. Poor
record-keeping complicates the search.

"Human dignity will defeat torture," chanted the Saturday Mothers. "If
you stay silent, they'll come for you next."

Busloads of police waited around a corner but did not
intervene. Plainclothes officers loitered on the edge of the crowd.

A special police "outreach" team set up to help families track down
their relatives sat by idly, mistrusted and spurned by the families as
another in a string of cosmetic measures on rights abuses.

"They are using up the gasoline and salaries that we pay for," said
one demonstrator, waving a hand at the police mini-bus. "They should
save our money and just answer our questions."

To date reforms designed to clean up Turkey's human rights record, a
sore spot in its relations with the West, have foundered amid what
critics say is lax enforcement.

The period of detention during which prisoners can be held
incommunicado -- a time, rights workers say, they are most vulnerable
to torture or extrajudicial killing -- has been reduced but not
eliminated.

Few police have ever been convicted in abuse cases, with those found
guilty often given light sentences.

"It's our opinion that (the reform) is more of a farce, a theater of
the rule of law," said Bernd Marschang, a German attorney from the
International Association of Democratic Lawyers on hand for the
rally. "There is no interest in punishing those responsible for
political killings," Marschang told Reuters.

Nonetheless, the Saturday Mothers and other Turkish rights activists
say they will return each weekend until they learn the truth, no
matter how grim.

"We will turn out until the government accepts that these people were
lost in custody," said Eren Keskin, a lawyer and deputy chair of the
Human Rights Association. "But we will never be able to find them
because all are gone," she said.


ANKARA, Turkey (Reuter) - A number of Kurdish and leftist militant
inmates are near death after more than a month on hunger strike in a
prison in the eastern Turkish city of Erzurum, officials of a Kurdish
party said Friday.

"The hunger strike has entered it 33rd day. It is a critical
situation," Abdulmelik Okyay, head of the pro-Kurdish People's
Democracy Party, told Reuters in Ankara.

Thirty-seven people, mostly members of the Kurdistan Workers Party
rebel group and left-wing urban guerrillas, are taking part in the
strike for better jail conditions.

"There could be deaths as of Monday or Tuesday because there are a few
people in a very bad way," Okyay said. Twelve leftist prisoners at
jails in western Turkey starved themselves to death last year to
demand an end to mistreatment and better access to family and lawyers.

ANKARA, April 11 (Reuter) - Turkey's Islamist Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan has approved the establishment of a human rights body to
monitor possible rights abuses, his office said on Friday.

The statement said this was an opportunity for public bodies,
institutions and officials ... "to apply legally appropriate human
rights practices, regularly observe them and make changes in
legislation if necessary."

Turkey's human rights record has attracted criticism internationally
and is partially responsible for a European Parliament block on
millions of dollars in aid to Ankara.

The planned rights body will consist of representatives from the
interior, foreign and justice ministries and will be chaired by the
undersecretary at the prime ministry, according to a declaration
signed by Erbakan on April 9.

The statement said the body would evaluate claims of human rights
abuses and decide upon the choice of action on matters brought up by
the United Nations, Council of Europe and other international
organisations. It said the council would also consider the
establishment of working groups on particular rights subjects.

Last month, Turkey passed a law cutting the maximum period a suspect
can be held without charges to 10 from 30 days in the nine emergency
rule provinces and to seven from 14 days in the rest of the
country. Ankara has promoted the law as evidence of its seriousness
about dealing with human rights problems.


ANKARA, April 11 (Reuter) - The leader of Turkey's only Kurdish
political party denied on Friday that it was involved in a flag
protest incident which has prompted charges of links to separatist
Kurdish rebels.

"The Turkish flag was lowered out of our control by masked persons who
did not belong to our party," Murat Bozlak, leader of the Peoples'
Democratic Party (HADEP), said at a hearing in the Ankara state
security court.

"The (Turkish) flag was seized, the incident was temporary," he added,
rejecting the prosecutor's accusations that his party has links to the
separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

Bozlak and 47 people, including some other party executives, were
charged after a HADEP congress in June when the Turkish flag was torn
down by youths and replaced with PKK banners.  Many of the accused,
charged in September, would face 22 years in jail under article 168 of
the Turkish Penal Code if found guilty.  The court rejected defence
lawyers' demand to release 16 of the accused, including Bozlak, and
adjourned the trial until next Monday. The lawyers said the final
verdict may be announced at Monday's hearing.

HADEP was formed in 1994 after another Kurdish party was closed by the
constitutional court for alleged separatism and 13 of its deputies
were expelled from parliament. Six Kurd MPs were sent to jail for
links to the PKK.

More than 22,000 people have died in a 12-year-old conflict between
Turkish troops and PKK rebels, fighting for autonomy or independence
in the mainly-Kurdish southeast.

Turkey-trial : Trial of police suspected of killing journalist postponed

            ANKARA, April 11 (AFP) - The trial of 48 Turkish policemen
            charged with the killing of a journalist was postponed
            until late May after the court failed to deal with the
            essence of the matter at a hearing Friday, correspondents
            said.

            Metin Goktepe, a 26-year-old journalist from the left-wing
            Istanbul daily Evrensel, died in police custody in
            Istanbul on January 8 last year. He was understood to have
            been beaten to death.

            Forty-eight policemen were later indicted, with 11 of them
            being charged with premeditated murder.

            But at Friday's hearing in the western town of Afyon, the
            prosecutor, judges and lawyers of Goktepe's family and the
            policemen only discussed technical matters for two hours,
            including whether the court room was suitable for the
            trial's continuation.

            As a result the court had no time to handle the essence of
            the case and the trial was postponed until May 28.

            The policemen who are not under arrest were not present at
            Friday's hearing, the third of its kind since November.

            "This was a useless day, practically nothing happened
            today as the heart of the matter was not discussed," Jean
            Chichizola, secretary general of Reporters Without
            Borders, told AFP by telephone after attending the
            hearing.

            Although Goktepe's death took place in Istanbul, the
            justice ministry ruled that the trial would be held in
            Afyon for security reasons.

            Goktepe's family has accused the justice ministry of
            protecting the accused policemen by deliberately causing
            delays in the trial process.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr 14 06:59:39 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 14 Apr 1997 06:59:39
Subject: German Court: Tehran Ordered Exile
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970414015..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: German Court: Tehran Ordered Exile Killings

German Court: Tehran Ordered Exile Killings

Verdict Blaming Top Iranians Ruptures Ties

By William Drozdiak
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday, April 11 1997; Page A01
The Washington Post 

BERLIN, April 10 -- A German court found today that the highest 
levels of Iran's Islamic fundamentalist government gave orders 
to carry out the gangland-style slaying of three Kurdish dissidents 
and their translator here nearly five years ago.

The long-awaited verdict caused a rupture in relations between Iran and
Germany, its biggest trading partner in the West. The German government 
expelled four Iranian diplomats and recalled its ambassador from Tehran 
for consultation. Iran angrily denied that its leadership was behind the 
killings, recalled its own ambassador from Bonn and expelled four German 
diplomats in retaliation.

"The participation of Iranian state agencies, as found in the court verdict,
represents a flagrant violation of international law," the Foreign Ministry
in Bonn said in a statement.

In Washington, State Department spokesman Nicholas Burns said the court ruling
"corroborates our long-held view that Iran's sponsorship of terrorism is
authorized at senior levels of the Iranian government." In Brussels, the
European  Union invited its 14 other members to emulate Germany in recalling 
their  ambassadors from Tehran.

In today's ruling, a three-judge tribunal sentenced an Iranian grocer and a
Lebanese accomplice to life in prison for their roles in gunning down the 
Kurdish exiles at the Mykonos restaurant here in 1992. Two other accessories to 
the crime were given jail terms of five to 11 years.

Presiding Judge Frithjof Kubsch said the four defendants harbored no
personal motives but were fulfilling an assassination decree issued by 
Tehran's  Committee for Special Operations. The court did not cite 
names but said the secret council consists of Iran's president, its top 
religious authority, the minister of intelligence and other senior 
security officials.

It was the first time that a Western court directly implicated Iran's top
leadership in the killing of Iranian dissidents who have sought refuge in
Europe. Iranian opposition figures say at least 20 people in European
countries have been killed by hit squads operating on Tehran's
instructions since the Islamic theocracy took power in 1979.

The United States has often exhorted its European allies to isolate Iran as
a pariah for its alleged role in sponsoring terrorism abroad. But Chancellor 
Helmut Kohl's government, which has pursued a policy of "critical dialogue"
with Iran, balked at taking any punitive steps that could jeopardize the
interests of German enterprises that do nearly $2 billion in annual trade
and hold $5 billion in debts 
from Tehran.

France and several of Germany's other European partners also argued in favor
of maintaining contacts with Iran, but the court's findings could seriously 
threaten those relations. EU governments are expected to discuss further 
punitive measures against Iran, including possible trade sanctions, in weeks 
to come.

Kubsch insisted the judges were not seeking to indict the Iranian
government. But he said that after months of sifting through evidence -- some 
of which they did not fully disclose -- they reached an inescapable conclusion 
that the slaying of the Kurdish exiles was part of a terror
campaign to eliminate political dissidents abroad and could only have been
orchestrated by Tehran.

"The Iranian political leadership is responsible," Kubsch declared. "It is
proven that there was an official liquidation order."

"This accusation is not true," Iranian parliamentary speaker Ali Akbar Nateq
Nouri told reporters during a visit to Moscow, Reuter reported. "We have
asked the German leadership many times if there is any evidence and if so to 
present it to us. But until now they haven't. The trial had a political 
tinge," he added.

The German government warned its citizens today not to travel to Iran in the
next few days in view of possible security problems.

Last fall, when prosecutors first charged that Iran's paramount spiritual
leader, Ali Khamenei, and its president, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, were 
personally involved in ordering the killings, a wave of anti-German street 
protests erupted in Tehran.

Iranian officials were particularly incensed that the prosecution based its
case on testimony by turncoat exiles such as former president Abol Hassan 
Bani-Sadr and former security official Abolhassem Mesbahi. Both defectors drew 
on their intimate knowledge of the Iranian hierarchy to assert in court that 
assassinations could be approved only at the highest levels of the Tehran 
government.

The defectors' testimony was confirmed by information obtained by German
intelligence, the court said. The nature of this evidence was not disclosed.

Delivering the court opinion over six hours, Kubsch said the judges were
struck by boasts from Iran's leaders whenever they wanted "to silence an 
uncomfortable voice". He cited a television interview given by Iran's 
intelligence minister, Ali Fallahiyan, in August 1992 --  one month before 
the Mykonos killings -- in which he bragged about Iran's
ability to launch "decisive strikes" against its opponents abroad.

According to the court, Fallahiyan was delegated by the Committee for
Special Operations to execute the plan. He contacted Kazem Darabi, an Iranian 
grocer in Berlin known to German police as an Iranian agent and former 
Revolutionary Guard with close links to Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite militia 
that receives arms and training from Iran.

Darabi recruited four Lebanese accomplices, according to the documents. They
targeted three leaders of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan -- an
important opponent of the Iranian regime -- attending a Socialist International
convention here.

The Kurds were tracked by Darabi and his group to the Mykonos restaurant,
where they were said to be plotting anti-Tehran strategy over dinner in a
back room. Two masked gunmen burst into the room and fired bullets into the
Kurdish victims at close range before speeding away in a blue BMW.

Police immediately focused their attention on Darabi, who had previously
come under suspicion for attacks on Iranian dissidents in which no one was
seriously injured or killed. He had been arrested previously but released
when police could not make the charges stick. Darabi and his accomplices
were arrested just weeks after the shooting. Police seized guns used in 
the murders that were identified as coming from Iranian army arsenals.

Darabi and his chief accomplice, Abbas Rhayel, were found guilty of murder
and sentenced to life in prison. Two other men, Youssef Amin and Mohamed Atris, 
were given jail terms of 11 years and 5 years 3 months. A fifth defendant,
Atallah Ayad, was acquitted.

German police issued an arrest warrant for Fallahiyan in March 1996, once
his role as the architect of the assassinations was established by German 
intelligence. Fallahiyan cultivated close ties with Bernd Schmidbauer, who is 
Kohl's adviser on intelligence matters, and was even received at the
chancellery on a visit in 1993 when he implored Schmidbauer to stop the Mykonos 
trial from taking place.

Investigators tried to file charges against Fallahiyan during the visit but
were told he was a "state guest". Since then, Schmidbauer has come under
criticism for touting the "critical dialogue" as the best way to prevent future 
terrorist attacks.

The Berlin court found that good relations between Bonn and Tehran did not
deter and may have even encouraged Iran to pursue its opponents on German soil.

As the verdict was read, hundreds of Iranian exiles who had gathered in and
around the courthouse cheered, clapped and danced. Massoud Rajavi, head of the 
National Council of Resistance of Iran, declared the German court had confirmed 
beyond any doubt that Iranian leaders were guilty of waging terror on
foreign soil.

"For years, there has hardly been any doubt about the role of the criminal
mullah regime's leadership in terrorist acts," Rajavi said in a statement. "Now 
a European court has for the first time named Khamenei and Rafsanjani as the 
masterminds of the attack in Berlin and Tehran's state terrorism."

(Source: www.washingtonpost.com)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr 14 09:52:15 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 14 Apr 1997 09:52:15
Subject: Kurdish And Turkish Hunger Strikers
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970414035..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Kurdish And Turkish Hunger Strikers Near Death, HADEP Says

Kurdish And Turkish Hunger Strikers Near Death, HADEP Says

A number of Kurdish and leftist militant inmates are near death 
after more than a month on hunger strike in a prison in Erzurum, 
officials of the Kurdish political party HADEP said on Friday, 
April 11. "The hunger strike has entered it 33rd day. It is a 
critical situation," Abdulmelik Okyay, head of the pro-Kurdish 
People's Democracy Party (HADEP), told Reuters in Ankara. 
37 people, mostly members of the Kurdistan Workers 
Party (PKK) as well as other left-wing urban guerrillas, are 
taking part in the strike for better jail conditions. "There 
could be deaths as of Monday or Tuesday because there are a few 
people in a very bad way," Okyay said. Last year, 12 leftist prisoners, 
member of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Front (DHKC) and 
the Turkish Communist Party/Marxist-Leninist (TKP-ML), died during 
a death fast in protest of inhumane prison conditions in 
Turkey and Kurdistan.


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From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Apr 14 14:18:17 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 14 Apr 1997 14:18:17
Subject: The intellectuals and the struggle in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m367xpqvts.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: The intellectuals and the struggle in Turkey
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>


THE STATE OF LAW, FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND UNDERSTANDING OUR PEOPLE AND
OUR COUNTRY

Words like "clean society" and "a state of law" are frequently used
nowadays.  The state of law is demanded in unison... But what is it, a
state of law? When it comes, will all problems be solved like with
some kind of magic? The interpretation of such notions is
important. Notions like these can describe a problem of the people
concretely and precisely, but facts can be twisted as well, the
consciousness of the people could be confused. For a long time,
notions like freedom of speech and a state of law have only played a
minor role in our country.

We demand freedom for our country and our people. We demand an
independent and a democratic country. The legitimacy of such demands
is obvious.

There can not be independence in a system of exploitation and
cruelty. Our demands are democratic demands which reject a exploiting
and cruel system. What does the notion "state of law" mean? In itself,
it means nothing.

"We want a state of law", they say, referring to European countries as
an example "where such things do not happen". Will they really seize
to exist in such a state of law? How does a civic, imperialist state
really look like? Don't there exist gangs like the one from Susurluk?
Of course there are. Were the "Gladios" not discovered there? "But
they were exposed", one might say, but one could also say that they
managed for years to hide their existence. And who can guarantee us
that new Gladios do not exist? The prime ministers, several members of
parliament and the chiefs of the state security services knew about
the existence of the Gladios from the beginning. The stomach of an
"ideal" state of law was apparently big enough to digest it
all. Indeed, the abstract "state of law" does not exist. Justice,
that's the "legalised will" of the ruling classes.  Within the
existing bourgeois class system, demanding a state of law within the
framework of the system means legitimising the system. However well
the system of the rules is designed, in case of a threatening
organised people's movement, all kinds of oppression, intimidation and
cruelty will be legalised. For instance, in the European states which
are presented as examples, laws exist which can easily stand
comparison with the Anti-Terror Law in our own country.  The only
reason why they are seldom applied lies in the fact that there are no
organised people's movements in these countries which are able to wage
a revolutionary struggle.

When we demand a really democratic and independent country, we need to
define these notions carefully. When we are really serious about these
demands, we have to show the people the right road to achieve
them. The "intellectuals" have an important task in this. It's no sign
of education, it's an expression of ignorance or cowardice to
re-interpret notions, or developing new notions, to justify the
violence of the system.

Freedom of speech is a democratic demand, but...

The system is paralysed. To free itself from this paralysis, it falls
back on the only method it knows: violence. Some petite bourgeois
intellectuals and members of legal parties, who still have
difficulties with really understanding the country and the people,
close their eyes for reality, really believing that "freedom of
speech" can solve everything. We often see statements of such people
in which they claim that "all this happens because there is no freedom
of speech".

Although they demand freedom of speech, they are still backward
because they have no thoughts about changing the system. This
backwardness is already reflected in their definition of "thought
crime". They condemn thousands of revolutionary and patriotic
prisoners, their ideas, their justified and legitimate struggle, they
exclude them and they only way they try to solve this problem of the
"thought crime" is by writing books.

In essence they only care about the freedom of a handful of
intellectuals. If they would watch carefully, they would see it
precisely fits the interests of the oligarchy.

Are the prisoners behind bars because they carried out their actions
for their own personal interests? Why did those who are now in prison
go on the streets on MayDay?

The intellectuals, who look for a solution within the system, go as
far as founding legal parties which do not represent a radical
alternative to the system. They are attacked by fascism also. To
protect themselves against this, to refuse to go on the streets and
they even forbid their supporters to do so.  How can a right be gained
with such an attitude? Imprisoned in the system, they are afraid to
fight. They act and think within the borders, set by the system.

In reality, we can not speak of "freedom of speech" in our
country. The contradiction between those who rule and those who are
ruled has reached a point at which fascism has become afraid because
resistance against the system is growing among all segments of the
population. The people do not hope anymore that the system parties
will find solutions for their problems. This was also recognised and
stated by the bourgeois press and some bourgeois-liberal
politicians. The bourgeois press is full with statistics and reports,
stating that "the system is bankrupt" and "the people is separating
from the system".  And at exactly this point, they want to stop the
people: "There is no problem which can not be solved by
discussions". Really? What problems have been solved till now by
discussions? How serious are those who say that "freedom of speech
will be guaranteed, all problems will be solved by discussions"?
Caution. The real spokespersons of the intellectuals and reformists
are the bourgeois ideologues and those who have been responsible for
years that the problems are not being solved and that the freedom of
speech has been restricted. The intellectuals and the reformists are
nothing but their mouthpiece.

For this reason all parties and intellectuals who claim to be left,
socialist, revolutionary and democratic should express the differences
between their views and those of the bourgeoisie when they speak about
the state of law and freedom.


The reality of the class struggles exists of vigorous battles, fought
with "an eye for an eye" and "a tooth for a tooth". When the
revolutionaries are now able to express their views without being
restricted by the system, this has only one reason: the legitimate and
justified struggle they wage. The people's struggle legitimates what
is not legal.

Those who do not know the truth about our country and our people can
not enlighten the people.

A sort of curtain separates their writings, their actions and their
art from the truth in our country. When we move this curtain a little,
we see despair, chaos and ignorance.

One of these intellectuals wrote in his column in a bourgeois paper a
piece called "I do not understand": "I do want to understand. I do
want to understand the people who blow up themselves. I try to
understand the crazy anger, the hatred which blew up this person and
four other young people, I try to understand the willingness of these
people to use violence. (...) We were forced to witness the decay of
society and the disappearances of people in press articles and in the
television news. We discussed it during open meetings, we wrote about
it in our articles. All these writings were dragged into this vigorous
battle. The struggle could not tolerate neutrality. They can only see
friends and enemies, one is either attacked as a traitor, or
congratulated as a hero. But in reality we would rather feel the need
to explain things, rather than to condemn them, without choosing one
of the sides (...)"

Is this thought, which they try to understand, really that twisted? Is
it really not understood or do the intellectuals not want to
understand it? Is it that hard to understand that it is the truth in
our country and the fight which sends our people to the front? Can a
result of the struggle be more natural?

There are facts we all know about. In our country, people are made
disappeared, they are tortured, killed, their villages are burned
down. The most moderate demands are met with bloodshed. There is a
state which burns down, which massacres, which rapes, which fills the
dungeons with people, which bans people.  There is a state which
violates its own justice. There is a state which directs the gangs of
Susurluk. Trillions are put in this fight.

On the other hand there is another fact. There are people who will not
bow for this inhuman practices and who give their lives to resist
these attacks. A young girl, Ayce Idil Erkmen. She sacrificed her life
for a free land and for the end of injustice, dying cell by cell in
the Death Fast... A young girl: Zeynep Kinaci. She blows up her own
body for her people which has been suffering for centuries... There
are many others who did things like that, and there are new Ayces and
Zeyneps... They fought and they fell... They prefer death to
surrender... These were heroic deeds, shocking the world, appealing to
the conscience of the people. The intellectuals try not to understand
this heroism, in stead they write stories about "terror", "people with
a problem", "no future", stories which are dictated to them by the
bourgeoisie. They really believe their own stories... This is the
so-called curtain, separating real life from the intellectuals.

It wasn't desperation which caused them to say "We will never
surrender", they weren't afraid of the torture centres either. They
represented the struggle and they had the courage to defend the
legitimacy of the struggle with their life.  It wasn't a lover who
caused them to pull the trigger, it wasn't blind violence.  It was the
anger they felt for their enemies who destroy the land and who exploit
the people. This anger was neither crazy, nor pointless... Did the
Death Fast not extend the hope, the honour and the dignity of
millions? Yes, this is obvious. When these facts are overlooked, the
events can not be understood. We can not explain anything when we do
not see that the state has started the war against the people and
sends thousands of youngsters into death, ostensibly to "prevent
further deaths". Can we really understand the pain of the mothers who
keep on searching for their sons and daughters day and night, despite
the truncheons, when we do not act against the disappearances? Can we
understand the worries of the unemployed, the homeless and those who
were forced to leave their villages when we do not look for the
causes? So how can we develop a definition of "thought crime"
according to bourgeois standards when all is obvious? How can an
abstract "freedom of speech" and an abstract "state of law" act
against these problems? A conduct which ignores these facts and
statements like "let us not take sides" are not intellectual. An
intellectual who acts in accordance with the exploiting and cruel
state in his thinking, his acts and his ideology should really
criticise himself.

Why do our intellectuals not show their internationalist solidarity
and their understanding when our country and our people are concerned?

Did we describe the struggle against Hitler as "blind violence"? Did
we ever wonder about the 15 year old Tanja who went to the gallows,
yelling at the Gestapo people? Yes, we learn a lot from books. We
learn from history. Using art as a means, we pay tribute to the
history of mankind. We watch a film, are impressed, think about it and
we agree with a lot of the statements. For instance, many
intellectuals have surely seen the movie "Salvador". There is a priest
in this movie, Romero, who said "Violence causes violence". He was
shot by the fascists. Was he wrong? Did you get agitated, did you
think "No, Romero, you were wrong. Your death was in vain"? When we
saw "Mother" (Maxim Gorki), did our hearts not beat for the mothers
and the prisoners or did the reality of this movie seem like a dream
in Turkey in 1996. In the movie "Braveheart", a young girl is raped on
her wedding day by the English and her body is buried in secret. Did
you not look at the fight of the Scottish against the British,
wondering? Do we not experience these things in our own country, day
by day? Are our people not kidnapped by the police, are they not raped
under torture, are we did the target of fascist bullets? So why is it
so hard to choose the right thing, to take a stand? Do we not feel the
sorrow of the people in our land, just as in these movies and novels?

Yes, we condemn the destruction of Palestine by Zionism, we condemn
the war cries of the imperialist in Bosnia and Africa, but what is our
stand in the same struggle which is wages on our soil? All is decided
at this point: which side are we on? Thinking like an intellectual
means: standing at the side of those who are right, it means producing
something for the people, it means feeling the people's pain in your
won heart.

"We need a revolution of emotions", Ahmet Altan (*) said. But neither
emotion nor good will suffice. We may not separate our emotions from
the events. The lack of solidarity, the estrangement and the
degeneration are products of the system itself... This filth is
defiling our feelings, it's stealing our values and our humanity,
things we need most. Here lies the mission of the intellectuals. The
intellectual opposes all this filth. Yes, we have to regain the lost
feelings, we have to become real human beings again. The liberation
struggle is a struggle for human feelings, human life, justice and
dignity. When an intellectual condemns the disappearances, he should
do so in front of Galatasaray. When he opposes the state council for
higher education, YOK, a university teacher should participate in the
boycott on November 6... When he knows the truth, he should say so
with a loud voice. Despite the punishments, the threats and the
censorship, he should write what he knows. He should say "It's enough"
to those who cause him pain and sorrow, who want to separate him from
his writings, his pens, his saz, his songs and his liberty. He should
do more than just speak. He must not denounce actions. The
intellectual should act himself, he should go out on the street, he
should organise the people, he should call the people to act against
the system. That's where our intellectuals have to use their talents,
their struggle and their struggle. "I'm in this struggle as well",
they should say. "I take part with my poem. my plays, my writings, my
music, my words, my knowledge, my conduct, my action!"

(*) Son of a delegate from the Turkish socialist party TIP in the
seventies.  Author and journalist for the daily paper Sabah.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Tue Apr 15 06:36:04 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 15 Apr 1997 06:36:04
Subject: TDN: Turkey still a world leader in persecution of journalists
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3lo6k76ub.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: TDN: Turkey still a world leader in persecution of journalists
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>



Turkey still a world leader in persecution of journalists

More journalists are imprisoned in Turkey than in any other democratic country 

Turkish Daily News April 15 1997

Ankara- Last month 45 journalists were taken into custody and a
further eight were attacked according to the Journalists' Union of
Turkey (TGS), the Anatolia news agency reported on Monday.

The Ankara branch of the TGS Press Rights Follow-up Commission issued
a statement concerning the attacks on the press stating that between
March 1-31, "The number of journalists taken into custody was 45,
those attacked and beaten numbered eight, 114 journalists, writers and
publishers are in prison, there have been three instances of the
Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK) shutting down radio and
television channels, 17 warning penalties were handed out by RTUK to
radio stations and television channels, and four books were banned."

According to the commission three foreign journalists were among those
taken into custody, including New York Times reporter Stephen Kinzer,
as well as two journalists from Finland.  The 1996 report of the
U.S. Journalists' Protection Committee declared Turkey to be the
"country that imprisons the most journalists."

A statement published following the International Press Institute's
(IPI) 56th General Board Meeting said that Turkey was on a par with
Zambia and Colombia regarding freedom of the press, with more
journalists imprisoned in Turkey than in any other democratic country.

A recent scandal concerning promotions offered as incentives to buy
newspapers has now been solved by separating coupon prices from the
price of the newspapers. Meanwhile, a customer who failed to collect
his promised jeep has filed a lawsuit against the newspaper concerned.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Apr 16 06:03:17 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 16 Apr 1997 06:03:17
Subject: German Supreme Court Criminalizes P
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970416005..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: German Supreme Court Criminalizes Pro-Kurdish Publications

German Supreme Court Criminalizes Pro-Kurdish Publications

On April 9, 1997, Germany's Supreme Court issued rulings on two
appeals concerning publications which deal with the national
liberation struggle in Kurdistan. The first was an appeal from the
weekly magazine "Biji", which had been criminalized by a court in
Nurnberg for publishing communiques from the People's Liberation
Army of Kurdistan (ARGK). Lawyers for Biji argued to the Supreme
Court that since the November 1993 banning by Interior Minister
Kanther of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and other Kurdish
organizations in Germany did not mention the ARGK by name,
publishing texts from the ARGK could not be considered a criminal
offence. The German judges disagreed, however, saying that the
ARGK is "the heart of the PKK", that it is "essential" to the
politics of the PKK, therefore by publishing ARGK texts, the
magazine Biji was guilty of spreading propaganda on behalf of the
PKK, a criminal offence in Germany.

In its second ruling, the German Supreme Court overturned an
acquittal of another publication, the bi-weekly magazine
"Kurdistan-Rundbrief". The paper had been acquitted of any
wrongdoing last fall, after the paper published a speech by PKK
leader Abdullah Ocalan which was read at a peace demonstration in
the summer of 1995 in Bonn. A lower court in Cologne had ruled
that printing the speech was permissible as freedom of the press,
and that Minister Kanther's position on the issue was "entirely
false". German federal authorities appealed this decision to the
Supreme Court, however, and were successful. The high court has
now reversed the acquittal, so Kurdistan-Rundbrief will soon be
put on trial once again - for publishing a peace message.

Both of these decisions make it clear that Germany's unbending
support for the colonial-fascist regime in Turkey has not changed,
nor is it likely to change any time soon. The German authorities,
like their counterparts in Ankara, will not tolerate any form of
support for the national liberation struggle in Kurdistan. Even
mere words are not permissible. Whereas apologists for Turkey's
genocidal suppression of the Kurds are allowed to spew forth lies
and disinformation about the Kurdish liberation movement as much
as they like, and fascist organizations such as the MHP are
allowed to organize freely in Germany, those who seek to defend
the interests of the national liberation movement are suppressed
at every turn.

For Free Information On Movements Of Resistance!
Solidarity With The PKK/ERNK/ARGK!
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!

(Written by Arm The Spirit, with info from Kurdistan-Rundbrief)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Apr 17 03:53:03 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Apr 1997 03:53:03
Subject: Turkey Still A World Leader In Pers
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970416223..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey Still A World Leader In Persecution Of Journalists

Turkey Still A World Leader In Persecution Of Journalists

More journalists are imprisoned in Turkey than in any other 
democratic country 

Turkish Daily News - April 15, 1997

Ankara - Last month 45 journalists were taken into custody and a
further eight were attacked according to the Journalists' Union of
Turkey (TGS), the Anatolia news agency reported on Monday.

The Ankara branch of the TGS Press Rights Follow-up Commission issued
a statement concerning the attacks on the press stating that between
March 1-31, "The number of journalists taken into custody was 45,
those attacked and beaten numbered eight, 114 journalists, writers and
publishers are in prison, there have been three instances of the
Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK) shutting down radio and
television channels, 17 warning penalties were handed out by RTUK to
radio stations and television channels, and four books were banned."

According to the commission three foreign journalists were among those
taken into custody, including New York Times reporter Stephen Kinzer,
as well as two journalists from Finland.  The 1996 report of the
U.S. Journalists' Protection Committee declared Turkey to be the
"country that imprisons the most journalists".

A statement published following the International Press Institute's
(IPI) 56th General Board Meeting said that Turkey was on a par with
Zambia and Colombia regarding freedom of the press, with more
journalists imprisoned in Turkey than in any other democratic country.

A recent scandal concerning promotions offered as incentives to buy
newspapers has now been solved by separating coupon prices from the
price of the newspapers. Meanwhile, a customer who failed to collect
his promised jeep has filed a lawsuit against the newspaper concerned.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com


From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Thu Apr 17 11:49:00 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 17 Apr 1997 11:49:00
Subject: Human Rights Watch on Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m32089xzl3.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

TURKEY
Torture and Mistreatment In Pre-trial
Detention By Anti-terror Police

March 1997, Vol. 9, No. 4 (D)

SUMMARY

This report documents a pattern of torture according to
internationally recognized definitions of the term and
mistreatment of security detainees by the Anti-Terror
Branch (Teror?le Mucadele Subesi) of the Security
Directorate of Turkey?s Ministry of the Interior. While
criminal suspects also face the prospect of torture and
maltreatment at the hands of the regular police,
Turkey?s anti-terror police have become infamous both
within the country and outside of Turkey for the
widespread use of such practices against detainees
accused of political crimes, both violent and
non-violent. The Anti-Terror Branch deals with offenses
that fall under the 1991 Anti-Terror Law and/or under
the jurisdiction of state security courts; the term
?security detainee? is used for individuals held for
any period of time in the preceding two circumstances.
International bodies have condemned this force, as well
as the practice of torture in Turkey. The Council of
Europe?s Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT)
did so in a December 1992 ?Public Statement.? Four
years later, in another ?Public Statement,? the CPT
stated that the maltreatment of seven suspects at the
Anti-Terror Branch of the Istanbul Police headquarters,
?must rank among the most flagrant examples of torture
encountered by CPT delegations in Turkey.? In November
1993, the United Nations Committee Against Torture even
went so far as to warn that ?certain departments?
within the Interior Ministry were becoming a ?State
within a State.?

Security detainees held for alleged crimes under the
jurisdiction of state security courts suffer a
wide-range of abuses and de jure are exempted from many
of the most important due process protections
introduced by a 1992 amendment to Turkey?s Code of
Criminal Procedure (CMUK), Law No. 3842. That law
reduced periods of detention and guaranteed and
improved access to a lawyer for criminal suspects.
Under Article 30 of Law No. 3842, however, security
detainees held in ?collective crimes,? i.e those
committed by three or more persons, can still be kept
in police detention for fifteen days without access to
a lawyer or arraignment before a magistrate; under the
State of Emergency Law, which is presently in force in
nine provinces in southeastern Turkey where a conflict
rages between government security forces and the
outlawed Workers? Party of Kurdistan (PKK), that
detention period can be doubled. In a December 18,
1996, decision, the European Court of Human Rights
ruled that Turkey had not only violated the provision
of the European Convention of Human Rights prohibiting
torture, but had also violated Article 5(3), the right
to ?be brought promptly before a judge.? That case
dealt with a Turkish citizen held in detention for
fourteen days and tortured by anti-terror police.

While in detention, numerous methods of torture are
used to gain a confession, information, or often simply
to punish those who oppose the state. The most
frequently employed methods which often are used in
combination include the following: hanging by the arms
in a variety of positions; electric shock; falaka, or
the beating of the soles of the feet; spraying with
high-pressure water; beatings; death threats or threat
of sexual abuse; squeezing of testicles or breasts;
isolation; stripping the suspect naked. Detainees are
also often blindfolded, sometimes isolated, not fed
properly or given the opportunity to wash or use the
toilet, and kept in cramped quarters. Such actions
violate numerous domestic laws and international
treaties to which Turkey is party: Article 17 of the
Turkish Constitution forbidding torture; Article 135/a
of Code of Criminal Procedure (CMUK), which applies to
all detainees, forbidding the use of torture techniques
and invalidating testimony or confessions gathered
under such conditions; the European Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights; and the U.N. Convention
against Torture. Under Article 90 of the Turkish
Constitution, treaties signed by Turkey have the force
of domestic law.

Torture by the anti-terror unit is neither spontaneous
nor rogue. This unit has methodically incorporated
torture and abuse into its daily operations, utilizing
special equipment, including special straps to bind
detainees, high pressure hoses, racks for suspending
suspects by their arms, and instruments to apply
electric shock. As international and local scrutiny of
torture in Turkey has increased, the anti-terror unit?s
methods have become more sophisticated. Torture methods
are constantly updated and improved to inflict pain but
to avoid marks or bruises that can be documented by
human rights groups within Turkey or state forensic
doctors filling out mandatory detention medical
reports. Sometimes, police pressure doctors to fill out
false reports. Often security detainees are tortured
intensively during the first few days of their
incarceration and then allowed to recover for a longer
period of time and even given rudimentary food and
medical care so that evidence of abuse fades before the
victim is brought before a magistrate or prosecutor.

The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey-HRFT (Turkiye
Insan Haklar Vakf), a professional, non-governmental
human rights monitoring organization that also operates
treatment centers for victims of torture in Turkey?s
four largest cities, has documented 124 deaths from
torture and ill-treatment in prison or in pre-trial
police custody from January 1, 1991 - September 12,
1995. Most of the deceased were security detainees. In
addition, during the same period some 98 persons have
disappeared while believed to be in police custody or
under mysterious circumstances; some of their bodies
were later discovered bearing signs of torture. The
HRFT reports that between September 12, 1980 and
September 12, 1995, a total of 445 individuals
including the 124 cited above died under torture while
in police detention or in prison.

Since the 1980 coup, security forces in Turkey have
increasingly attracted personnel from supporters of far
right, extreme nationalist, or fundamentalist political
parties and groups. Police with such views are
extremely hostile to left-wing ideologies and/or
Kurdish nationalist ideas, the very beliefs with which
most security detainees who report suffering torture
are associated. Human Rights Watch found a widespread
perception that the police are politically-biased in
the discharge of their official duties and may be more
inclined to abusive behavior towards such detainees.

The depth of such improper links between ultra-rightist
militants and security forces were exposed in November
1996 when the head of the Istanbul police academy was
accidentally killed while traveling in a gun-laden car
along with an ultra-rightist militant implicated in
seven political killings and wanted by Interpol and a
women alleged to have links to organized crime. A
parliamentarian who is also a Kurdish tribal leader and
commander of a pro-state village guard militia was
injured in the accident. There have been earlier
indications of this connection, however. A report
released in the fall of 1995 by the then junior
coalition partner Republican People?s Party (CHP)
indicated that nearly 48 percent of Turkey?s provincial
security directors had either extreme nationalist or
fundamentalist backgrounds. In September 1996, a
leading Istanbul daily reported that the General Staff
Headquarters had issued a directive ordering security
forces not to wear or make signs or symbols connected
with ultra-nationalist groups. In the summer of 1994,
Sevket Kazan, the present Justice Minister from the
Welfare Party (Refah Partisi), charged that ?special
team members? were recruited from a far right
nationalist party, MHP.

The Turkish coalition government that was in power from
1991-95 True Path Party (Do gru Yol Partisi-DYP)/Social
Democratic Populist Party (Sosyal Demokrat Halk?
Parti-SHP)/Republican People?s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk
Partisi-CHP) took some steps, albeit imperfect, to
address the problem. That government denounced the
practice at the highest level (though never admitted
its widespread nature), prosecuted a small number of
officers for torture, changed Turkey?s code of criminal
procedure to give criminal suspects more legal
protection, and appointed a State Minister for Human
Rights who openly and vocally condemned human rights
abuses. Notwithstanding these initiatives, however, the
Anti-Terror Branch of the Interior Ministry?s Security
Directorate as well as other police units continues to
torture and maltreat large numbers of security
detainees who pass through their hands.

There are several reasons why government efforts
failed. While legal proceedings are sometimes
instituted against police for alleged abuse and
torture, the overall number of such actions is small
relative to the problem, and proceedings are
problematic. The HRFT reports that the government has
acknowledged that seventy out of the 445 individuals
who the HRFT believes died as a result of torture or
police abuse between September 12, 1980-September 12,
1995 in fact died of torture. Of the above cases
prosecuted, twenty-six ended in a successful
conviction, while in six the court ruled that the death
did occur as a result of torture but released the
officers for lack of evidence. Thirty cases are still
in progress. According to the U.S. State Department?s
1996 Country Report,

Prosecutions of police or security officers increased
somewhat. However, the climate of impunity reflected in
the relatively small number of convictions probably
remains the single largest obstacle to reducing these
troubling human rights abuses.

In its December 1996 ?Public Statement on Turkey,? the
CPT called on the Turkish government to review
sentences passed against police charged with torture or
maltreatment to determine whether the punishments were
proportional to the crime in view of amending the law
to increase punishments for future cases. Under a law
stemming from the Ottoman period, police and other
civil servants cannot be brought to trial for
malfeasance unless a Provincial Administrative Council
chaired by the state-appointed provincial governor
gives its approval. Such approval has been rarely given
in the State of Emergency region where many abuses
occur.

When trials are launched, they drag on. Police are
rarely arrested when they face criminal charges, and
under the 1991 Anti-Terror Law, anti-terror police
cannot be remanded into custody if charged and their
legal fees are paid by the state. In April 1996, murder
charges were brought against eleven police for the
January 1996 murder in custody of journalist Metin
Goktepe; since that time the court has held only two
hearings, and none of the police have been remanded
into custody. When sentences are handed out, they are
usually lenient. In one case in 1996, two policemen
convicted of beating and maltreating a twelve-year-old
child had their sentence commuted to a fine of
TL750,000, about eight U.S. dollars at the time.

Turkish elected officials and nongovernmental groups
(NGOs), expert international bodies such as the Council
of Europe?s Committee for the Prevention of Torture and
the United Nations Committee Against Torture, and
international NGOs like Human Rights Watch/Helsinki and
Amnesty International have repeatedly called upon the
government of Turkey to take specific actions to end
torture, such as limiting periods of incommunicado
detention, providing immediate, independent medical
examination of detained persons, and prosecuting in
larger numbers police suspected of torture. Some
actions have been carried out, many have not. But
torture continues. Either the government is unable to
stop the practice because is does not fully control its
security apparatus, or it does not wish to do so
because it views the ?tough? methods of the security
forces as an important asset in the fight against the
PKK and various radical armed opposition groups. A 1995
report issued by the Republican People?s Party (CHP),
then junior partner in the ruling coalition, bitterly
complained that the government did not have full
control over security forces, a charged echoed in 1996
by the former State Minister for Human Rights Adnan
Ekmen, who complained that he was unable to investigate
abuses because of interference by security forces.
Public prosecutors, who de jure have wide-ranging
oversight powers over police during a criminal
investigation, do not seem to make full use of them,
especially in cases involving security detainees.

In October 1996, the current Welfare/DYP coalition
government of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan
announced a plan to reduce detention periods for
security detainees and in November 1996 submitted such
a bill to parliament. It has still not passed, however.
On November 29, 1996, the Ministry of Interior
announced that its officials would conduct surprise
inspections of police stations to determine if the
treatment of detainees corresponded with established
procedures. A week later, at a press conference in
London, Foreign Minister Tansu Ciller announced that,
?Our government has decided to take a series of
measures in order to totally eliminate in practice the
crime of torture, which as a matter of fact is
forbidden by our laws....We courageously take up the
Committee?s [CPT] findings and if they prove true, we
identify the responsible and punish them.? It is still
too early, however, to determine what the outcome will
be of any of these efforts or whether they will lead to
the elimination or reduction of torture and abuse by
police.


RECOMMENDATIONS

To the Government of Turkey:

Disband the anti-terror forces. Officers who have been
implicated in human rights abuses should be dismissed
from the police and tried for crimes;

Work toward passing the bill introduced on November 27,
1996, reducing periods of detention to a maximum of ten
days for security detainees from the present maximum of
thirty. Introduce into the bill, however, ?guaranteed,
immediate, right to meet in private with a lawyer? for
all detainees throughout the period of their detention
and trial. Abolish Article 31 from Law No. 3842, which
removes many Code of Criminal Procedure (CMUK)
protections from detainees charged with crimes under
the jurisdiction of state security courts;

In line with the recommendation contained in the United
Nations ?Report of the Committee against Torture,? of
February 1994, create a ?national machinery to combat
torture.? Such a ?machinery? would be part of the
Justice Ministry and command independent prosecutors
with access to all police facilities and detention
centers in the country. Its head would have ministerial
rank;

Grant access to all police/pre-trial detention centers
and prison facilities to the U.N. Special Rapporteur on
Torture;

Implement all recommendations in Council of Europe?s
Committee for the Prevention of Torture [CPT] ?Public
Statement on Turkey? of December 6, 1996, including
reviewing past sentences of officers convicted under
Articles 243 of the penal code (obtaining confessions
by torture or inhuman treatment) and 245 (ill-treatment
by law officers) to determine if both articles need to
be amended to strengthen sentences in future cases and
instituting necessary measures to enable forensic
doctors performing mandatory pre/post examinations of
detainees to work uninfluenced by outside pressure;

Present a bill to the Turkish parliament amending State
of Emergency Decree No. 285 so that public prosecutors
not the provincial administrative council chaired by
the Emergency Rule Governor, who is also ex officio in
charge of police forces has the sole authority to
initiate prosecution of security forces alleged to have
violated the law. Such approval has been infrequent in
the past;

Present a bill to the Turkish parliament abolishing the
Temporary Law on the Procedure for Investigation of
Civil Servants [Memurin Muhakemat Hakk nda Kanunu
Muvakkat), so that public prosecutors have the direct
responsibility and authority to investigate and
prosecute malfeasance by civil servants, including by
security force members;

Present a bill to the Turkish parliament abolishing
Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and any other laws or
decrees that punish peaceful free expression;

Allow access to international humanitarian
organizations;

As promised by Foreign Minister Ciller, make public the
most recent CPT report on Turkey when it becomes
available and continue to make public such reports in
the future;

To the Council of Europe:

Under Article 57 of the European Convention of Human
Rights, call on Turkey to show how domestic laws
?ensure the effective implementation of any of the
provisions of this Convention;?

The Parliamentary Assembly should issue a statement
condemning the practice of torture and link the Turkish
government?s ongoing failure to realize completely and
fully CPT recommendations to possible punitive measures
such as the exclusion of Turkish parliamentarians from
the Assembly;

To the European Union:

Raise the issues of torture and police impunity during
official meetings with the Turkish government;

Provide funding for the training of forensic
pathologists both in the government and in NGO
organizations in Turkey;

The European Commission, the European Council of
Ministers and the European Parliament must use
political dialogue with Turkey, provided for in the
EU-Turkey Customs Union and the Barcelona Process, to
condemn the widespread practice of torture throughout
Turkey and urge for the implementation of practical and
legislative changes as outlined by the CPT;

The European Commission, the European Council of
Ministers and the European Parliament must clearly
state that only a sincere effort by Turkey in practical
as well as in legal terms to combat the practice of
torture would provide tangible proof of Ankara?s
willingness to take steps towards closer ties with the
EU;

To the U.S. Government:

End all military sales and security aid to Turkey until
such time as Turkey no longer engages in a pattern of
gross human rights violations, as required by section
502B of the Foreign Assistance Act or give concrete
reasons why such a measure should not be implemented;

Raise the issues of torture and police impunity in
meetings with the Turkish government;

Call on the Turkish government to provide a detailed
list of police prosecuted for abuse;

To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE):

In line with the 1990 Copenhagen Document, the OSCE
Permanent Council and the Chairman-in-Office should
reaffirm that the prevention of torture is a priority
matter of the OSCE and publicly condemn the widespread
practice of torture in Turkey;

The OSCE Permanent Council and the Chairman-in-Office
should urge Turkey to implement the recommendations
outlined by the CPT and ask the Turkish government to
keep the OSCE informed about its efforts in this
regard;

The OSCE should institute a public reporting procedure
according to which member states provide information on
their compliance with these OSCE principles;

To the United Nations Human Rights Commission:

Urge the government of Turkey to adopt all the
recommendations made to it in this report;

To the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture:

Conduct a fact-finding mission to Turkey and issue a
public report on the mission?s findings.



TABLE OF CONTENTS

SUMMARY

RECOMMENDATIONS

BACKGROUND

SCOPE AND NATURE OF THE PROBLEM

TECHNIQUES OF ABUSE

INTERVIEWS WITH DETAINEES

TURKISH GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES TO STOP TORTURE
     Under the DYP/SHP Coalition Government, 1991-1995
     Why DYP/SHP Efforts Failed to End Torture New
     Initiative by the Welfare/DYP Coalition
     Government, November 1996

ALLEGATIONS OF LINKS BETWEEN SECURITY FORCES AND
EXTREME RIGHT-WING GROUPS

DOMESTIC LEGAL FRAMEWORK
     Turkish Constitution
     Turkish Code of Criminal Procedure (CMUK) Turkish
     Penal Code (Turk Ceza Kanunu)
     State Security Courts and the 1991 Anti-Terror Law
     (Law No. 3713)

INTERNATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK

STATE HARASSMENT OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS FOUNDATION OF
TURKEY TREATMENT AND REHABILITATION CENTERS

APPENDIX
     Summary of Interviews with Detainees

Human Rights Watch      March 1997      Vol. 9, No. 4



-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Thu Apr 17 15:51:03 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 17 Apr 1997 15:51:03
Subject: Statement nr. 8 by the DHKP-C (Turkey)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3ybahw9zw.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Statement nr. 8 by the DHKP-C (Turkey)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

DHKP-C STATEMENT NR. 8
March 30, 1997

To all the people's forces which want independence and socialism 
To all workers, peasants and patriots

On March 30, 1972, 10 revolutionaries were slaughtered by forces of
the contra-guerrilla in a village near Niksar. Like nowadays, the
fascist forces thought they could stop our liberation struggle by
butchering the revolutionaries. It were not just ten revolutionaries
which they wanted to destroy in Kizildere, they were the cadres which
represented the hope of the people in its liberation struggle.

In 1971, Mahir Cayan and his friends were the first in the history of
the revolution in Turkey to start the armed struggle against
imperialism and the oligarchy. According to them, the revolution could
only be achieved after a long people's war. Their decision to take up
arms represented the re-birth of the revolutionary movement in Turkey
and it opened the way to victory. The fascist forces recognised this
threat and they tried to destroy all the revolutionary cadres and
liberation fighters.

The cadres and the liberation fighters of the THKP-C were not only
attacked by the fascists. At the same time, they were confronted with
accusations by the opportunists and the reformists who claimed to
oppose the system but who did not wage a serious struggle against
it. The cadres and liberation fighters of the THKP-C answered the
opportunists and reformists, who accused them of adventurism and
espionage, by raising the flag of the liberation struggle even
higher. The oligarchy and the reformists demanded the annihilation of
the revolutionaries.  The junta of March 12 pursued the same goal.

In the course of the terror by the contra-guerrilla, the
revolutionaries Deniz, Huseyin and Yusuf were condemned to death. The
Party-Front stated: "The death sentence against Deniz, Huseyin and
Yusuf is a blow against the revolutionary movement in Turkey, aimed
against the esteem for it". However, the Party-Front continued its
fight, fighting for Deniz and his friends. From this perspective, they
kidnapped three English agents in Unye and brought them to Kizildere
in order to prevent the executions. When the contra-guerrilla found
out that Mahir and his friends were in Kizildere, they were
massacred. The massacres which are now being revealed in the context
of Susurluk originate from Kizildere.

Besides the most important cadre of the THKP-C, Mahir Cayan, seven
other cadres and fighters of the THKP-C and two fighters of the THKO
were murdered.

With the massacre in Kizildere, the fascist forces wanted to announce
the annihilation of the hope of the people for independence, democracy
and socialism. Those who had shown the road of liberation, the road to
revolution in Turkey, were physically annihilated. But they had been
aware that the history of the revolution in Turkey could only be
written in blood. That's why they answered the call to surrender when
they were surrounded by the enemy by saying: "We did not come here to
turn back, we came to die".

They were people from our land. Their roots went deep. These people,
who had died but who did not surrender, had followed in the footsteps
of Seyh Bedrettin.  They died, but they were never beaten. The
propaganda by the oligarchy, which spoke about having "finished off"
these people caused some people to surrender or treason, but on the
other hand the number of people, prepared to die but never surrender,
grew as well.

March 30 is not a day of defeat, it is the road to liberation.

The history of these people from the Party-Front, written in blood,
spread across the country like a wave. It became a legend of
resistance, spreading to all the people through the youth. The
traitors believed in the destruction of the Party-Front and they
returned to the system, offering their services, much to the joy of
the contra-revolutionary forces. But the Party-Front was soon to take
its position in the political arena again. And now with an even bigger
support among the masses which carried "Kizildere is not the end, the
struggle continues" as its slogan.

Those who saw March 30 as a defeat and who condemned Kizildere as an
act of adventurism, could not fight the slogan "Struggle until
Victory". Their numbers decreased and in time they completely
abandoned the struggle.

The oligarchy was indeed able to kill the cadres and the fighters of
the Party-Front, incarcerating the others, but they could not erase
their history, written in blood.

The younger generation did not lend an ear to the traitors, they
looked at Kizildere. From 1974 onwards, the ideas of the Party-Front
gained ground again and they were able to push themselves through,
against the opportunist and reformist tendencies, developing into the
line of the revolution in Turkey.  Some, who had abandoned their ideas
in prison, tried to destroy the spirit of Kizildere after they were
released to win followers themselves or considerations of
prestige. They took on the mask of the Party-Front and tried to split
its potential. But the masks were soon to fall of their faces again
and the spirit of Kizildere was prevailing again.

DEVRIMCI SOL AND THE RE-BUILDING OF THE THKP-C HAVE BEEN ORGANISED
ANEW IN THE DHKP-C

Against all the insidious splitting and destruction attempts by the
opportunists, Devrimci Sol was founded. With Devrimci Sol, the
re-building of the Party-Front began. The arrival of Devrimci Sol in
the political arena destroyed all the plans to destroy the Party-Front
by treason. Devrimci Sol delivered a blow against the traitors and
opportunists and it realised the continuity of the Party-Front. From
this time onward, rumours were spread about Devrimci Sol and its
so-called abuse of the ideas of Kizildere. The opportunist furthermore
claimed that Devrimci Sol had nothing in common with the Party-Front,
that it did not have its spirit. But all these accusations and
presumptions were reputed in daily life. The opportunists and
reformist, who tried to present themselves disguised as the
Party-Front were shown their places.

It is impossible to separate the THKP-C from Devrimci Sol and the
DHKP-C.
Devrimci Sol represented the phase of re-building the THKP-C, the
DHKP-C represents its new organisation. The history of the THKP-C is
the history of therevolution in Turkey. The honourable and legendary
history of the THKP-C, of Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C is the history
of the revolutionary movement in Turkey. This history can not be
split, like the THKP-C can not be separated from Devrimci Sol, and it
from the DHKP-C.

Those who have made the struggle and resistance their own, can never
be defeated.

Those who tried to set this history aside, or who ignored it, became
rather disappointed, but they still have not freed themselves from
these thoughts.

The struggle against fascism knows very well to distinguish between
friend and foe. Again and again, traitors were unmasked during the
several phases of the struggle when the contra-guerrilla violence
increased. Those who wage an armed struggle against fascism have to
reckon with treason. Besides heroism, the history of the Party-Front
knows treason as well. The struggle against the enemy will also
produce people who are prepared to compromise with the enemy, people
who want to save themselves, people who go through their knees. In its
struggle against the enemy. the Party-Front had to deal with traitors
which were fought and destroyed. That's the tradition of the
Party-Front, that's our tradition. On the road to victory, those who
reckon with treason and defeats, those who know the enemy, who strive
for power, those who resist and never surrender will grow in numbers,
they will never become fewer.

Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C follow this tradition, they developed new
tactics and new forms of organisation, they grew and took their place
in the struggle.  Devrimci Sol grew and it repeatedly knew to hit the
enemy, despite the attempts by the enemy to destroy it by means of
provocations, attacks and treason. In this tradition, Devrimci Sol and
the DHKP-C took their places in the political arena. This tradition
and this perspective were taken from the heroes of Kizildere.

The flag of liberation in Kizildere is now carried by the DHKP-C.

March 30 is also the day when the DHKP-C was founded. The struggle by
Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C represents continuity on the road to
revolution.

The struggle, although temporarily weakened, was waged without
interruption from Maltepe, Kizildere, through the Death Fast of 1984,
July 12, 1991, April 17, 1992, till today. Hundreds of our comrades
and many cadres fell in this struggle. But the people from the
Party-Front never dropped the flag from Kizildere. This flag was
waving in the cities, the mountains and above many bases. Based on
Kizildere, new traditions and ideas were developed. These traditions
and ideas were so strong, they determined the views and the conduct of
the left. The left groups could, despite there hostile views, not
withdraw from this influence.

The history of the Party-Front is the history of the revolutionary
movement.

He who denies this history, also denies the history of the
revolutionary movement. Those who speak about Mahir and his friends,
about the THKP-C and Kizildere, but who do not mention Devrimci Sol
and the DHKP-C, deny the THKP-C, Mahir and his friends and Kizildere
as well. They deny the revolutionary history since 1974.

March 30, 1972, is the day of birth of the revolutionary movement in
Turkey, the day on which the road was taken to the liberation of our
people.

April 17, 1992, represents the waving of the flag of the Party-Front,
the invincibility of socialism, the decision to win, together with the
Party-Front.

March 30, 1994, is the day on which the Party was organised again, the
day of the call to the people to arm itself to take over power.

In the past decades, we have given thousands of martyrs to unmask the
collaborators of imperialism, to spread the truth about the fascist
state, to bring down this regime. And we will give even more. Without
overthrowing the regime, without destroying the state, our country
will never achieve freedom, will never have a future. Our country is
controlled by the imperialists, the monopolists, it is controlled by
the contra-revolutionaries. They possess this country. There is no
other way than to overthrow this regime with violence.  Kizildere,
that was taking up the arms, necessary to lead the people in Turkey to
liberation. Since then, we have waged this fight and we have been
giving sacrifices. Since then we are approaching the day of
liberation.

With respect we commemorate our martyrs who fell in the struggle in
the days between March 30 and April 17.

The way of our martyrs is the way of the revolution. We call upon
everybody, no matter of what nationality, religious creed, or class
they are, upon all who do not want to render services to imperialism
and fascism, upon all who love their country and people, to joint the
struggle for building up the revolutionary people's power under the
flag of the Party-Front.

The way of liberation is the way of the Party-Front

Let's join the struggle of the Party-Front, let's be victorious and
build up the people's power.

War until liberation

Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Partisi-Cephesi

Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front


---
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html

From IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Thu Apr 17 11:31:00 1997
From: IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 17 Apr 1997 11:31:00
Subject: FOOD.DOC
Message-ID: <6V0ChclOWyB@xp-ihddi.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

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end


From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Fri Apr 18 08:24:30 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Apr 1997 08:24:30
Subject: Villagers Battle Turkish Gold Mine
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m34td4xtqq.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

Villagers Battle Turkish Gold Mine 

By SELCAN HACAOGLU 
Associated Press Writer 
Wednesday, April 16, 1997 10:53 am EDT 

ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- Turkish villagers are banding together with
environmentalists and European politicians to try to block the opening
of the country's first gold mine on the site where an ancient civilization
once flourished. 

The conflict in Bergama -- a western town still dotted with marble
columns and theaters built by the ancient Greeks -- is attracting
national attention in Turkey, where environmental consciousness is still
relatively low. 

Bergama residents fear the mining venture by a French-based
company, Eurogold, will harm the environment by using cyanide to
separate the gold from other minerals, while offering little or not benefit
to local villagers. 

``They can't bury us here with cyanide,'' said Gulufem Eftal, a resident of
Narlica, one of eight villages surrounding the area where geologists say
24 tons of gold reserves lie in subterranean veins. ``We will fight to the
end.'' 

In January, the villages' 3,000 residents unanimously vetoed the use of
cyanide in a referendum. They fear the deadly chemical could seep out
of the waste pool being dug to hold it, or that the container might be
ruptured by an earthquake in the tremor-prone region. 

``Who can guarantee that the cyanide-filled pool will never crack and
release the deadly poison into the soil?'' Nail Cetin of the Bergama
municipality said today. 

Although the referendum is not legally binding, Bergama's Mayor Sefa
Taskin expects the European Parliament to issue a warning to the
Turkish government against operating the gold mine. 

Taskin lobbied against it at the European Parliament earlier this year in
alliance with the Green Party. A lawsuit brought in 1993 by villagers
against Eurogold is still pending. 

The Turkish government has issued Eurogold permits to begin mining,
and the target start-up date is November. Eurogold spokesman Hayri
Ogut said it will earn Turkey $40 million a year and create 238 jobs. 

Eurogold has already begun digging a mine pit, boring a wide
underground passage and excavating the waste pool that will store the
cyanide. 

The company insists every safety precaution is being implemented, and
local residents are wildly exaggerating risks. 

``Even if a major earthquake occurred no hazardous solution would
spread,'' company spokesman Ogut said. 

But locals are far from convinced. 

``I want my children to grow and live here without facing any danger,''
said Neslihan Gul, 24, a mother of two. ``This is our soil and I want the
company to go.'' 

Residents also worry about the mine's impact on the tens of thousands
of tourists that visit Bergama's ancient sites each year, and are its main
source of income. 

          ? Copyright 1997 The Associated Press-text follows this line--

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Apr 19 13:09:18 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Apr 1997 13:09:18
Subject: Statement #8 From The DHKP-C
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970419074..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C)
Statement #8
March 30, 1997

To all the people's forces which want independence and socialism, 
To all workers, peasants, and patriots,

On March 30, 1972, ten revolutionaries were slaughtered by forces of
the contra-guerrilla in a village near Niksar. Like nowadays, the
fascist forces thought they could stop our liberation struggle by
butchering revolutionaries. It wasn't just ten revolutionaries
who they wanted to destroy in Kizildere, they were the cadres who
represented the hope of the people in its liberation struggle.

In 1971, Mahir Cayan and his friends were the first in the history of
the revolution in Turkey to launch an armed struggle against
imperialism and the oligarchy. According to them, the revolution could
only be achieved after a long people's war. Their decision to take up
arms represented the re-birth of the revolutionary movement in Turkey
and it opened the way to victory. The fascist forces recognized this
threat and they tried to destroy all the revolutionary cadres and
liberation fighters.

The cadres and the liberation fighters of the THKP-C were not only
attacked by the fascists. At the same time, they were confronted with
accusations by the opportunists and the reformists who claimed to
oppose the system but who did not wage a serious struggle against
it. The cadres and liberation fighters of the THKP-C answered the
opportunists and reformists, who accused them of adventurism and
espionage, by raising the flag of the liberation struggle even
higher. The oligarchy and the reformists demanded the annihilation of
the revolutionaries.  The junta of March 12 pursued the same goal.

In the course of the terror by the contra-guerrilla, the
revolutionaries Deniz, Huseyin, and Yusuf were condemned to death. The
Party-Front stated: "The death sentence against Deniz, Huseyin, and
Yusuf is a blow against the revolutionary movement in Turkey, aimed
against its esteem." However, the Party-Front continued its
fight, fighting for Deniz and his friends. From this perspective, they
kidnapped three English agents in Unye and brought them to Kizildere
in order to prevent the executions. When the contra-guerrilla found
out that Mahir and his friends were in Kizildere, they were
massacred. The massacres which are now being revealed in the context
of Susurluk originate from Kizildere.

Besides the most important cadre of the THKP-C, Mahir Cayan, seven
other cadres and fighters of the THKP-C and two fighters of the THKO
were murdered.

With the massacre in Kizildere, the fascist forces wanted to announce
the annihilation of the hope of the people for independence, democracy,
and socialism. Those who had shown the road of liberation, the road to
revolution in Turkey, were physically annihilated. But they had been
aware that the history of the revolution in Turkey could only be
written in blood. That's why they answered the call to surrender when
they were surrounded by the enemy by saying: "We did not come here to
turn back, we came to die!"

They were people from our land. Their roots went deep. These people,
who had died but who did not surrender, had followed in the footsteps
of Seyh Bedrettin. They died, but they were never beaten. The
propaganda by the oligarchy, which spoke about having "finished off"
these people, caused some people to surrender or defect, but on the
other hand the number of people prepared to die but never surrender
grew as well.

March 30 is not a day of defeat, it is the road to liberation!

The history of these people from the Party-Front, written in blood,
spread across the country like a wave. It became a legend of
resistance, spreading to all the people through the youth. The
traitors believed in the destruction of the Party-Front and they
returned to the system, offering their services, much to the joy of
the contra-revolutionary forces. But the Party-Front was soon to take
its position in the political arena again. And now with an even bigger
support among the masses which carried "Kizildere is not the end, the
struggle continues!" as its slogan.

Those who saw March 30 as a defeat and who condemned Kizildere as an
act of adventurism, could not fight the slogan "struggle until
victory!". Their numbers decreased and in time they completely
abandoned the struggle.

The oligarchy was indeed able to kill the cadres and the fighters of
the Party-Front, incarcerating the others, but they could not erase
their history, written in blood.

The younger generation did not lend an ear to the traitors, they
looked at Kizildere. From 1974 onwards, the ideas of the Party-Front
gained ground again and they were able to push themselves through,
against the opportunist and reformist tendencies, developing into the
line of the revolution in Turkey. Some, who had abandoned their ideas
in prison, tried to destroy the spirit of Kizildere after they were
released to win followers themselves or considerations of
prestige. They took on the mask of the Party-Front and tried to split
its potential. But the masks were soon to fall off their faces again
and the spirit of Kizildere was prevailing again.

Devrimci Sol And The Re-Building Of The THKP-C Have Been Organized Anew
In The DHKP-C!

Against all the insidious splitting and destruction attempts by the
opportunists, Devrimci Sol was founded. With Devrimci Sol, the
re-building of the Party-Front began. The arrival of Devrimci Sol in
the political arena destroyed all the plans to destroy the Party-Front
by treason. Devrimci Sol delivered a blow against the traitors and
opportunists and it realized the continuity of the Party-Front. From
this time onward, rumours were spread about Devrimci Sol and its
so-called abuse of the ideas of Kizildere. The opportunists furthermore
claimed that Devrimci Sol had nothing in common with the Party-Front,
that it did not have its spirit. But all these accusations and
presumptions were reputed in daily life. The opportunists and
reformists, who tried to present themselves disguised as the
Party-Front, were shown their places.

It Is Impossible To Separate The THKP-C From Devrimci Sol And The
DHKP-C!

Devrimci Sol represented the phase of re-building the THKP-C, the
DHKP-C represents its new organization. The history of the THKP-C is
the history of the revolution in Turkey. The honorable and legendary
history of the THKP-C, of Devrimci Sol, and the DHKP-C is the history
of the revolutionary movement in Turkey. This history cannot be
split, like the THKP-C can not be separated from Devrimci Sol, and it
from the DHKP-C.

Those who have made the struggle and resistance their own can never
be defeated.

Those who tried to set this history aside, or who ignored it, became
rather disappointed, but they still have not freed themselves from
these thoughts.

The struggle against fascism knows very well to distinguish between
friend and foe. Again and again, traitors were unmasked during the
several phases of the struggle when the contra-guerrilla violence
increased. Those who wage an armed struggle against fascism have to
reckon with treason. Besides heroism, the history of the Party-Front
knows treason as well. The struggle against the enemy will also
produce people who are prepared to compromise with the enemy, people
who want to save themselves, people who go down on their knees. In its
struggle against the enemy, the Party-Front had to deal with traitors
which were fought and destroyed. That's the tradition of the
Party-Front, that's our tradition. On the road to victory, those who
reckon with treason and defeats, those who know the enemy, who strive
for power, those who resist and never surrender will grow in numbers,
they will never become fewer.

Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C followed this tradition, they developed new
tactics and new forms of organization, they grew and took their place
in the struggle. Devrimci Sol grew and it repeatedly knew to hit the
enemy, despite the attempts by the enemy to destroy it by means of
provocations, attacks, and treason. In this tradition, Devrimci Sol and
the DHKP-C took their places in the political arena. This tradition
and this perspective were taken from the heroes of Kizildere.

The Flag Of Liberation In Kizildere Is Now Carried By The DHKP-C!

March 30 is also the day when the DHKP-C was founded. The struggle by
Devrimci Sol and the DHKP-C represents continuity on the road to
revolution.

The struggle, although temporarily weakened, was waged without
interruption from Maltepe, Kizildere, through the Death Fast of 1984,
July 12, 1991, April 17, 1992, until today. Hundreds of our comrades
and many cadres fell in this struggle. But the people from the
Party-Front never dropped the flag from Kizildere. This flag was
waving in the cities, in the mountains, and above many bases. Based on
Kizildere, new traditions and ideas were developed. These traditions
and ideas were so strong, they determined the views and the conduct of
the left. The left groups could not, despite there hostile views,
withdraw from this influence.

The History Of The Party-Front Is The History Of The Revolutionary
Movement!

Anyone who denies this history also denies the history of the
revolutionary movement. Those who speak about Mahir and his friends,
about the THKP-C and Kizildere, but who do not mention Devrimci Sol
and the DHKP-C, deny the THKP-C, Mahir and his friends, and Kizildere
as well. They deny the revolutionary history since 1974.

March 30, 1972, is the date of birth of the revolutionary movement in
Turkey, the day on which the road was taken to the liberation of our
people.

April 17, 1992, represents the waving of the flag of the Party-Front,
the invincibility of socialism, the decision to win, together with the
Party-Front.

March 30, 1994, is the day on which the Party was organized again, the
day of the call to the people to arm itself to take power.

In the past decades, we have given thousands of martyrs to unmask the
collaborators of imperialism, to spread the truth about the fascist
state, to bring down this regime. And we will give even more. Without
overthrowing the regime, without destroying the state, our country
will never achieve freedom, will never have a future. Our country is
controlled by the imperialists, the monopolists, it is controlled by
the contra-revolutionaries. They possess this country. There is no
other way than to overthrow this regime with violence. Kizildere,
that was taking up arms, necessary to lead the people in Turkey to
liberation. Since then, we have waged this fight and we have been
giving sacrifices. Since then we are approaching the day of
liberation.

With respect, we commemorate our martyrs who fell in the struggle in
the days between March 30 and April 17.

The way of our martyrs is the way of the revolution. We call upon
everybody, no matter of what nationality, religious creed, or class
they are, upon all who do not want to render services to imperialism
and fascism, upon all who love their country and people, to join the
struggle for building up the revolutionary people's power under the
flag of the Party-Front.

The Way Of Liberation Is The Way Of The Party-Front!
Let's Join The Struggle Of The Party-Front! Let's Be Victorious And
Build Up The People's Power!
War Until Liberation!

Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Partisi-Cephesi
(Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front)

---
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Apr 22 01:48:10 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 22 Apr 1997 01:48:10
Subject: Tamil Eelam Homepage
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970421204..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Tamil Eelam Homepage
http://www.eelam.com

The Tamil people of the island of Ceylon
(now called Sri Lanka) constitute a
distinct nation. They form a social entity,
with their own history, traditions, culture,
language and traditional homeland. The
Tamil people call their nation 'Tamil
Eelam'. 

As a nation, Tamils have the inalienable right to
self-determination, a universal principle enshrined
in the U.N. Charter that guarantees the right of a
people to political independence. 

Apart from the right to self-determination,
Tamil Eelam may also be justified in terms of
international law under the concept of reversion of
sovereignty and the concept of effectiveness. 

Before a succession of western nations (including
the Portuguese, Dutch and the British) ruled the
island, there were two distinct kingdoms on the
island, the Tamil Kingdom in the north and the
Sinhala kingdom in the South. 

For ease of administration, the British
amalgamated the two distinct nations into a single
entity with its capital in Colombo. The British gave
Ceylon independence in 1948, handing over
control of the entire island to a Sinhalese
government, based in Colombo, which renamed
the island Sri Lanka. 

The Sinhala state's oppression of the Tamil people
began in various forms almost immediately,
attacking everything that defined the Tamils as a
nation. 

A series of laws that discriminated against Tamils
were implemented. These included making
Sinhala, instead of English, the only official
language of the country, i.e. Tamils could not be
employed unless they learnt Sinhala. The
educational structures were altered to restrict
Tamil admissions to higher education. Investment
in Tamil areas was minimised. 

Recruitment of Tamils into the security forces was
restricted. The Sri Lankan security forces are
almost exclusively Sinhalese. The security forces
have been responsible for and continue to carry
out human rights abuses and atrocities against
Tamil civilians on a genocidal scale. 

Sinhala colonisation of traditional Tamil areas was
started in the fifties, and was intensified in the
eighties with the security forces wiping out Tamil
villages and replacing them with Sinhala
settlements. Colonisation continues unabated. 

Anti-Tamil rioting, with the active participation of
the Sri Lankan security forces, has claimed
thousands of Tamil lives. Thousands more suffered
torture and rape. 

As the Tamil people sense of helplessness
deepened, Tamil politicians advocated a separate
Tamil state. In 1977, the Tamil United Liberation
Front resolved in its Vaddukoddai Resolution to
campaign for political independence on the basis
of the Tamil nation's right to self-determination. 

At the general elections of 1977, the TULF
demanded a clear mandate from the Tamil people
to launch a national campaign to establish the
sovereignty of the Tamil homeland. These
elections were effectively a referendum the Tamil
speaking people voted overwhelmingly in favour
of secession. 

The Tamil call for independence was met by island
widespread anti-Tamil rioting. The Sri Lankan
government forced all elected MPs to take an oath
that they would not seek a separate state. 

With all democratic ways to achieve equality
having failed repeatedly, an armed struggle for
self-determination began, led by the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). International Law
recognises that the armed resistance of the Tamil
people to Sri Lankan rule is lawful and just. 

Today, the LTTE has evolved into a military and
political organisation representing the aspirations
and hopes of the Tamil people.

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++




From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Apr 22 18:03:58 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 22 Apr 1997 18:03:58
Subject: Freedom For Puerto Rican Political
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970422130..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Freedom For Puerto Rican Political Prisoners And POWs

Message From Puerto Rican Pow Oscar Lopez

Message From Oscar Lopez Rivera For The Activities Of April 4,
1997

     This fast is being carried out, in the first place, to
remember and to remind our people that nine (9) Puerto Rican
political prisoners have now served 17 years in prison for waging
a struggle against colonialism, in consonance with international
law which recognizes the right of all colonized peoples to obtain
their freedom and exercise their self-determination using all
means at their disposal. Conscious that colonialism is a crime
and institutionalized injustice (condemned and repudiated by the
entire world), and that even ultra-conservative U.S. politicians,
including ex-president George Bush, have recognized that the
Puerto Rican people have not exercised their right of
self-determination, we demand that the Puerto Rican political
prisoners be released.
     In the second place, the fast is being carried out to demand
that the Puerto Rican political prisoners be permitted to
participate in any democratic process established to resolve the
issue of the status of Puerto Rico. U.S. politicians have
expressed their commitment to establish such a process. if it is
to be a truly democratic process, then there is not reason to
deny the political prisoners the participation they seek. The
solution is an exquisitely simple one. It is suggested that
president Clinton, who holds the power to do so, grant freedom to
the Puerto Rican political prisoners, and thus they will be able
to integrate themselves into the decolonization process.
     In the third place, the fast is being carried out to
strengthen the fundamental connection between the political
prisoners and the rest of our people - in the diaspora or in
Puerto Rico. Through the fast we are democratizing the sacrifice
and living our ideals together.
     We don't claim to point an accusatory finger at anyone, but
we are compelled to point out that there has been practiced, and
there continues to be practiced, persecution, criminalization and
the terror of colonialism against people who have affirmed and
who affirm the truth about the political status of Puerto Ricans.
Day after day, in flesh and blood, the political prisoners live
this persecution, criminalization and terror. Thus, their release
from prison becomes more urgent, necessary and significant. It is
incumbent on all of us who love and defend the ideal of justice,
freedom and democracy to work and sacrifice to accomplish this
goal.

We Demand The Freedom Of The Political Prisoners And Their
Participation In Any Process Established To Resolve The Status
Question.

Mensaje De Oscar Lopez Rivera Para Las Actividades Del 4 De
Abril, 1997

     Este ayuno se esta llevando a cabo, en primer lugar, para
recordar y recordarle a nuestro pueblo que nueve (9) presos(as)
politicos(as) boricuas ya han cumplido 17 anos de encarcelacion
por luchar contra el colonialismo en consonancia con la ley
internacional que reconoce el derecho que todo pueblo colonizado
tiene a obtener su libertad y ejercitar su libre determinacion
usando todos los medios a su alcance. Conscientes que el
colonialismo es un crimen e injusticia institucionalizado
(condenado y repudiado por el mundo entero), y que hasta
politicos ultra-conservadores estadounidenses, incluyendo al
ex-presidente George Bush, han reconocido que los(as)
puertorriquenos(as) no han ejercitado su derecho a la libre
determinacion, exigimos que los(as) presos(as) politicos(as)
boricuas sean ex-carcelados(as).
     En segundo lugar, se esta llevando a cabo para exigir que a
los(as) presos(as) politicos(as) boricuas se les permita
participar de todo proceso democratico establecido para resolver
el asunto del status de Puerto Rico. Politicos estadounidenses
han expresado su compromiso para establecer tal proceso. Si es un
proceso verdaderamente democratico entonces no hay razon para
negarle a los(as) presos(as) politicos la participacion que
buscan. La solucion es una exquisitamente sencilla. Se sugiere
que el presidente Clinton, quien tiene todo el poder para
hacerlo, ponga en libertad a los(as) presos(as) politicos(as)
boricuas, y asi podran integrarse al proceso de descolonizacion.
     En tercer lugar, se esta llevando a cabo para fortalecer los
vinculos fundamentales entre los(as) presos(as) politicos(as) y
el resto de nuestro pueblo - en la diaspora o en Puerto Rico. A
traves del auyno estamos democratizando el sacrificio y viviendo
ideales juntos(as).
     No pretendemos apuntar un dedo acusador hacia nadie, pero se
nos hace imperativo senalar que contra las personas que han
afirmado y afirman la verdad sobre el status politico de los
puertorriquenos se ha practicado y se continua practicando la
persecusion, criminalizacion y el terror del colonialismo. Dia
tras dia, en carne y hueso, los(as) presos(as) politicos(as)
viven esa persecusion, criminalizacion y terror. Por tanto, su
ex-carcelacion se hace mas urgente, necesaria y significativa.
Nos incumbe a todos(as) los(as) que amamos y defendemos el ideal
de la justicia, libertad y democracia trabajar y sacrificar para
lograr esta meta.

Exigimos Libertad Para Los(as) Presos(as) Politicos(as) Y Su
Participacion En Todo Proceso Que Se Establezca Para Resolver El
Asunto Del Status.

-----

Puerto Rican Political Prisoners: It's Time To Bring Them Home!

By Annette Fuentes

     Who would have guessed that more than a decade after their
imprisonment, the freedom of the independentistas would become a
cause celebre in the mainstream Puerto Rican community?
     Ignored until recently by all but a small, committed group
of supporters, 15 Puerto Rican political prisoners still locked
away in jails across the United States are a living reminder of
U.S. colonialism on the Caribbean island. Today, the struggle to
obtain their freedom has mushroomed into a broad-based human
rights campaign stretching from Puerto Rico to the mainland
United States.
     The arrest of the 10 men and five women by U.S. federal
agents between 1980 and 1985 marked a major offensive against the
Puerto Rican independence movement. Puerto Rican independentistas
and two militant underground organizations, Los Macheteros (The
Machete Wielders) and the Armed Front [it's Forces not Front -
ATS] of National Liberation (FALN), were active in both the
mainland United States and Puerto Rico during the 1970s and early
1980s. These movements took their cue from previous generations
of Puerto Rican nationalists who believed in armed resistance to
U.S. colonialism.
     At the time of their arrests, most of the 15
independentistas were living and working in the Chicago area as
educators, community organizers and university students. Edwin
Cortes was a student activist at the University of Illinois, and
Ricardo Jimenez attended the Illinois Institute of Technology.
Dylcia Pagan was a TV producer and writer at NBC, ABC and PBS.
Oscar Lopez Rivera, considered the leader of the group by
government prosecutors, helped found the Puerto Rican Cultural
Center in Chicago. Elizam Escobar was a public-school teacher in
New York City and also taught at the Museo del Barrio. The others
arrested include: Adolfo Matos, Antonio Camacho Negron, sisters
Alicia and Ida Luz Rodriguez, Luis Rosa, Alejandrina Torres, Juan
Segarra Palmer, Carlos Alberto Torres, and Carmen Valentin.
     Grand juries in Chicdgo charged each of the accused with
multiple counts of sedition and conspiracy and the possession of
illegal weapons and explosives. Prosecutors presented evidence,
including dynamite, guns and detonation timers, obtained from
apartments allegedly used as safe houses by several members of
the group. The indictments detailed conspiracies to oppose by
force the authority of the government of the United States. None
of the prisoners was ever charged, however, with an act of
violence that caused harm to a person or property.
     All 15 of the accused were tried and convicted in Chicago
courts, refusing legal representation or to acknowledge the
jurisdiction of the courts. Declaring themselves prisoners of an
anti-colonial war, they demanded a hearing before an
international tribunal. The Justice Department, headed by
then-Attorney General Edwin Meese, ignored their demands. The
courts imposed extraordinary sentences - ranging from 40 to 105
years - even though their crimes involved no physical injury to
property or human life.
     The independentistls have endured subtle forms of
deprivation - both physical and psychological - since their
arrest, says Jan Susler, a Chicago-based attorney who has
represented the Puerto Rican 15 over the past 16 years. During
their first two years in custody, two of the women were kept in
total isolation. Alejandrina Torres was kept in a notorious
maximum-security unit at the women's penitentiary in Lexington,
Kentucky, which was cited by Amnesty International for its
violations of prisoners' rights. Torres suffered physical abuse
from the prison staff, says Susler, including strip searches and
assaults during the early years of her incarceration. Today she
is in ill health. "Oscar Lopez is the only prisoner", says
Susler, "who continues to live in horrible conditions." After
being transferred from the federal prison in Marion, Illinois,
Lopez is now serving out his 55-year term at the country's newest
maximum-security prison for men in Florence, Colorado. In this
prison, says Susler, solitary confinement and a prohibition on
interaction among inmates is the rule. The remaining prisoners
are scattered among the nation's federal penitentiaries,
including Leavenworth, Kansas; Lewisburg, Pennsylvania; and
Danbury, Connecticut.
     The length of the sentences imposed on the Puerto Rican
nationalists has become a key point for those pressing for their
release. A pardon application filed by Susler in 1993 included
the results of a study comparing their sentences with those of
individuals convicted of similar crimes. The study found that the
average sentence of 842 months for the Puerto Rican political
prisoners was three times higher than the highest sentence meted
out in 1980 - 262 months for kidnapping. Weapons and firearms
violations earned average sentences of just 49 months. Compared
to all violent criminals sentenced in 1981, the sentences imposed
on the Puerto Rican nationalists were seven times higher. "When
you see the sentences given to them", says Nilda Pimentel,
director of the Campaign to Free the Political Prisoners, "there
is no other way to explain it. They were made an example of in
order to discourage others from engaging in anti-colonial work."
     Until recently, only a few left-leaning Puerto Rican
organizations kept alive the cause of freeing the imprisoned
activists. Mainstream Puerto Rican organizations carefully
avoided the issue. Even if most Puerto Ricans harbored strong
nationalist feelings and many shared the dream of an independent
nation, they steered clear of the radicalism associated with the
political prisoners. This was especially the case during the
repressive Reagan years. The FALN's call for armed struggle did
not, in short, resonate widely in Puerto Rico or among Puerto
Ricans on the mainland.
     Who would have guessed that more than a decade later, the
freedom of the independentistas would become a cause celebre in
the mainstream Puerto Rican community? Through a vigorous media
campaign and extensive grassrolts organizing, supporters both in
Puerto Rico and the mainland have catapulted the political
prisoners' plight from relative obscurity into the public eye.
For the first time since the 15 were imprisoned, there is real
hope that a presidential pardon may set them free.
     The Campaign to Free the Political Prisoners is being
organized on the mainland by Boriqua First!, a Washington,
D.C.-based organization formed in 1994 to advance political,
economic and social justice for Puerto Ricans. Earlier this year,
Boriqua First! brought the campaign to the White House. On March
29 - National Puerto Rican Affirmation Day - 3,000 Puerto Ricans
flocked to the capital demanding freedom for the prisoners. A
contingent of Boriqua First! leaders met with White House counsel
Jack Quinn, who promised to prepare a briefing memo for Clinton.
In April, the Campaign delivered 11,000 postcards to the White
House calling on Clinton to grant a pardon.
     After twelve years of Republican rule in Washington, a
Democratic administration offers a "window of opportunity" to get
the prisoners released, says Luis Nieves Falcon, coordinator of
Ofensiva '92, a group based in Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico. Along
with other activist groups on the island, Ofensiva '92 has
crafted a sophisticated and successful campaign on behalf of the
political prisoners that has won the hearts and minds of Puerto
Ricans who, whether they are statehooders, independentistas or
pro-commonwealth, all share a strong nationalism. Making the
quantum leap from a marginal cause to a broad-based campaign
supported by Puerto Ricans across the entire political spectrum,
says Falcon, has been a matter of timing and presentation.
Falcon, a sociologist, has devoted most of the last 15 years to
supporting the jailed activists. A retired professor, he earned a
law degree that has enabled him to visit the prisoners regularly
and advocate on their behalf.
     "We decided to expand our movement to include all
organizations, some less radical", says Falcon. "Our main thrust
was to stress the humanitarian nature of the campaign. Whether
you agree politically with the prisoners or not, you could
support their cause because their rights were so flagrantly
abused." For many Puerto Ricans, says Jan Susler, even those who
believe the activists were involved in acts of terrorism, the 15
independentistas have become a national symbol.
     In April, Ofensiva '92 launched a media blitz on radio and
TV with the slogan, "Ya es tiempo de traerles a casa" - "It's
time to bring them home." Puerto Rican artists and celebrities,
including soap-opera star Cordelia Gonzalez and salsa-maestro
Willie Colon, lent their names and voices to the effort. So did
musicians Andy Montanez and Jacobo Morales. A short advertisement
with celebrities calling for a pardon is now playing in movie
houses throughout the island.
     Warming people up for the media campaign was a door-to-door
petition drive demanding the release of the prisoners, that was
carried out by volunteers in communities throughout the island.
In Las Marias, a conservative enclave in northern Puerto Rico,
everyone, including the mayor, signed the petition. In La Perla,
a notorious ghetto outside of San Juan, the response was equally
enthusiastic. Puerto Rico's Catholic bishops and cardinal, as
well as the Episcopal church, have also become active supporters
of the pardon effort.
     The pardon application filed by Susler is still pending at
the Justice Department. Meanwhile, Democratic members of Congress
Nydia Velazquez (New York), Luis Gutierrez (Illinois) and Jose
Serrano (New York) are lobbying on Capitol Hill for a pardon.
Last February, former President Jimmy Carter offered to assist
the Campaign's efforts to negotiate a pardon. Even John Cardinal
O'Connor, Archibishop of New York City, has joined the movement.
In a March 12 letter to Attorney General Janet Reno, he asked
that she review all 15 cases of the Puerto Rican prisoners on
"humanitarian grounds."
     Although the Clinton administration has not yet signalled
its position on the issue, the Campaign organizers remain
optimistic. It was, after all, Jimmy Carter - another southern
Democrat - who in 1979 pardoned four Puerto Rican nationalists
who had opened fire on a session of the U.S. Congress in 1954.
"Mandela and Arafat have been welcomed in the White House", says
Nilda Pimentel, director of the Boriqua First! campaign. "It is
now time for our political prisoners to be freed."

[Annette Fuentes is a freelance journalist and a member of
NACLA's editorial board.]

(Source: NACLA Report On The Americas - November/December 1996 -
E-mail: naclainfo at igc.apc.org)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++

   




From IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Tue Apr 22 12:57:00 1997
From: IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 22 Apr 1997 12:57:00
Subject: FOOD.TXT
Message-ID: <6VKD5kD8WyB@xp-ihddi.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

	URGENT NOTICE TO BOTH DIRECTION

	Today two villagers from G?r (Tepe) village applied to IHD Diyarbakir.
	They have claim their village in the food embargo and ther is village guard pressure. Because 
since a third April  PKK guerillas attacked on that village and five villagers  kidnapping one of them 
killed, two of them released other two villagers detained by PKK guerillas.
	In the fourteen days in that village  entry and exist banned and food embargo started by securty 
forces. Afterthat we made some research about that situation. Applicants claim was true.
	From IHD Diyarbakir branch urgent notice; to PKK guerillas , who has kidnapped two 
villagers  named Sirin Yiltas and A.Selam Celik have to release...
	To representetive of security forces leave that food embargo an pressure of village guard.
	We want to offer public opinion... 17 April 1997
	

		HUMAN RIGHTS ASSOCIATION  DIYARBAKIR BRANCH 
  
## CrossPoint v3.11 ##

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Apr 23 08:08:27 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 23 Apr 1997 08:08:27
Subject: Turkey: The fight against Eurogold continues (AFP)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3wwptyft3.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: The fight against Eurogold continues (AFP)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>


Turkey-protest : Turkish villagers occupy land of western
gold company

ANKARA, April 22 (AFP) - Thousands of angry Turkish
villagers, protesting what they called poisonous methods by
a French-Canadian gold company, on Tuesday occupied a
parcel of land in western Turkey where the firm was due to
extract gold, the Anatolia news agency said.

The villagers drove onto the property owned by Eurogold
mining company in hundreds of cars and tractors early
Tuesday, it said.

Security forces were sent to evacuate the protesters from
the area, but no further details were immediately
available.

The area where Eurogold was due to start mining is situated
near the ancient city of Pergamon, 200 kilometres (130
miles) southwest of Istanbul.

The demonstrators from 17 villages are protesting against
plans by Eurogold to use cyanide, a highly poisonous
substance, in extracting gold, claiming that the technique
would pollute the environment.

However, Eurogold's general manager Jack Testard said in a
recent interview with AFP that the cyanide technique was
being applied in nearly 70 percent of the gold mines
throughout the world and that the method had proved to be
harmless.

"They are speaking of cyanide, but cyanide completely
dissolves in time through oxidation," Testard said on April
2, adding the company would take every measure to prevent
pollution.

Residents in Pergamon area unanimously voted against mining
with cyanide in an informal referendum in January, but
company officials said the unofficial vote was illegal.

Pergamon mayor Sefa Taskin who leads the anti-mining
campaign told AFP earlier in April that the protesters
would continue with efforts to prevent Eurogold from
operating in the area.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Apr 23 08:56:09 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 23 Apr 1997 08:56:09
Subject: Turkey: 2 items from AFP
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3yba9yfzp.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

by Kadri Gursel

DIYARBAKIR, Turkey, April 22 (AFP) - The Turkish army seems to have
gained the upper hand in its war against Kurdish terrorists, but local
civilians are paying a heavy price for the bitter conflict.

Hundreds of thousands of them expelled by the military from their
villages in southeast Anatolia are living in total misery in this
regional capital.

The population of the city has swelled from 380,000 in 1990 to 1.5
million today, and the infrastructure has proved completely inadequate
to cope with the influx.

Forced to abandon their livestock, their houses and their fields, the
villagers live in deplorable shanty-towns with no facilities, or
crammed into apartments in the poorer districts.

They suffer from unemployment, malnutrition and disease.

Turks were shocked earlier this year when they saw on television
dozens of women and children fighting in the mud for a few sacks of
flour, donated by a local businessmen and thrown from a truck.

Diyarbakir mayor Ahmet Belgin, estimating that half the population
lived below the poverty line, said the situation was a threat to
social order.

A third of the region's 9,000 villages and hamlets were emptied or
destroyed by the security forces in operations designed to deprive the
rebel Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) of support.

Villages that were spared were generally those that agreed to form
pro-government militia against the PKK, which is seeking a separatist
state in the majority Kurdish region.

Human rights groups heavily criticised the tactics of a dirty war
which has killed more than 23,000 civilians, soldiers and PKK
terrorists in 13 years.

Felemez, a father-of-eight from the province of Lice now living in a
Diyarbakir shanty-town divided by muddy streets and an open sewer, was
expelled from his village in 1995. The money he got from selling his
livestock before the village was destroyed by the army is now
exhausted and he has no job.

"I just don't know what to do," he said. "I cannot carry on."

Seyfettin Kizilkan, head of the chamber of Diyarbakir's doctors, said
diseases linked to poverty were rife among the displace people. Cases
of typhoid have been noted in 45 percent of families, while the rate
of cholera and dysentery is around 30 percent. Unemployment stands at
67 percent, and the average annual income per head is 204 dollars, an
opinion poll showed.

The army meanwhile claims to have the PKK under control, without
succeeding in ending the terrorism completely.

Necati Bilican, the overall coordinator of the struggle against the
rebellion, said the guerrillas had lost their strength and their
influence among the population, although they still had the support of
"a small minority."

They had been reduced to hiding in small groups in the woods and
mountains, launching lightning raids from time to time, and many had
moved across the border into Kurdish-populated northern Iraq, Bilican
said.

Kurdish officials and journalists based in Diyarbakir confirmed that
the army had the upper hand, adding that the population had become
tired of the war.

Abdullah Akin, head of the local branch of the pro-Kurd People's
Democracy Party, denied that the PKK had lost its strength, but he
admitted that most clashes nowadays were prompted by army operations
against the terrorists.

While such operations continue, the residents of Diyarbakir's slums
have little prospect of going back home.

A repopulation project launched a few months ago seems unrealistic,
with some 160 villages and hamlets reoccupied so far. "Security
considerations" means that this number will no more than double in the
near future, officials said.

Felemez said that in any case he could not return to his home without
state aid. "I have no livestock, no house and no electricity," he
said.

BERGAMA, Turkey (AP) - A provincial governor suspended operations at
Turkey's first gold mine Tuesday after thousands of villagers occupied
the site in an environmental protest.

Some 5,000 villagers ended their 10-hour occupation of the
French-based Eurogold mining company after Gov. Kutlu Aktas ordered
operations suspended for a month.

The villagers fear cyanide used in the mining process will pollute the
environment around Bergama, a western city with ancient ruins that
attracts thousands of tourists.

Bergama is 50 kilometers north of the Aegean port city of Izmir in a
region prone to earthquakes.

Aktas, governor of Izmir province, ordered Eurogold to suspend its
operations - now in the preliminary stages. Mining is to begin in
November, but Eurogold is currently constructing a waste pond.

Villagers fear cyanide could escape from the pond; Eurogold says they
are exaggerating the risks.

Aktas said he wanted time to relay local concerns to the central
government, which has already authorized the mining project. "The
governor's decision is an important step," Noyan Ozkan, a lawyer for
the villagers, said in a telephone interview. "But the struggle has
not ended yet."

Area residents, who have sued Eurogold in a bid to stop the mine, want
the government to call a nationwide referendum on the project.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From dhkc at dds.nl  Thu Apr 24 16:14:26 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 24 Apr 1997 16:14:26
Subject: The revolutionary martyrs are immortal
Message-ID: <bac1c849.lzohb4hwj9.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: The revolutionary martyrs are immortal
From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>

THE REVOLUTIONARY MARTYRS ARE IMMORTAL

April 24, 1997

Blood is dripping from the hands of the murderers. On April 22, the
hangmen of the fascist Fujimori regime in Peru murdered 14 fighters
from the revolutionary movement Tupac Amaru. In the fight of the
Peruvian people for democracy, independence, justice an a life in
dignity, 14 Peruvian revolutionaries gave their lives.

While the fascist murderers were celebrating their cruel act with
champagne, everywhere in the world revolutionaries and oppressed
people felt the pain for the fallen revolutionaries and anger against
the collaborating fascist and imperialist murderers.

The fallen fighters from Tupac Amaru are our martyrs. They have
written a honourable chapter in the history of resistance by the
oppressed people. The fight against fascism and imperialism, the fight
against exploitation and oppression is an international fight, it is a
common fight. This tradition of resistance is growing. The fighters in
this resistance are prepared to die, but they will never
surrender. Their manifesto in Turkey was written in Kizildere by the
fight of Mahir Cayan who fell in Kizildere: "We came here to die, not
to turn back". This resistance is the resistance of Sabahat Karatas,
surrounded by the fascist murderers: "Our flags will wave in all
corners of the land". It is the resistance of Sibel Yalcin who fell
with her weapon in her hand: "Did you ever see us surrender? It is you
who have to surrender". In our country hundreds of people from the
Party-Front fell in the fight against the murderous policy of the
contra-guerrilla state in Turkey, in the fight against torture,
executions on the streets and massacres.

In Peru, Tupac Amaru carries this common tradition of resistance by
the oppressed peoples.

This tradition, this resistance, can not be broken by these murders of
the revolutionaries from Tupac Amaru in the Japanese embassy in
Peru. The revolutionary martyrs, the honourable children of the
people, will live on in the hearts of the Peruvian people, in the
hearts of all peoples in the world.  They will carry on the flag of
resistance. All over the world, revolutionary hands will pick up the
weapons of the fallen fighters, aiming them anew against the
imperialist murderers. The revolution can not be beaten by cruelty, by
massacres. It will continue its road until victory, in our land, in
Peru...  Until it is victorious all over the world.

We stand side by side with the revolutionaries from Tupac Amaru. We
greet the fallen revolutionaries from Tupac Amaru, we greet the fight
of the Peruvian people for a life in dignity. We greet them with the
fight of the Party-Front, the fight of the people in Turkey for
independence, justice, freedom and democracy in our country.

The peoples of the world are brothers and sisters!
The revolutionary martyrs from Tupac Amaru are our martyrs!
The revolutionary martyrs are immortal!
We are right, we will win!
The revolution will never be defeated!

Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (DHKC)
Revolutionary People's Liberation Front
European Representative

-- 
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
mailto: dhkc at dds.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Apr 25 08:09:49 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 25 Apr 1997 08:09:49
Subject: DHKC Solidarity Statement To The MR
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970424231..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: DHKC Solidarity Statement To The MRTA

Revolutionary People's Liberation Front (DHKC) Solidarity
Statement To The MRTA

"The Revolutionary Martyrs Are Immortal"

April 24, 1997

     Blood is dripping from the hands of the murderers. On April
22, the hangmen of the fascist Fujimori regime in Peru murdered
14 fighters from the Revolutionary Movement Tupac Amaru. In the
fight of the Peruvian people for democracy, independence, justice
an a life in dignity, 14 Peruvian revolutionaries gave their
lives.
     While the fascist murderers were celebrating their cruel act
with champagne, everywhere in the world revolutionaries and
oppressed people felt the pain for the fallen revolutionaries and
anger against the collaborating fascist and imperialist
murderers.
     The fallen fighters from Tupac Amaru are our martyrs. They
have written a honourable chapter in the history of resistance by
the oppressed people. The fight against fascism and imperialism,
the fight against exploitation and oppression is an international
fight, it is a common fight. This tradition of resistance is
growing. The fighters in this resistance are prepared to die, but
they will never surrender. Their manifesto in Turkey was written
in Kizildere by the fight of Mahir Cayan who fell in Kizildere:
"We came here to die, not to turn back". This resistance is the
resistance of Sabahat Karatas, surrounded by the fascist
murderers: "Our flags will wave in all corners of the land". It
is the resistance of Sibel Yalcin who fell with her weapon in her
hand: "Did you ever see us surrender? It is you who have to
surrender". In our country hundreds of people from the
Party-Front fell in the fight against the murderous policy of the
contra-guerrilla state in Turkey, in the fight against torture,
executions on the streets and massacres.
     In Peru, Tupac Amaru carries this common tradition of
resistance by the oppressed peoples.
     This tradition, this resistance, can not be broken by these
murders of the revolutionaries from Tupac Amaru in the Japanese
embassy in Peru. The revolutionary martyrs, the honourable
children of the people, will live on in the hearts of the
Peruvian people, in the hearts of all peoples in the world. They
will carry on the flag of resistance. All over the world,
revolutionary hands will pick up the weapons of the fallen
fighters, aiming them anew against the imperialist murderers. The
revolution can not be beaten by cruelty, by massacres. It will
continue its road until victory, in our land, in Peru... Until it
is victorious all over the world.
     We stand side by side with the revolutionaries from Tupac
Amaru. We greet the fallen revolutionaries from Tupac Amaru, we
greet the fight of the Peruvian people for a life in dignity. We
greet them with the fight of the Party-Front, the fight of the
people in Turkey for independence, justice, freedom and democracy
in our country.

The Peoples Of The World Are Brothers And Sisters!
The Revolutionary Martyrs From Tupac Amaru Are Our Martyrs!
The Revolutionary Martyrs Are Immortal!
We Are Right, We Will Win!
The Revolution Will Never Be Defeated!

Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (DHKC)
Revolutionary People's Liberation Front
European Representative

-----
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
WWW: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
E-mail: dhkc at dds.nl

----
Honor To The Martyrs Of The Edgar Sanchez Commando!
Tupac Amaru Lives! The Struggle Continues!
MRTA Solidarity Page - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm






From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Apr 25 08:49:29 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 25 Apr 1997 08:49:29
Subject: Turkish Composer Charged For Aiding
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970425022..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkish Composer Charged For Aiding Kurd Rebels

Turkish Composer Charged For Aiding Kurd Rebels 

ANKARA, April 24 (mainstream media wires) - A Turkish state security 
court has charged a top musician and human rights activist with giving
false passports to two former Kurdish guerrillas, the media said on 
Thursday.  The court in Istanbul refused to comment on the charge, but 
the Turkish daily Cumhuriyet said Sanar Yurdatapan was accused of "aiding 
an illegal group". Police detained him at Istanbul airport on returning 
from Germany with two false passports prepared for former Kurdistan Workers 
Party (PKK) members, the Turkish media reported. "My brother Sanar Yudatapan 
was arrested on April 22, but I was not informed under what accusation," Onur 
Yurdatapan told Reuters. Yurdatapan, one of the country's most famous popular 
music composers, is a human rights activist who has often criticised the 
treatment of Turkey's Kurdish minority. 


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Apr 25 14:16:58 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 25 Apr 1997 14:16:58
Subject: Kurdistan Parliament In Exile Prepa
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970425091..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Kurdistan Parliament In Exile Prepares For New Elections

Kurdistan Parliament In Exile Prepares For New Elections

During the 7th Session of the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, held
in Brussels, Belgium, a decision was made to end the body's
existence in exile and to prepare to "return home". A decision was
also made to prepare new elections within one year. Members of the
Parliament in Exile also celebrated the two year anniversary of
the institution, which was founded on April 12, 1995 in The Hague,
Netherlands. Many European politicians sent messages of support to
the Kurdistan Parliament in Exile during its 7th Session.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief, Nr.8, Vol.10, 22.4.1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++




From rmitchellai at gn.apc.org  Sat Apr 26 02:00:00 1997
From: rmitchellai at gn.apc.org (rmitchellai at gn.apc.org)
Date: 26 Apr 1997 02:00:00
Subject: AI EX058/97 TURKEY Death threats
Message-ID: <6VaoOY0J9GB@xp-03210.apc.org>

+------------------------------------------------------+
+ Paper reprints authorised. Electronic redistributors +
+ must request permission from Amnesty International.  +
+ Contact:   rmitchel at amnesty.org.uk (UK)              +
+            sharrison at igc.apc.org (USA)               +
+            ggabriel at amnesty.cl.sub.de (Germany)      +
+------------------------------------------------------+
 
EXTERNAL                                     AI Index: EUR 44/32/97
 
EXTRA 58/97     Death threats/Fear for safety       25 April 1997
 
TURKEY            Halil Cabir Karacadagli, trade unionist
 
Halil Cabir Karacadagli, President of the Diyarbakir Branch No.2 of
Tes-Is (Turkish Union of Energy, Water and Gas Workers) has
reportedly been the victim of police harassment and death threats
following his detention and torture.  He has repeatedly refused to
act as a police informer. Trade unionists in Diyarbakir have in the
past not only been imprisoned as prisoners of conscience for their
legitimate activities, but have also been victims of "disappearance"
and extrajudicial execution.
 
Halil Cabir Karacadagli was detained by three plainclothes policemen
on the evening of 9 November 1996 in the Dagkapi district of
Diyarbakir. For two and a half days the authorities would not
confirm his detention. For the previous two days he had been
followed by a Renault Toros car which waited near his house and then
followed him to his office. On the evening of his detention his car
was stopped by the Toros car and by a second car, a Sahin. Three
plainclothes policemen got out of each car, dragged him into the
Sahin and drove him to the Police Headquarters. After a short wait
outside he was first taken to the State Hospital where he received
a medical certificate stating that he was in good health. He was
then reportedly hooded by pulling his jacket over his head and taken
to an unknown destination. 
 
According to the account received by Amnesty International, there
he was forced to undress and taken to a toilet area where he was
hosed with pressurized ice-cold water. He was then handcuffed to a
door and left wet and freezing next to a fan. Later he was taken
back, hosed again with water, had his testicles squeezed and was
severely beaten. For the first four days between torture sessions
he was handcuffed to a cell door or left in the area where torture
took place and he could hear the screams of other detainees being
tortured. Radio music was played constantly at high volume. His
torture reportedly began every night at 11pm and lasted until the
morning.
 
The police attempted to intimidate Halil Cabir Karacadagli into
acting as a police informer. One officer told him, "We have already
killed 2000, you will be the 2001st." A gun was put to his head and
he was told, "We will blow your brains out of your head". He was
tortured particularly by squeezing of his testicles and being beaten
on his kidneys. Although he was blindfolded, he was able to keep
track of time by calls to prayer from the nearby mosque.
 
During his detention, Halil Cabir Karacadagli was forced to sign a
statement while still blindfolded. When he was brought before
Diyarbakir State Security Court on 22 November 1996, he discovered
that this statement included a confession to involvement with the
illegal PKK (Kurdish Workers' Party). He was committed to prison to
await trial, but was released at the first hearing in December. 
 
After his release Halil Cabir Karacadagli began to receive death
threats, and was therefore reluctant to register a formal complaint
about his torture. On 3 April 1997 he received telephone calls at
his home and at the office of the trade union, again proposing that
he should act as a police informer. When he refused, the anonymous
caller threatened to kill him. His lawyer has submitted a petition
to the State Prosecutor in Diyarbakir, asking that the threats be
investigated.
 
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
 
November 1996 was a time of intensive security activity in
Diyarbakir province. Several trade unionists were detained around
that time. In late November and in December there was a cluster of
at least 11 "disappearances" in the province of Diyarbakir and
several of those "disappeared" were subsequently found killed.
 
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send telegrams/telexes/express/airmail
letters in English or your own language: 
 
- expressing concern about the reported death threats against Halil
Cabir Karacadagli, President of Tes-Is Branch No. 2 in Diyarbakir,
following his detention, alleged torture and his refusal to act as
police informer; 
 
- urging that these threats be investigated and that those
responsible be brought to justice.
 
APPEALS TO:
 
Chief Prosecutor's Office Diyarbakir:
 
Diyarbakir Bassavcisi             [Salutation: Dear Chief Prosecutor]
Bassavciligi
Diyarbakir, Turkey
Telegrams: Bassavciligi, Diyarbakir, Turkey
 
Emergency Legislation Governor:
 
Mr Necati Bilican                 [Salutation: Dear Governor]
Olaganustu Hal Valisi
Diyarbakir, Turkey
Telegrams: Olaganustu Hal Valisi, Diyarbakir, Turkey
Telex:     72110 OHVT TR 
           72084 DYVA TR  "please forward to the Governor"
           72090 JASY TR
 
Diyarbakir Chief of Police:
 
Mr Yavuz Elbirler                 [Salutation: Dear Sir]
Diyarbakir Emniyet Muduru
Diyarbakir, Turkey
Telegrams: Emniyet Muduru, Diyarbakir, Turkey
 
PLEASE SEND COPIES OF YOUR APPEALS TO:  His Excellency Mr Ozdem
Sanberk, Embassy of Turkey, 43 Belgrave Square, London SW1X 8PA
Email: turemlon at globalnet.co.uk
 
AND, IF POSSIBLE, TO THE FOLLOWING:
 
State Minister with responsibility for Human Rights:
 
Mr Lutfu Esengun
Office of the Prime Minister
Basbakanlik
06573 Ankara, Turkey
Faxes: +90 312 417 0476
 
PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Please do not send appeals after
30 May 1997.
 
+-----------------------------------------------------------+
+ If you have any queries about this Urgent Action or about +
+ the UA scheme in general, please contact:                 +
+   Ray Mitchell                                            +
+   Amnesty International UK Section                        +
+   99 - 119 Rosebery Avenue                                +
+   London EC1R 4RE      email: rmitchel at amnesty.org.uk     +
+-----------------------------------------------------------+

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Apr 28 05:47:23 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 28 Apr 1997 05:47:23
Subject: Statements From DHKP-C Political Pr
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970428004..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Statements From DHKP-C Political Prisoners In Turkey To The MRTA

Killed, But Not Defeated: The Guerrillas Of The MRTA Live On In
The Struggle Of The Peoples Of The World Against Imperialism

     14 MRTA guerrillas, who fought for the liberation of the
people of Peru against the imperialists and their collaborators in
the Peruvian oligarchy, were massacred.
     Those responsible for this disgusting massacre were the
imperialists and their fascist collaborators, the ruling powers in
Peru.
     On December 17, 1996, MRTA guerrillas occupied the Japanese
embassy in Peru and demanded the release of revolutionary
prisoners. The occupation caused the imperialists and their
collaborators great fear for 125 days.
     The action was a major blow to the prestige of the
imperialists. But for the oppressed peoples of the world and for 
prisoners, put behind bars for their struggle to liberate the
people, it was a great morale booster.
     The action was a victory from day one.
     Instead of surrendering or giving in to a compromise, the
guerrillas continued to resist until their last drop of blood was
spilled. Through their action, the MRTA movement created strong
ties to all the peoples of the world. The execution of the 14 MRTA
guerrillas once again showed the peoples of the world the true
face of the imperialists and their collaborators: The face of a
massacre.
     Peru is governed by fascists and, like our country, is a land
where people disappear, where massacres are carried out, a land of
torture and prisons.
     Because of their struggle against imperialism and fascism in
our country, and for the building up of socialism, Mahir Cayan and
his comrades were massacred on March 30, 1972, and Neyazi Aydin
and his 9 comrades on June 12, 1991, and Sabahat Karatas and her
10 comrades on April 17, 1992. In our country, fascism has killed
or imprisoned thousands of revolutionaries and patriots up until
today.
     The vanguard of the peoples of Turkey, the Revolutionary
People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), has given hundreds of
martyrs and prisoners in its struggle against imperialism and
fascism. Our struggle is the struggle for independence and
democracy, the struggle against imperialism, fascism, and
capitalism, and the struggle to build up socialism.
     The fighters of the MRTA are our comrades, because they are
also fighting against imperialism and the oligarchy. The
guerrillas of Tupac Amaru have been killed, but they have not been
defeated.
     We honor the fighters of the MRTA for their courage, their
determination, and their belief in victory.
     The victory of the peoples belongs to those who won't bow
down to imperialism and who struggle against fascism.

Down With Imperialism!
Down With The Fascist State In Peru!
Long Live The Liberation Struggle Of The People!

The prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey
April 24, 1997


To The Imprisoned Comrades Of The MRTA In The Prisons Of Peru:

     We are prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation
Party-Front (DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey.
     We were jailed because we struggled for independence and
democracy, against imperialism and fascism, against capitalism and
in favor of socialism.
     Many of our comrades have fallen in this struggle.
     We know the significance of martyrs and we understand prison
conditions.
     Your comrades occupied the Japanese embassy in Peru to demand
your freedom. Thus began the revolutionary hostage drama. We
experienced great joy and excitement when we first heard of this
action. The fighters of Tupac Amaru, who are struggling against
imperialism and fascism, are our comrades.
     Although the action was taking place thousands of kilometers
away from us, it was still of great importance to us. The
revolutionary action had already become a victory on December 17,
1996.
     Even though your comrades were executed by the imperialists
and fascists, we don't view that as a defeat.
     Your comrades were killed, but they were not defeated...
     They have strengthened our morale...
     Our determination to struggle against fascism and imperialism
and our determination to be victorious have been strengthened...
     The struggle peoples of the world, who hope for independence,
has been strengthened...
     The MRTA created a living bond between the people of Peru and
all the peoples of the world...
     We believe and we know that the best form of solidarity is
the struggle against imperialism. That is the task of all
revolutionaries across the world. And we will fulfill our duty.
     We greet you with a revolutionary spirit. We honor the
courage, determination, and will for victory of your fallen
comrades.

Down With Imperialism!
Down With The Fascist State In Peru!
Long Live The Liberation Struggle Of The People!

The prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey
April 24, 1997

-- 
DHKC Information Bureau - Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
Email: dhkc at dds.nl

----
Honor To The Martyrs Of The Edgar Sanchez Commando!
Tupac Amaru Lives! The Struggle Continues!
MRTA Solidarity Page - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm



From dhkc at dds.nl  Mon Apr 28 01:15:24 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 28 Apr 1997 01:15:24
Subject: Statements From DHKP-C Political Pr
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970428004..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.lzu3kro9l7.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Statements From DHKP-C Political Prisoners In Turkey To The MRTA
From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>

Killed, But Not Defeated: The Guerrillas Of The MRTA Live On In
The Struggle Of The Peoples Of The World Against Imperialism

     14 MRTA guerrillas, who fought for the liberation of the
people of Peru against the imperialists and their collaborators in
the Peruvian oligarchy, were massacred.
     Those responsible for this disgusting massacre were the
imperialists and their fascist collaborators, the ruling powers in
Peru.
     On December 17, 1996, MRTA guerrillas occupied the Japanese
embassy in Peru and demanded the release of revolutionary
prisoners. The occupation caused the imperialists and their
collaborators great fear for 125 days.
     The action was a major blow to the prestige of the
imperialists. But for the oppressed peoples of the world and for 
prisoners, put behind bars for their struggle to liberate the
people, it was a great morale booster.
     The action was a victory from day one.
     Instead of surrendering or giving in to a compromise, the
guerrillas continued to resist until their last drop of blood was
spilled. Through their action, the MRTA movement created strong
ties to all the peoples of the world. The execution of the 14 MRTA
guerrillas once again showed the peoples of the world the true
face of the imperialists and their collaborators: The face of a
massacre.
     Peru is governed by fascists and, like our country, is a land
where people disappear, where massacres are carried out, a land of
torture and prisons.
     Because of their struggle against imperialism and fascism in
our country, and for the building up of socialism, Mahir Cayan and
his comrades were massacred on March 30, 1972, and Neyazi Aydin
and his 9 comrades on June 12, 1991, and Sabahat Karatas and her
10 comrades on April 17, 1992. In our country, fascism has killed
or imprisoned thousands of revolutionaries and patriots up until
today.
     The vanguard of the peoples of Turkey, the Revolutionary
People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), has given hundreds of
martyrs and prisoners in its struggle against imperialism and
fascism. Our struggle is the struggle for independence and
democracy, the struggle against imperialism, fascism, and
capitalism, and the struggle to build up socialism.
     The fighters of the MRTA are our comrades, because they are
also fighting against imperialism and the oligarchy. The
guerrillas of Tupac Amaru have been killed, but they have not been
defeated.
     We honor the fighters of the MRTA for their courage, their
determination, and their belief in victory.
     The victory of the peoples belongs to those who won't bow
down to imperialism and who struggle against fascism.

Down With Imperialism!
Down With The Fascist State In Peru!
Long Live The Liberation Struggle Of The People!

The prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey
April 24, 1997


To The Imprisoned Comrades Of The MRTA In The Prisons Of Peru:

     We are prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation
Party-Front (DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey.
     We were jailed because we struggled for independence and
democracy, against imperialism and fascism, against capitalism and
in favor of socialism.
     Many of our comrades have fallen in this struggle.
     We know the significance of martyrs and we understand prison
conditions.
     Your comrades occupied the Japanese embassy in Peru to demand
your freedom. Thus began the revolutionary hostage drama. We
experienced great joy and excitement when we first heard of this
action. The fighters of Tupac Amaru, who are struggling against
imperialism and fascism, are our comrades.
     Although the action was taking place thousands of kilometers
away from us, it was still of great importance to us. The
revolutionary action had already become a victory on December 17,
1996.
     Even though your comrades were executed by the imperialists
and fascists, we don't view that as a defeat.
     Your comrades were killed, but they were not defeated...
     They have strengthened our morale...
     Our determination to struggle against fascism and imperialism
and our determination to be victorious have been strengthened...
     The struggle peoples of the world, who hope for independence,
has been strengthened...
     The MRTA created a living bond between the people of Peru and
all the peoples of the world...
     We believe and we know that the best form of solidarity is
the struggle against imperialism. That is the task of all
revolutionaries across the world. And we will fulfill our duty.
     We greet you with a revolutionary spirit. We honor the
courage, determination, and will for victory of your fallen
comrades.

Down With Imperialism!
Down With The Fascist State In Peru!
Long Live The Liberation Struggle Of The People!

The prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C) in the prisons of Turkey
April 24, 1997

-- 
DHKC Information Bureau - Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
Email: dhkc at dds.nl

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Apr 28 22:14:26 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 28 Apr 1997 22:14:26
Subject: [misc.activism.progressive] Israel & Turkey - War & Coup Preparatio
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m391221zgx.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: [misc.activism.progressive] Israel & Turkey - War & Coup Preparations
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

--Multipart_Tue_Apr_29_01:47:58_1997-1
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII


-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

--Multipart_Tue_Apr_29_01:47:58_1997-1
Content-Type: message/rfc822

From: Mid-East Realities <mer at middleeast.org>
Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive
Subject: Israel & Turkey - War & Coup Preparations
Followup-To: alt.activism.d
Date: 28 Apr 1997 15:59:20 GMT
Organization: ?
Message-ID: <5k2hgo$19ug$1 at news.missouri.edu>
Resent-From: rich

M I D - E A S T   R E A L I T I E S  - QUOTE OF THE WEEK - 4/28/97
                WWW.MiddleEast.Org
****************************************************
ISRAEL & TURKEY - MAJOR MILITARY ALLIANCE
****************************************************
To receive MER regularly simply reply message saying "SEND MER".
              Email: MER at MiddleEast.Org

    "MOST POWERFUL MILITARY FRIENDSHIP IN THE MIDDLE EAST"

   [MER - While the misnomered "peace process" continues to
dominate the news, arms continue to flood into the Middle
East region and possible war preparations are underway.
   The Israeli military, with ever-increasing U.S. help, has
actually increased its military budget since the "peace process"
began.  And the Americans have recently agreed to provide
additional hundreds of millions of dollars for anti-missile
defenses, "anti-terrorism", and the prepositioning of military
stockpiles in the U.S. for immediate war-time transfer to Israel.
   One of the most important regional military and political
developments in the past few years is the still-growing Israeli-
Turkish/U.S. military alliance.  The Israelis are further
badgering and challenging the weak Arab regimes, now with Turkey
added to their arsenal.  And the Turkish military is strengthening
itself should it circumvent Turkish "democracy" with a military
government to prevent the Islamic movement from gaining any further
power and should civil war result, as has been the case in Algeria.
   Both the U.S. and Israel have been courting Turkish military
leaders urging them to severely pressure the Turkish government away
from its new "Islamic" orientation, and if not successful to instigate
a coup.

      REMARKABLE MILITARY COOPERATION - TURKEY AND ISRAEL

	"OVER THE LAST TWO YEARS, TURKEY AND ISRAEL HAVE
	QUIETLY FORGED A REMARKABLE PROGRAM OF MILITARY
	COOPERATION.  IN THE PROCESS, THEY HAVE CREATED
	WHAT IS NOW THE MOST POWERFUL MILITARY FRIENDSHIP
	IN THE MIDDLE EAST...  THE RELATIONSHIP CAN ONLY
	MAKE ISRAELI LEADERS MORE CONFIDENT THAT THEY CAN
	TAKE TOUGH POSITIONS IN DEALING WITH THEIR ARAB
	NEIGHBORS.  AN ALLIANCE WITH TURKEY COULD GO A
	LONG WAY TOWARD NEUTRALIZING SYRIA IN ANY MAJOR
	CRISIS.  IT COULD ALSO MAKE SYRIA THINK TWICE
	ABOUT STIRRING UP TROUBLE TO ISRAEL'S NORTH,
	HOWEVER PREOCCUPIED ISRAEL MAY BE WITH QUELLING
	UNREST AMONG THE PALESTINIANS."

				Stephen Nizer
				NYTimes, 4/13/97

----------------------------------4/28/97--------------------------------
               M I D - E A S T   R E A L I T I E S
       For latest information go to: http://www.MiddleEast.Org
(202) 362-5266, Ext 638  /  Fax: 202 362-6965  /  MER at MiddleEast.Org

         For info about COME email to INFOCOME at MiddleEast.Org
For info about MID-EAST REALITIES TV email to INFOMERTV at MiddleEast.Org


--Multipart_Tue_Apr_29_01:47:58_1997-1--

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Apr 30 03:11:16 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 30 Apr 1997 03:11:16
Subject: [ndf@xs4all.nl] May 1 Message of CPP
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3u3kpz11z.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: [ndf at xs4all.nl] May 1 Message of CPP
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

--Multipart_Wed_Apr_30_04:39:36_1997-1
Content-Type: message/rfc822

From: ndf at xs4all.nl
Message-Id: <3.0.1.32.19970429214216.00699620 at xs4all.nl>
Date: Tue, 29 Apr 1997 21:42:16 +0200
To: ndf at xs4all.nl
Subject: May 1 Message of CPP
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: multipart/mixed; boundary="=====================_862335736==_"

--=====================_862335736==_
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"

MAY FIRST 1997 MESSAGE
OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINES


As the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the Communist Party of the
Philippines leads the Filipino working class in joining the workers of the
world in celebrating International Labor Day.

Let us celebrate the historical and current victories of the working class.
Let us commemorate the arduous struggles and sacrifices that are the price
of these victories. Let us renew and make more firm our resolve to wage
militant class struggle against the imperialists and all their lackeys.

The crisis of the world capitalist system is rapidly worsening and is
exacting a heavy toll on the broad masses of the people. The proletariat
and the people are launching general strikes and other mass protest actions
in more and more countries in order to resist the onslaughts of the
monopoly bourgeoisie.

The main aspect of monopoly capitalism, driven by high technology and
unbridled high finance, is destructive of the forces of production. In the
industrial capitalist countries, including the global centers of
capitalism, where investment flows are concentrated, profits are maximized
by the attack on the workers? rights, wages and social benefits and by mass
unemployment. The workers and the rest of the people are launching general
strikes and mass protest actions in the industrial capitalist countries.

In the few countries, which depend on the secondary flow of direct
investments and manufacture of consumer goods for export, the trade
deficits and foreign debt burden are mounting. In countries victimized by
revisionist rulers for decades, the full restoration of capitalism is has
meant further destruction of national industries and unbridled profit
taking from big-comprador operations. The proletariat and the people have
begun to fight back. 

In the overwhelming majority of countries, dependent on raw-material
exports, the accumulated foreign debt burden is ceaselessly crushing the
people, is unleashing the worst forms of oppression and exploitation, and
is generating the most violent contradictions among the reactionary
cliques. There are some few outstanding armed revolutionary movements and
wide-scale and spontaneous resistance by the people.

The basic contradictions between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the
proletariat, among the imperialist powers and between imperialism and the
oppressed peoples and nations are sharpening. These contradictions carry
their own distinct impulses but are interconnected and generate the
conditions for the proletariat and the people to wage anti-imperialist and
class resistance.

The contradiction between imperialism and oppressed peoples and nations is
still the main contradiction and is the most conspicuous and intense at the
moment. Extreme oppression and exploitation, combining neocolonial methods
and the most backward reactionary methods, have resulted in sustained mass
movements of resistance and some armed revolutionary movements led by the
proletariat. The reactionaries are engaged in violence against the working
people and among themselves.

There is a crying need for the workers of all countries to unite. Unity can
be forged only through the building of the revolutionary parties of the
proletariat under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and through a rising
revolutionary consciousness and militancy among workers in the trade union
movement and in conjunction with other mass movements against imperialism
and all reaction.

International gatherings of the representatives of existing parties, groups
and movements on the broad political ground of anti-imperialist solidarity
and on the narrower ground of ideological unity are important. They serve
to clarify the road of revolution on a global scale and inspire the
proletariat and people to do their revolutionary homework. 

A serious revolutionary party of the proletariat strives to grasp the
revolutionary essence of Marxism-Leninism, combats revisionist and other
bourgeois influences within its ranks, does painstaking work among the
masses and leads them in concrete struggles and prepares for or undertakes
armed revolution. The historic mission of the proletariat is to overthrow
the counterrevolutionary state, build socialism and cause the global defeat
of imperialism and the ultimate victory of communism. 

In the industrial capitalist countries, the economic and technical
conditions are suitable for immediate socialist transformation of the
relations of production but the proletariat here face the strongest
counterrevolutionary resistance of the monopoly bourgeoisie. To make
revolution here is not to simply raise economic demands within the
capitalist system but to wage militant political struggles to prepare for
the overthrow of the counterrevolutionary state.

In most countries of the world, there is the need to wage a new democratic
revolution before the socialist revolution can be started. The demands that
are raised to arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people
must arise from the concrete conditions. Immediately raising demands that
gloss over these concrete conditions are detrimental to the revolutionary
movement.

High technology and finance capital concentrated and centralized in the
imperialist countries have strategic implications and consequences to the
entire world. But they do not make the problems of social and economic
backwardness disappear but aggravate and deepen them in most countries. In
the most developed capitalist countries, the monopoly bourgeoisie uses the
high-tech means of production to cause mass unemployment. But in the
countries which are not yet industrialized, the mass unemployment is
generated both by the backward local conditions and by the impact of
imperialism.

The Communist Party of the Philippines requires its cadres and members to
follow the ideological line of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In the distinct
sphere of political struggle, it pursues the general line of new democratic
revolution in order to lead the broad masses of the people and employ
effectively both the armed struggle and the united front to overthrow the
enemy.

The ruling system can be overthrown only as the Party and New People?s Army
gain the active participation and support of the broad masses of the people
in fighting the imperialists and the local exploiting classes and defeating
the reactionary armed forces. The united front is an instrument for ranging
the broadest array of forces and the people in their millions against the
enemy. It involves a structure of alliances against foreign monopoly
capitalism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

Under the leadership of the proletariat through the CPP, there are the
basic alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry; the alliance of the
basic revolutionary forces, including the urban petty bourgeoisie; the
alliance of positive forces, including the middle bourgeoisie; and the
temporary and unstable alliance with certain reactionaries at various
levels in order to isolate and destroy the power of the worst reactionaries
or the enemy at every given time.

It is the proletarian internationalist duty of the CPP to strengthen itself
in an all-round way and to persevere in the protracted people?s war and
continue to win victories on the road of armed revolution. The performance
of such duty is of great importance in view of the temporary defeat of the
socialist cause, as a result of imperialist onslaughts, revisionist
betrayal and neocolonialism.

An outstanding achievement of the Communist Party of the Philippines is
that it has been able to wage armed revolution since 1969 and establish Red
political power in many parts of a country under US imperialist dominance.
It helps to raise the hope of mankind that the anti-imperialist and
socialist movement is bound to resurge amidst the new world disorder
wrought by capitalism.

Under the banner of proletarian internationalism, we must fight in common
against the imperialists and reactionaries in order to fulfill the
proletariat?s historic mission of building socialism until communism
becomes possible upon the defeat of imperialism and all reaction on a
global scale.

We urge the workers of the world, the trade unions and all parties of the
proletariat to bring about, together with the rest of the people, the
resurgence of the anti-imperialist and socialist movement and march forward
from victory to victory.

CENTRAL COMMITTEE
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINES


--Multipart_Wed_Apr_30_04:39:36_1997-1
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII

Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
Grup Yorum: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/gyindex.html

--Multipart_Wed_Apr_30_04:39:36_1997-1--

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Apr 30 12:24:38 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 30 Apr 1997 12:24:38
Subject: 45,000 March In Germany For Peace I
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970429204..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: 45,000 March In Germany For Peace In Kurdistan

45,000 March In Germany For Peace In Kurdistan

     According to the mainstream media, around 45,000 Kurds
demonstrated in the western German city of Duesseldorf on
Saturday, April 26 for a peaceful solution to the conflict in
Kurdistan. Seakers urged Germany to put pressure on Turkey to
enter negotiations with Kurdish groups including the outlawed
Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which is waging a guerrilla war
against Ankara for independence or autonomy in the region. 
Police said Saturday's demonstration had been peaceful,
and they declined to confiscate banned PKK banners and
insignia to avoid provoking a confrontation. But earlier in the
day a nearby motorway was blocked for 90 minutes as border police
stopped seven buses bringing demonstrators to the rally,
confiscating banners and flags and detaining one wanted person. 

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++