From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Dec  1 00:41:41 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 01 Dec 1997 00:41:41
Subject: The AKIN Fast Has Ended
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971130192..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
November 28, 1997

Investing In Peace Through Hunger And Cold

Dear Friends,

     Forty days ago today, six of us undertook a fast here in
Washington to free a Kurdish woman, Leyla Zana, and to spark a
discussion on the plight of the Kurds. We had prepared ourselves
for the hunger, but the cold also tested our dedication. After
the second week, our sufferings intensified and one by one the
original group of fasters parted. Today, on the last day of our
vigil, we have one friend left. A few minutes ago marked the
fortieth day of his fast. Personally, I am proud of Ferda and his
commitment to the cause of peace and freedom for our people. I am
reminded of a quote by Shakespeare: "Here is a man, take him all
in all. You will not come upon his likes again." Please join me
in giving Ferda a round of applause.
     Today, with some guarded optimism, we can report to you that
our fast did have its intended effect on the policy makers in
Washington. We also wanted to reach out the mainstream media.
Although the Washington Post and the Chicago Tribune did pay some
homage to our fast, much of the rest of the mainstream media kept
their distance from us. They failed to validate our nonviolent
message for peace and freedom. They did a disservice to our
people's longing for peace and their people's longing for the
truth. It is unfortunate that Saddam and war sell better than
Ferda and peace. Frankly, we are not disappointed. We are
committed to our cause more than ever before.
     Leyla Zana's case was not unknown in Washington previous to
the Fast For Peace, but it was not foremost on the minds of
Members of the Congress and the Clinton Administration. Turkey is
a formidable opponent, and many believed that confronting Ankara
would be a grand gesture that would bear little or no fruit. We
disagreed. We took it upon ourselves to convey to the lawmakers
our conviction that Washington can make a difference. We operated
on the principle that complacency, more than Turkish
intransigence, will prolong Leyla Zana's suffering and deny the
Kurds the fruits of peace.
     Since we first took our cause to the Capitol steps 40 days
ago and moved here in the last 12 days, we have been encouraged
by the outpouring of support. Thirty-two Members of the United
States Congress visited us in the course of our fast. Five of
them took our message of nonviolence to the House floor and
addressed the nation via C-SPAN. To list all these wonderful
individuals is just too many. In the interest of time, I would
like to acknowledge a few: Congressman John E. Porter,
Congressman Ben Gilman, Congresswoman Elizabeth Furse,
Congresswoman Connie Morella, Congressman Esteban Torres,
Congressman Bob Filner, and Congressman Ron Dellums. They honored
us with their presence and with their words of support; we will
never forget their friendship.
     As some of you may know, 153 Members of Congress signed onto
the Congressional letter urging President Clinton to raise Leyla
Zana's case with the Turkish authorities at the highest level and
seek her immediate and unconditional release from the Turkish
prison. On November 20, 1997, President Clinton wrote back to the
lawmakers and promised to tackle the issue with Turkish Prime
Minister Mesut Yilmaz when he visits the White House on December
19, 1997. We hope their meeting will be a fruitful one and Leyla
Zana's release will follow that of Wei Jingsheng. The memory of
the cold and hunger we suffered will certainly be a distant one
by then. We will be praying and hoping.
     I would be doing something amiss at this time if I did not
mention another Congressional letter that was sent to Secretary
of State Albright by House International Committee Chairman Ben
Gilman and the ranking Democrat of the same committee, Lee
Hamilton. Referring to our ongoing fast for the urgency of the
situation, they asked the Secretary to make the case of Leyla
Zana's freedom a priority in her encounters with Turkish
officials. We were elated by their action and we thank them for
their service.
     In the course of our fast, we also received a call from John
Shattuck, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human
Rights and Labor. Mr. Steve Coffey, his deputy, was gracious
enough to join us on the Capitol steps. On the twentieth day of
our fast, Ambassador Bill Richardson took up our cause, met with
us, and discussed Leyla Zana's situation. Mr. Richardson told us
that our message had been heard and urged us to end our fast. We
thanked him for his concern. One of our friends did stop his fast
at the request of Mr. Richardson.
     These past forty days have had their moments of poignancy
and also those of hope. At the closing of each day for each
fasting friend, we read aloud the name of a Kurdish or Turkish
political prisoner who had been tortured to death in Turkish
prisons between 1980 and 1994. We had the names of 420 political
prisoners. We could only read 162 names. It was very difficult to
read those names sometimes. Some were friends we had left behind
who had met violent ends while they were still very young. Others
were fathers, a few of them mothers, and some had died of hunger
strikes the way Bobby Sands starved himself to death in Ireland.
Our list is part of a book called 'File Of Torture'. As you would
expect, the book is banned in Turkey.
     On the positive side, our American friends and members of
the Kurdish community brought us flowers, Gatorade, and most
importantly, warmth as we got weaker and cold in the advanced
stages of the fast. The staff of the Human Rights Alliance and
that of our office, the American Kurdish Information Network,
went above and beyond the call of duty to accommodate us with our
increasing medical needs. I want to express my personal
appreciation to Sister Pat Krommer, Linnaea Melcarek, and
Jennifer Carnahan.
     Finally, I cannot thank enough my fellow fasters, first our
American friends, Kathryn Cameron Porter and again Linnaea
Melcarek, and then the Kurds, Ferda Beyrikan, Amed Kozlu, and
Dara Rizgari. Together, we stood up, or laid down if you will, to
tyranny, to injustice, and to oppression. We did it to satiate
our people's longing for peace. We raised a milestone of goodwill
in the long journey into the future of Kurdish-American
relations. This time, the occupant of this house chose to not
address us. Had he come, we would have told him with our weak
voice that we wish to be embraced by Americans as friends, and
not be the target of the bullets they provide to our misguided
adversaries. Ours has been an investment in peace and we will not
rest until we get our dividends. As always, we thank you for your
interest in the Kurds.

Kani Xulam

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Dec  2 09:34:12 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 02 Dec 1997 09:34:12
Subject: Turkish State Security Court demands 22.5 Years against journalist o
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2ijel7k.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

INFORMATION CENTRE FOR FREE PEOPLES
KALKARERSTR. 2 - 50733 COLOGNE
Tel (00 49) - 221 760 76 56
fax (00 49) - 221 760 28 87

Press statement:
Cologne, December 2, 1997

STATE SECURITY COURT IN ANKARA DEMANDS 22,5 YEARS IMPRISONMENT AGAINST
JOURNALIST

The chief editor of the magazine Kurtulus is prosecuted according to
the Turkish law no. 168/1 about "leading an organisation" although the
accusations regarding two extra editions should be dealt with
according to the press law. One should know a trial against Ayten
=D6zt=FCrk according to the new Turkish press law has already been started
in Istanbul. The State Security Court in Istanbul has postponed the
proceedings for three years.

Now the State Security Court has, on its own initiative, started a new
trial against the journalist, also based on the two extra editions.
The "draft for a people's constitution" supposedly has given the
offence. The State Prosecutor in Ankara demanded 22,5 years
imprisonment against Ayten =D6zt=FCrk on November 10, 1997. The objections
of the accused and her lawyer, Zeki R=FCzgar from the People's Lawyers
Office, based on the Press Law, were rejected. The co-worker and chief
editor of the Kurtulus has been in the Central Prison of Ankara since
October 13 of this year, waiting for a sentence which is probably due
for the next trial session on December 10, 1997. 

The Turkish view of justice, regarding freedom of opinion, freedom of
the press and freedom of expression is no longer a secret. It is true,
also internationally known artists, journalists et cetera have been
targeted by the Turkish authorities. But in most cases there is not a
real danger that the feared sentences are really implemented. 

It is a fact that numerous politically active people, working for
democracy and freedom in the country, are sentenced to spend years in
Turkish jails in inhuman conditions. Their chances to be released or
acquittal are, compared to the above mentioned "state targets" fairly
remote. This is due to the fact that the broad international opinion
is not informed enough about these cases, or that they are ignored. It
is very urgent to make this known, support is needed. 

We call upon you to witness the trial against Ayten =D6zt=FCrk.

Date: Wednesday, December 10, 1997
Time: 9 a.m. 
Place: Ankara, State Security Court

I would gladly answer any questions you might have:

Tel: (00 49) 221 - 760 76 56
fax: (00 49) 221 - 760 28 87

Sandra Bakutz

Information Centre for Free Peoples 


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Dec  3 09:59:48 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Dec 1997 09:59:48
Subject: Letter From Leyla Zana To President
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971203044..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Letter From Leyla Zana To President Clinton

AKIN Press Release #33
December 2, 1997                                    

AKIN Endorses The Content Of Leyla Zana's Letter To President
Clinton

     In recent days, Turkish and foreign media reports are
discussing the imminent Release of former Kurdish parliamentarian
Leyla Zana from a Turkish prison. The American Kurdish
Information Network (AKIN) welcomes the debate on this issue and
urges the Clinton Administration and Turkish officials to release
all Kurdish parliamentarians and address the Kurdish question in
its entirety.
     In a letter to President Clinton dated December 1, 1997,
Leyla Zana expresses her sorrow and her happiness for being the
subject of a Congressional campaign that seeks her freedom.  
     She goes on to say: 

"As you would appreciate it too, I am of the opinion that to
offer a respite to the individuals who are tied to their people's
democratic aspirations is a gesture that is devoid of meaning and
importance. As is [well] known, the Turkish security forces and
the PKK have been battling each other for the last fourteen
years. Both the Turks and the Kurds are losing blood. It is this
[very] reality in Turkey that forces me to tell you of my sorrow
and happiness to be the subject of your discussion with the
Turkish Prime Minister, Mesut Yilmaz. For me, the Kurdish
people's freedom is more important than my own personal
[liberty]. When people are sacrificing their lives and blood to
live with their dignity intact, it is with some sadness that [I]
note that concepts such as human rights and democracy are often
used to camouflage the international interests of the Super
Powers. Such an approach does not help end the sufferings of
[oppressed] peoples, and if anything it encourages those who
pursue [belligerent] policies. The war in Turkey is not just
affecting the geography of Turkey per se, but also the other
regions [of the Middle East] where the Kurds live; the situation
is posing a threat to regional as well as world peace. One must
remember that the crisis in the region is not just the concern of
the dominant or oppressed peoples [there], but rather an issue
that has direct ties with the strategic concerns of the larger
countries that have direct interests in the region."

She ends her letter by saying:

"I view my imprisonment as a necessary price to be paid for
peace, brotherhood, and the establishment of [true] democracy in
Turkey. Therefore, I am honored and happy to be doing my share in
this manner."

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Dec  4 01:06:53 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Dec 1997 01:06:53
Subject: Talking In Turkey: Dissent In A Lan
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971203195..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Talking In Turkey: Dissent In A Land Of Contradictions

Talking In Turkey: Dissent In A Land Of Contradictions 

The New York Times - November 29, 1997 
By Stephen Kinzer

     ISTANBUL, Turkey -- A new prison drama opened here recently
to a packed house, and by the time the premiere performance
ended, more than a few of the spectators were in tears as they
stood to applaud.
     At one point in the play the lead character, a blind and
bearded chain-smoker, says to a fellow inmate, "Sometimes I
wonder whether the people doing this to us are human or whether
they are totally oblivious to the people around them."
     "Whatever they do," his friend replies, "it's fear that
makes them do it."
     The play is remarkable not just for its trenchant treatment
of human rights issues, but because it was written by the lawyer
and social critic Esber Yagmurdereli, who happens to be a blind
and bearded chain-smoker with long experience in Turkish prisons.
     Yagmurdereli was recently sentenced to another long jail
term, but he was released after a wave of foreign and domestic
criticism. For years a faceless prisoner, Yagmurdereli has
suddenly become the most prominent figure in the human rights
firmament here. In a situation that recalls the more highly
publicized experiences of China's dissidents, his case reflects
some of the contradictions of Turkish politics.
     Western governments criticize rights abuses in Turkey, but
continue selling weapons to the security forces. Critics openly
damn the regime, but are often brought to trial for doing so.
Prisoners, including those convicted of aiding terrorism, are
freed when foreign pressure demands it.
     Yagmurdereli's release, for example, came as the European
Union was reviewing Turkey's application for membership and as
Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz was preparing to visit Germany and
the United States. Officials said they were releasing him because
he was in poor health, but as he walked out of jail he told
reporters, "I have not been given a medical examination as far as
I know."
     "What I want is that my ideas be regarded as true or false,
rather than as useful or harmful," he said.
     "Expression of one's thoughts is still an offense in Turkey.
My release in this way does not mean the problem has been
eliminated, and I will continue my struggle to resolve this
problem as long as it exists."
     In Turkey as in other countries where human rights are at
issue, protesters and their foreign supporters have always found
it useful to single out a figure who crystallizes the debate.
Journalists concerned about press restrictions here picked the
jailed editor Ocak Isik Yurtcu last summer, and soon after they
began organizing international protests on his behalf, he
was released. Campaigners against jailhouse torture have seized
on the cases of Metin Goktepe, a journalist who died in police
custody in 1996.
     In Washington, pro-Kurdish activists are staging a hunger
strike not just for Kurds in general, but specifically to win the
freedom of a prominent Kurdish firebrand, Leyla Zana, a member of
the Turkish Parliament who was stripped of her seat in 1994 and
then jailed on charges of supporting terrorism.
     Yagmurdereli, who lost his sight as a child, was sentenced
to death in 1978 after being convicted of directing a terrorist
cell. His sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment, which
in Turkey is equivalent to 35 years. He served more than 13
years, seven of them in solitary confinement, before being
paroled in 1991.
     Although terms of his parole meant that he would have to
serve the remainder of his sentence if he committed another
crime, he nonetheless threw himself back into political activity.
He helped form a left-leaning party and organized a campaign to
gather one million signatures protesting the war against Kurdish
separatists in southeast Turkey.
     Inevitably the justice system finally caught up with
Yagmurdereli again. He was convicted of encouraging separatism
and sentenced to a year in prison, plus the nearly 22 years
remaining on his previous life sentence. He had served just three
weeks when the Government bowed to foreign pressure earlier this
month and suspended his sentence for one year, a highly unusual
if not unique maneuver.
     Turkish rightists were furious. "Yagmurdereli is a sheer
terrorist, not a human rights figure or anything like that," said
Altemur Kilic, a conservative politician and columnist. "The
government is showing its weakness by releasing him."
     Turkey is in a unique position among the world's human
rights violators. In many ways it is a free and open society. It
considers itself pro-Western and is a valued member of the NATO
alliance. Precisely these aspects of Turkish society encourage
writers, politicians, and journalists to challenge the state in
ways that would be unthinkable in Iran or Iraq.
     But in doing so, they confront a power structure that fears
that open discussion of issues like Kurdish identity will
encourage separatist terrorism.
     Like many of Turkey's problems, the human rights dilemma has
its roots in the Kurdish southeast. Military commanders and their
civilian supporters insist there can be no serious change in
military and police tactics, or in laws restricting freedom of
speech, until the war there is over. But the war itself is fueled
by resentment over those tactics and laws.
     Although European countries have condemned Turkey's human
rights record, its strategy in the southeast, and specifically its
imprisonment of Yagmurdereli, the United States has been more
cautious. A strong coalition in Washington, led by powerful
Greek, Armenian, and pro-Kurdish lobbies, presses for action
against Turkey, but successive administrations have blocked it on
the grounds that Turkey's strategic position is too valuable.
     Turkish human rights leaders are not impressed when foreign
governments urge Turkey to improve its human rights record, and
they were unmoved by German, French, and British appeals on
behalf of Yagmurdereli.
     "As long as these countries sell weapons to Turkey, they
don't have the right to say anything about human rights here,"
said Nadire Mater, who has been active in many human rights
campaigns.
     "These public statements are like a game. A government says
something or makes some protest, but at the same time these
governments are selling weapons which are used to carry out the
violations. That is not being serious." 

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Dec  4 04:23:45 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Dec 1997 04:23:45
Subject: Hungerstrikes In Kurdistan Continue
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971203230..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Hungerstrikes In Kurdistan Continue

     The Kurdistan Information Center in Cologne has expressed
fears that repression in Turkish prisons might soon lead to more
deaths among the prisoners. It has been reported that
hungerstrikes in prisons in Erzurum and Batman were launched on
October 31, 1997, in order to demand improved conditions. Murat
Cetinkaya and Aran Serhat declared in the name of the prisoners
of Erzurum Special Prison that the new Turkish administration had
increased its repression against the prisoners. They went on to
state that the attacks had reached a climax, and that even those
rights which were won following the 40-50 day death fasts in 1996
were being withdrawn by the Turkish government. They then
reiterated their determination to continue struggling for better
prison conditions.
     A statement from 25 political prisoners in Batman Special
Prison was sent to the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD)
stating that conditions in Turkey's prisons were violations of
international law. This is a result of the militarist prison
policies of the Turkish state, they said. They also drew
attention to the fact that a state of emergency was still in
place over Mus Prison. Close to 300 political prisoners there
have been subjected to massive human rights violations since
1994. Soldiers and prison guards force prisoners to become
collaborators, and they torture those who refuse.
     In July and August of last year, 12 prisoners died during
death fasts in Turkish prisons. Another 10 prisoners were beaten
to death with iron bars during an attack by soldiers and prison
guards on Diyarbakir Special Prison. There are now fears that the
present serious situation could lead to a new loss of life among
the prisoners.

Hungerstrikes Expanded

     The chain hungerstrikes which began on October 31 in Erzurum
and Batman prisons have now become indefinite hungerstrikes. In a
statement released by prisoners, increased repression, inhumane
treatment, and the introduction of isolation detention are the
reasons for the expansion of acts of resistance. On November 14,
prisoners in other prisons joined in the hungerstrike actions to
push for the same demands.
     A committee of representatives from different parties and
human rights organizations has expressed its willingness to
negotiate between the prisoners and the Justice Ministry. But
this offer was rejected by officials at the Justice Ministry
responsible for prison administration. Mahmut Sakar, deputy
chairman of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and a member of
the committee, reiterated his willingness to act as a mediator.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief, No. 24, Vol. 10, 2.12.1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec  4 15:00:29 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 04 Dec 1997 15:00:29
Subject: Hungerstrikes In Kurdistan Continue
References: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971203230..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2igu3bz.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Hungerstrikes In Kurdistan Continue

     The Kurdistan Information Center in Cologne has expressed
fears that repression in Turkish prisons might soon lead to more
deaths among the prisoners. It has been reported that
hungerstrikes in prisons in Erzurum and Batman were launched on
October 31, 1997, in order to demand improved conditions. Murat
Cetinkaya and Aran Serhat declared in the name of the prisoners
of Erzurum Special Prison that the new Turkish administration had
increased its repression against the prisoners. They went on to
state that the attacks had reached a climax, and that even those
rights which were won following the 40-50 day death fasts in 1996
were being withdrawn by the Turkish government. They then
reiterated their determination to continue struggling for better
prison conditions.
     A statement from 25 political prisoners in Batman Special
Prison was sent to the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD)
stating that conditions in Turkey's prisons were violations of
international law. This is a result of the militarist prison
policies of the Turkish state, they said. They also drew
attention to the fact that a state of emergency was still in
place over Mus Prison. Close to 300 political prisoners there
have been subjected to massive human rights violations since
1994. Soldiers and prison guards force prisoners to become
collaborators, and they torture those who refuse.
     In July and August of last year, 12 prisoners died during
death fasts in Turkish prisons. Another 10 prisoners were beaten
to death with iron bars during an attack by soldiers and prison
guards on Diyarbakir Special Prison. There are now fears that the
present serious situation could lead to a new loss of life among
the prisoners.

Hungerstrikes Expanded

     The chain hungerstrikes which began on October 31 in Erzurum
and Batman prisons have now become indefinite hungerstrikes. In a
statement released by prisoners, increased repression, inhumane
treatment, and the introduction of isolation detention are the
reasons for the expansion of acts of resistance. On November 14,
prisoners in other prisons joined in the hungerstrike actions to
push for the same demands.
     A committee of representatives from different parties and
human rights organizations has expressed its willingness to
negotiate between the prisoners and the Justice Ministry. But
this offer was rejected by officials at the Justice Ministry
responsible for prison administration. Mahmut Sakar, deputy
chairman of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and a member of
the committee, reiterated his willingness to act as a mediator.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief, No. 24, Vol. 10, 2.12.1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------



*******************************************
Solidariteitsgroep Turkije-Kurdistan
Postbus 85306    3508 AH     Utrecht
the Netherlands        stk at xs4all.nl
http://www.xs4all.nl/~stk/index.html
*******************************************

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Dec  4 06:39:22 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Dec 1997 06:39:22
Subject: DHKC: The People's Justice Has Noth
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971204012..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: DHKC: The People's Justice Has Nothing To Do With Luck

The People's Justice Has Nothing To Do With Luck

     On June 16, 1997, fighters from the Revolutionary People's
Liberation Front (DHKC) attacked the police headquarters in Vatan
Street. After the Istanbul police got over their initial shock,
they began operations which lasted all night, but they were
unable to catch any of the fighters. The headlines of the daily
newspapers on June 17, 1997 said: "Luckily the rocket only hit a
wall. If the rocket had gone through a window there would have
been a disaster." This was also what the Istanbul police were
saying. They could only give vent to their fears in this form:
"luck". Because of luck, they escaped, but it should not be
forgotten that people's justice has nothing to do with luck.
     People's justice will certainly knock at the door of those
who managed to "escape" punishment. And it should be remembered
that "luck" will not always favor them. Those who have
slaughtered a sheep in thanksgiving to God because they were
saved by "luck" will perhaps never get another chance to make a
sacrifice to their God. Those who were saved by luck ought to
look at the past. They must be clear that many who were saved by
luck beforehand had to reckon with people's justice later on. Gun
Sazak, a major landowner, capitalist, smuggler, and fascist
chief, could not save himself from the bill presented by people's
justice. The torturer and prime minister at the time of the March
12, 1971 putsch, Nihat Erim, could not escape from the reckoning
demanded of him. The deputy police chief of Istanbul, Mahmut
Dikler, also could not escape people's justice. The commander of
the state of emergency area, Ismail Selen; the commander of the
gendarme regiment in Siirt, Temel Cingoz; America's henchman and
one of the fascist generals and contra-guerrilla chiefs, Adnan
Ersoz; the fascist state attorney, Nural Ucurum; the chief
torturer, Aydin Baris; those who exploited the people to the full,
the masters of torture, massacres, disappearances, exploitation,
and tyranny, the Sabancis were not able to save themselves from
the reckoning demanded by people's justice. And those who believe
they were saved "by luck" will not be able to save themselves
when justice demands a reckoning. People's justice does not rely
on luck in doing its work. People's justice gives nobody a second
chance. The past is the best proof of this. Those who filled a
page in the history books because they were justly punished for
the crimes they committed against the people are the best proof
of this. No one should forget that the people will not cease to
demand a reckoning for the pains they have to endure. And they do
not leave matters to luck. Luck is a transitory thing, but
justice will strike and its hand cannot be stayed.

(Source: Devrimci Sol/Revolutionary Left - September 1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec  4 15:58:59 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 04 Dec 1997 15:58:59
Subject: Turkey: Hypocracy in action - International help for policestate
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0xdl4u.000CFpC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


December 10 1997: Ayten Ozturk, has to face the National Security
Council. She faces a demanded penalty from 22 1/2 years in prison.
Because the regime fears international criticism about attacks at the
press - Recently it released the murderers of Metin Goktepe - it
decided to attack Ayten Ozturk, chief editor of the magazine Kurtulus,
with another of the many anti-terror-law's.

The woman was arrested on October 13, 1997, on order of the State
Security Court in Ankara.  The journalist was charged with "leading an
organisation", according to article 168/1. Although her concrete
"crime" was publishing a special edition of the weekly Kurtulus, press
law 3713 is not applied.

Today, December 4, the Turkish Daily news headed very optimistic:

"Freedom of expression to be broadened".

Inside the article State Minister Hikmet Sami Turk, who is responsible
for human rights, did his normal work as propagandatool. 

"He said that the Human Rights Coordination Board has already
finalized some of the issues out of seventy-three different related
subjects taken up in the 16 meetings of the Board held so far,
starting on July 24. He said that out of the unfinalized ones, there
are some which have reached the final stage and the others that are
still under discussion.

Stressing the determination of the government to completely stop
violations of human rights, the minister said that arrangements are
also being made to effectively fight corruption and control the
alledged uncontrollable elements in the state.

The minister said courses on civics and human rights have already
begun in the eighth grade of primary schools, and will continue at the
lycee level as democracy and human rights courses. He stated that
human rights courses have been given at police academies for some
time, and in-duty training on human rights will be expanded and
regularized for both police forces and prison staff in Turkey.

Turkey has agreed with Great Britain on four projects for cooperating
in a program for the education of the police force in human rights.
Minister Turk said Turkey is open to cooperation in human rights with
all friendly countries."

{...)

"Responding to a question on free expression, Turk said, "We want to
recognize freedom of thought and expression in the widest sense in
Turkey. The Human Rights Coordination Board has started work on this
issue -- widening the boundaries of freedom of thought, expression and
the press in our Constitution and laws... We will make the legal
provisions related to our integrity more concrete with a clearer
wording and bring to the forefront the aspect of whether the act was
intentional, and also whether the act is harmful to the public order."

To another question on the Kurdish identity, the minister said
government wanted to respect full human rights for all citizens in
Turkey, and that human rights shouldn't be turned into an ethnic issue
nor should it be used as discrimination or a privilege."


DON'T BELIEVE THE HYPE!

We would appreciate any action against the international cooperation
with the murdering Turkish police.


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From 9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk  Sat Dec  6 11:43:48 1997
From: 9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk (9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk)
Date: 06 Dec 1997 11:43:48
Subject: Notice of upcoming conferences
Message-ID: <bac1c849.307B1E29CC@lms.student.gla.ac.uk>

From: "Thomas O'Gorman" <9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk>


--Message-Boundary-19059
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT
Content-description: Mail message body

Dear Comrades;

Attached you will find announcements for conferences which will be 
held in London and Glasgow in 1998 by the journal 'Critique' and The 
Centre for Study in Socialist Theory and Movements at the University 
of Glasgow, respectively.

Please pass along this information through your various networks.

More information can be provided through e-mail by Tom O'Gorman: 
<9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk>,   or Yassamine  Mather: 
<yasmine at mech.gla.ac.uk>.

Thank you for your time and assistance.

In solidarity,

Tom O'Gorman
--Message-Boundary-19059
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-description: Information about this message.

This message contains a file prepared for transmission using the
MIME BASE64 transfer encoding scheme. If you are using Pegasus
Mail or another MIME-compliant system, you should be able to extract
it from within your mailer. If you cannot, please ask your system
administrator for help.

   ---- File information -----------
     File:  febconf.doc
     Date:  2 Dec 1997, 10:24
     Size:  10240 bytes.
     Type:  MS-Word-6

--Message-Boundary-19059
Content-type: Application/MSWord; name=febconf.doc
Content-transfer-encoding: BASE64
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--Message-Boundary-19059
Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-description: Information about this message.

This message contains a file prepared for transmission using the
MIME BASE64 transfer encoding scheme. If you are using Pegasus
Mail or another MIME-compliant system, you should be able to extract
it from within your mailer. If you cannot, please ask your system
administrator for help.

   ---- File information -----------
     File:  mayconf.doc
     Date:  6 Dec 1997, 11:28
     Size:  13824 bytes.
     Type:  MS-Word-6

--Message-Boundary-19059
Content-type: Application/MSWord; name=mayconf.doc
Content-transfer-encoding: BASE64
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--Message-Boundary-19059--

From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Dec  6 15:45:17 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 06 Dec 1997 15:45:17
Subject: Human Rights Watch/Helsinki 1997 Report: Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3hg8m5a5f.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Resent-From: rich

TURKEY

Human Rights Developments
In power just under a year, Turkey s first Islamist-led government, the
Welfare/True Path Party (Refahyol) coalition of Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan resigned on June 18 after an intense public and private campaign
headed by the military and the General Staff.   One editorial writer dubbed
the act the  country s "first post-modern coup" as the military was able to
force the government from office  without taking power directly or putting
troops in the streets. The minority three-party coalition (ANASOL-D) of
Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz took office in July after the resignation of
Refah.  The new Prime Minister and many of his ministers have made positive
statements about improving the human rights situation and instituting
reform, though only time will tell if these will translate into structural,
far-reaching improvements. The conflict in southeastern Turkey between
security forces and the Workers  Party of Kurdistan (PKK) continued into
its thirteen year, with both sides committing serious abuses, though at a
level in line with a sharp reduction in fighting inside Turkey.  Although
a lively, if small,  civil society was active and there was both progress
and setbacks with regard to prosecuting police, lowering detention periods
for security detainees, and releasing jailed editors, persistent human
rights abuses continued. They included restrictions on free expression,
torture, death in detention, and police abuse and maltreatment. Prisons
continued to be a problem, with poor administration and excessive use of
force during unrest. Militant left and right-wing groups continued to
commit abuses, such as bombings and assassinations.
1997 witnessed a continual back-and-forth  between signs of improvement and
abuse. The former Erbakan  government lowered detention periods for
security detainees and ordered increased oversight of police, but reports
of torture and maltreatment by police continued.  The Yilmaz government
quickly  passed a law in August resulting  in the release of at least ten
editors jailed on free expression charges. Unfortunately, other laws
continued to punish freedom of thought. In October, for example,  Esber
Yagmurdereli, a respected lawyer and human rights activist, was remanded
into custody to start serving a twenty-two-year sentence on free expression
charges. There appeared to be an increase in the prosecution of abusive
police, especially in cases involving the January 1996 death of journalist
Metin Goktepe in police custody and the death of ten inmates in the
September 1996 riot in Diyarbakir prison, but in the case of the torture of
teenagers in Manisa in December 1995, there was a serious setback when the
court did not order police charged in the case to appear in court so their
accusers could identify them. It took the direct intervention of Mr.
Yilmaz, a commendable effort in itself, to arrest the relatively
low-ranking police officers charged in the Goktepe case; later, four of the
men were released on bail. In September, State Minister Salih Yildirim
announced the need for Kurdish-language television broadcasts in
southeastern Turkey. In Istanbul, however, the governor s office blocked
the Kurdish Culture and Research Foundation (Kurt-Kav) from conducting
Kurdish-language courses. Finally, the investigation into the Susurluk
scandal, an auto accident in November 1996 that pointed toward "illegal
gangs" in the security forces, proved disappointing, despite an immense
public outcry and a parliamentary investigation that issued a report which,
though not perfect, called for serious reform. The parliamentary immunity
of those believed to be the key figures in the scandal, among them former
Interior Minister Mehmet Agar, was not lifted, and only eleven low-ranking
security officials were brought to trial.  They were released from custody
in September, though three are still held in another case.

Mr. Erbakan s hapless Refahyol coalition, beset by internal conflict with
his secular coalition partner and by scandal, had infuriated the military
by its attempt to legalize certain aspects of Islam at odds with Turkey s
constitution, such as the right of female civil servants to wear head
scarves. Turkey s military establishment, which views itself as the
ultimate guardian of the secular, Kemalist state, also grew wary of Refahs
attempt to pack the bureaucracy with its supporters  and of intemperate
statements by some Refah leaders.  The military declared  "fundamentalism"
Turkey s number one threat and sought closure of state-supported religious
schools (Imam-Hatip), schools that had been opened by every government
since 1950 including the military after the 1980 coup.At the end of
February, the military presented Mr. Erbakan s government with an
eighteen-point program to at rein in Islamist activity, and in May, the
government took legal action to ban Refah (Welfare Party) for threatening
the secular character of the state, though the case as presented in the
indictment was largely based on free expression charges. The final blow
came in a  June 11 statement from General Staff headquarters threatening
that "weapons would be used if necessary in the struggle against
fundamentalism."  The government resigned a week later. It was also
reported that the military sought to reinstate article 163, which banned
fundamentalist activity and had been abolished in 1991.
Although the military consistently tops the polls as the most respected
institution in Turkey and was supported  in its anti-Refah campaign by
trade unions, some business groups, and most of the press establishment,
its interventionist proclivity is sharply at odds with the role the
military plays in most democratic countries.  The military exerts its
influence through the National Security Council (MGK), a
half-civilian/half-military body chaired by the president and provided for
under the 1982 constitution, a restrictive document written after the 1980
coup. Law No. 2945  gives the MGK a broad and poorly-defined sphere of
responsibility that includes protecting the state "against any foreign or
domestic threat to its interests...including political, social, cultural,
and economic...." A report on democratization in Turkey issued in January
1997 by The Turkish Industrialist s and Businessmen s Association ( TUSIAD)
stated that, "If Turkey wishes to move in the direction of modern
democracy, the issues of domestic and foreign security and national defense
must be differentiated, and the Turkish armed forces  sphere of interest
must be restricted to national defense."
The conflict in southeastern Turkey with the PKK, the Workers Party of
Kurdistan, continued into its thirteenth year, albeit at a much reduced
level of intensity. Small scale incidents were also reported in mountainous
regions south of the Black Sea.  As in the past, most abuses committed by
government forces and the PKK continued to occur in the southeast. Abuses
included torture, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate fire.  Much of
the fighting moved to remote mountain areas or to northern Iraq, from which
the PKK launched raids into Turkey.  In mid-May, Turkey launched a
large-scale incursion into northern Iraq in pursuit of PKK insurgents, and
there was talk of setting up a buffer zone. Another cross-border operation
commenced in September.  Though not independently confirmed, in October the
government reported that 28,000 individuals had been killed since the start
of the conflict. 
The Yilmaz government s coalition protocol stated that, "The reasons for
the problems of the southeast are not ethnic, but geographical, social, and
economic, stemming from the region s feudal structure..." In July, Deputy
Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit led a delegation to Diyarbakir, the center of
Turkey s ethnically-Kurdish regions, to announce job creation programs,
increased education opportunities, and housing for the forcibly displaced.

A state of emergency remained in force in nine provinces of the region for
most of 1997, though in October emergency rule was lifted in Batman,
Bingol, and Bitlis provinces with promises to abolish emergency rule at the
end of 1997.  After the abolishment of emergency rule in Mardin province
in early 1997, local human rights groups reported little change because a
1996 amendment to the provincial administration law gives extended and
restrictive powers to provincial governors. 
Parties that made demands for legal recognition of Turkey s Kurdish
minority continued to face criminal prosecution. In May,  the party chair,
Murat Bozlak, and other administrators of the People s Democracy Party
(HADEP), the top vote-getter in southeastern Turkey, were found guilty of
aiding the PKK in a trial based on weak and questionable evidence; it
appears that a case will be opened to ban the party. In June, the
Democratic Mass Party (DKP) of Serafettin Elci, a former minister,  was
prosecuted under  article 81 of the Political Party Law entitled,
"Preventing the Creation of Minorities."
The most serious consequence of the fighting in the southeast has been the
forced evacuation of villages and hamlets in the region.  The majority were
forcibly evacuated between 1993-1995; while large-scale evacuations have
ceased, some smaller operations continued during 1997.  In July, Deputy
Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit announced that 3,185 villages and hamlets home
to an estimated 370,000 individuals had been evacuated during the conflict


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sun Dec  7 18:37:01 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Dec 1997 18:37:01
Subject: Turkish Military Continues Operatio
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971207132..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkish Military Continues Operations In Southern Kurdistan

Turkish Jets Keep Pressure On Kurdish Rebels

Diyarbakir, Turkey (Reuter - December 7, 1997) Turkish jets
raided Kurdish guerrilla positions across the border in northern
Iraq on Sunday in Turkey's latest military drive to dislodge the
rebels from the remote region, Turkey's military said.
     "The operation continues, and will do so until its aims are
reached", a military official told Reuters in the southeastern
regional capital Diyarbakir.
     He said two F-16 warplanes took off from Diyarbakir airbase
early on Sunday to attack rebels of the Kurdistan Workers Party
(PKK) in the Khwakurk area of north Iraq.
     Some 10,000 Turkish troops poured across the border on
Friday to join an Iraqi Kurdish group and thousands of Turkish
soldiers already campaigning against the PKK in Iraq.
     Between 500 and 1,000 PKK fighters were believed to be in
the area around Khwakurk, the focus of the operation close to the
borders with Turkey and Iran, but there had been no major clashes
with the rebels so far, the official said.
     Another Turkish military spokesman said 20 guerrillas had
been killed in fighting on Saturday. No independent confirmation
was available from the area closed to journalists by Turkey since
a similar operation in May.
     Turkish troops were also closing in on a PKK camp in the Zab
valley, the officials said. Turkey previously occupied the Zab
camp during the May offensive and again in September.
     Turkey frequently strikes into northern Iraq against the
PKK, which uses camps in the area in its campaign for Kurdish
self-rule in southeast Turkey.
     The Iraqi government, which lost control of the north to
Kurdish groups after the 1991 Gulf War, has condemned the latest
push and called on Turkey to withdraw its troops immediately.
     A statement by the political wing of the PKK released in
Cyprus accused Turkey of committing atrocities during its
incursions into the Iraqi Kurdish enclave.
     "Turkey has often been in South Kurdistan (northern Iraq)
supposedly aiming (at) the eradication of PKK guerrillas, but
leaves destroyed homes, murdered bodies and bloodshed behind",
the statement said.
     But the group vowed to fight on.
     "They (the Kurd guerrillas) are fully ready for war against
the barbaric Turkish army. To achieve freedom for all the peoples
of the area they will continue struggling", it said.
     More than 27,000 people have been killed in clashes between
the Turkish security forces and the PKK since the rebels took up
their fight for Kurdish self-rule in 1984.




From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Dec  8 06:31:39 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 08 Dec 1997 06:31:39
Subject: Turkey: Mainstream update on the Manisa-trial
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3u3cj3ol4.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

For background information see: http://www.ozgurluk.org/pub/manisa.html

TDN: Dec. 8, 1997 
The Manisa trial: Ten police officers tried on torture charges

  * If the Justice Court finds the policemen guilty of extracting the
 testimonies of the 16 defendants [tried at the Superior Court]
 under pressure and of using torture, the defendants case will be
 proved
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Serdar Alyamac / Turkish Daily News
 
Izmir- They were not more than 18 - not even adults yet, now they all
are adults, except Mahir Goktas, and are studying at various
universities. Furthermore, they are trying to bear the heavy weight
placed on their shoulders.

According to the reports issued by the Anti-Terrorism Branch, they
have committed grave offences such as those committed by vicious
terrorists. They were known to the public as terrorists, and to
anybody, who believed they are innocent, they were victims. But
despite everything, they were teenagers and they used to have dreams
and goals for the future. As a result of the offences they are alleged
to have committed, they were brought to trial and consequently fell
into a bottomless pit. People now wonder whether they will ever be
able to escape from this pit.

@What Happened

On Dec. 26, 1995, 15 children and one of their teachers were taken
into custody by policemen from the Anti-Terrorism Branch of the Manisa
Police Department and charged with being members of an illegal
organization. At their trial the official charges were: membership of
an armed opposition group, the DHKP/C (Revolutionary People's
Liberation Front), throwing a Molotov cocktail at a hairdresser's
salon, and hanging banners with illegal slogans on walls and, finally,
possession of illegal publications such as Kurtulus magazine (the
editorial policy of which is based on left wing ideals) which is
available at every news stand. All of these "victims" were taken into
custody. According to the press release of the Manisa Police
Headquarters,

Ali Goktas (the arrested teacher) is the DHKP/C Manisa representative,
Mahir Goktas (one of the students, who is 15 years old) is accused of
being a courier running between the Group's office and Buca Prison,
hanging banners and throwing a Molotov cocktail. Emrah Sait Erda is a
representative of the DEV-GENC, a section of the DHKP/C and DLMK (the
committee of revolutionary High School students), Askin Yegin is an
active member of DHKP/C. DEV-GENC, Levent Kilic, Huseyin Korkut, Boran
Senol, Jale Kurt are active members of DEV-GENC, students Munire
Apaydin, Ayse Mine Balkanli, Sema Tasar, A. Yucel Karakas, Ozgur
Zeybek, Fulya Apaydin and Erdogan Kilic are all accused of being
members of DLMK and of distributing correspondence for the Group.

After an eleven-day detention, the trial of the defendants began in
March 1996, and is still continuing today, as is their detention.
Throughout this period, according to the report issued by the
detainees, all of the 15 students and the teacher have been subjected
to degrading treatment and torture such as being blindfolded, stripped
naked, hosed with cold water and given electric shocks.

During this time, the trial has attracted great interest from the
media, public and international human rights organizations such as
Amnesty International and the Committee for the Prohibition of
Torture. These institutions have also conducted research and issued
reports about the Manisa Trial. Amnesty International included a
special article about the Manisa case in its journal of November 1996.
During the trial of the 16 defendants, 11 teenage students, were
charged with being members of the illegal group, the DHKP/C and with
helping other members not in custody. They have been tried and
sentenced to a term of between three and five years; and five others,
including a teacher, Ali Goktas, all of whom are in custody in Buca
prison, have also been tried and sentenced to between 12 and 15 years.

Ten policemen have been charged with subjecting the defendants to
torture and degrading treatment. The trial of the ten policemen has
been continuing for about a year and if the prosecution case succeeds
may result in prison terms totalling 700 years.

The continuation of the trial of the 16 "Manisa victims" iscompletely
dependant on the result of the trial of the policemen. If the
policemen are found guilty of subjecting the 16 defendants to torture
and degrading treatment while their testimony was being recorded, the
trial of the defendants will be struck out.

The most important witness for the defendants is Sabri Ergul, of the
People's Party. Sabri Ergul, who has been keeping his eye on the trial
since the beginning of the Manisa "event", has heard allegations of
torture from the children during his unannounced visits to Manisa
Police Headquarters.

Pelin Erda, lawyer for the 16 defendants, told the TDN that at the
beginning the children could not tell of the torture to which they had
been subjected because they were threatened by policemen that if they
told, they would be killed.

Erda went on to say that for that reason they had written down
everything they were subjected to.

Following this Erda presented a statement to the Public Prosecutor
about the torture the 16 defendants had been subjected to and the fact
that their testimony had been recorded under torture. But before the
Public Prosecutors took the statement into consideration, a lot of
time had passed and the physical evidence of torture had disappeared.
At the same time the 16 defendants had identical medical problems such
as cramp and shoulder pain. Pointing out that these problems had been
overlooked twice in the two medical reports which had been issued by
doctors, Erda said these reports did nothing to prove that the
children had been subjected to torture. According to her, the doctors
just asked the children -- who were accompanied by two policemen --
whether they had any problems. Nothing more.

However, three of the defendants had been hospitalized because of
their poor health. In the report issued by the policemen, the
defendants were supposed to be examined five times but in fact they
were examined only three times, according to Erda, who went on to
relate discrepancies in evidence.

[INLINE] "According to the report issued by the Anti-Terrorist Branch
of Manisa police headquarters, a child of 14 threw a Molotov cocktail
at a hairdresser's shop but according to the report issued by the
Manisa Fire Department, it was a stove that had actually caused the
fire in the shop. The other offence which the 16 defendants are
alleged to have committed is the hanging of illegal banners but there
are no witnesses to this event. Also the defendants are accused of
being members of the illegal opposition group (DHKP/C) but under those
illegal banners there was no DHKP/C sign.Furthermore, Kurtulus
magazine, which is illegal, is available at every news stand. "In fact
the defendants don't have any ties with this illegal group," said
Pelin Erda. She went on to say: "These children have ideas based on
left wing politics, but they have not attended any demonstrations by
these illegal groups. We held a press meeting to disprove these
reports issued by the policemen but it was not taken into
consideration."

Erda states that they held a demonstration to protest, against the
disregard of the Public Prosecutor for theirdocuments, at which they
hung a banner saying, "There is torture in this place of business," on
the door of the Manisa Police Headquarters. After this event, the
imprisoned children were hospitalized and as a result of this, many
illnesses, such as tuberculosis and psychological disorders, were
discovered in the children, five of whom are still in custody.
"Following this, we informed the Human Rights Commission and the
European Commission for the Prohibition of Torture. These institutions
also researched the event. As a result, 10 policemen, who subjected
these children to torture, were brought to trial."

Explaining the behaviour of the policemen, Erda says: "These policemen
from the Anti-Terrorist Branch came from Bingol as a team. Apparently,
they experienced difficult conditions in Bingol, a city in southeast
Turkey. When they came to Manisa they are said to have declared that
they would kill the roots of terrorism in Manisa but everybody knows
that there is no terrorism in Manisa, which is one of the quietest
cities in Turkey. They are spreading terror in Manisa rather than
struggling against terrorism. They are trying to promote themselves."

@Interview with yesterday's children, today's adults

The TDN talked to the three teenage detainees Fulya Apaydin, Erdogan
Kilic and Munire Apaydin who are under arrest but not in custody.
Fulya Apaydin who was 17-years-old when she was charged with being a
member of the illegal group, DHKP/C, and distributing correspondence
for the group, told her story. "On the night of Dec. 26, 1995, I was
taken into custody which lasted eleven days. During this time I was
subjected to torture such as being stripped naked, beaten and sexually
assaulted, and psychological torture like crying and hearing the
"Mehter March" at high-volume. It continued during the eleven days.
They even continued to subject us to torture in the public prosecutors
office. I know every policeman who has been charged with subjecting us
to torture. I was blindfolded, but I could see their feet and I knew
their smell. On Jan. 25, 1996, I was set free in order to be tried
while not in custody. I don't have relations with any illegal group,
which the policemen claimed. I began to avoid my friends because I
could not tell them about the torture to which I was subjected. I have
been undergoing psychological therapy, she said."

Fulya was cleared of all charges.

Erdogan Kilic, who was 17-years-old when he was charged with being a
member of the illegal group, DHKP/C, and distributing correspondence,
said: "I was taken into custody on Dec. 26, 1995. I was kept in
custody for eleven days but I was not subjected to as much torture as
the others. I was subjected to psychological torture such as beatings
and being forced to listen to the cries and screams of the others, who
were subjected to electric shocks. After eleven days in custody, I was
set free in order to be tried while not in custody. Then I lost
contact with all my friends and I have been undergoing psychological
therapy since my release." He also was cleared of all charges.

Munire Apaydin, who was 16-years-old when she was charged with being a
member of the illegal group, DHKP/C, and of distributing
correspondence, tells: "I was taken into custody while I was at school
on Dec. 26, 1995. It lasted eleven days. I was subjected to torture as
soon as I entered the police station. After blindfolding me they put
me into a cell where there were around 10 policemen. They asked
questions that had nothing to do with me. They began to take my
clothes off by force and they put a wet blanket on the ground and laid
me down on it; they held my legs and arms, connected the big toe of my
right foot to an electric cable and poured water on me. Then they
applied electric shocks to all parts of my body. Then they shouted at
me saying "why don't you cry. Cry." Because I was not crying, I was
punched. At last I couldn't stand the torture and I had to admit every
offence I have never committed. Then, they took me into another cell.
I could hear the cries and screams of the others, who were subjected
to torture. During this time, I was taken to the torture room three
times and sexually assaulted three times. I got tuberculosis during
these eleven days. I was set free in order to be tried while not in
custody." She was sentenced to two years.

@Controversial Court Decision

The 16 defendants were tried by three separate courts, the Criminal
Court, which deals with serious cases, the Justice Court and the State
Security Court. These 16 defendants were cleared of all charges by the
Criminal Court and the Justice Court. But, according to the decision
of the Criminal Court, which cleared the defendants, the manner in
which the testimonies of all 16 defendants were taken contravened
Article 254 of the Custody Law (CMUK). The decision of the
JusticeCourt also cleared the defendants of all charges, on the
grounds that their testimonies were taken under pressure and lacked
evidence. Despite the decisions of these courts, the State Security
Court sentenced these 15 teenagers and the teacher to jail for being
members of a left wing illegal organization and on associated charges
on Jan. 16, 1997. The sentences range from two to 12 years and were
handed down to 10 defendants -- six were cleared.

Ali Goktas, the teacher, was accused of being the DHKP/C Manisa
representative and received a 12.5 year sentence.

Emrah Sait Erda, Askin Yigit, Faruk Deniz and Levent Kilic received
sentences of 12.5 years for DHKP/C membership and associated charges.

Jale Kurt was accused of being an active member of the DHKP/C and was
sentenced to jail for three years and nine months.

Munire Apaydin, Ayse Mine Balkanli, Sema Tasar and Ozgur Zeybek were
all accused of being members of the DLMK (Revolutionary Group of High
School Students) -- an illegal organization affiliated to the DHKP/C
-- and of distributing correspondence for the group. They were all
sentenced to two years and six months in jail.

Huseyin Korkut, Boran Senol, Fulya Apaydin, Erdogan Kilic and Yuce
Karakas were accused of being members of the DLMK and of distributing
correspondence on its behalf. They were cleared of the charges.

Mahir Goktas, the teacher's nephew was accused of being a courier
between the group and Buca prison, hanging banners and throwing a
Molotov cocktail. Goktas was 15-years-old at the time of the alleged
offences and was cleared on all counts.

Explaining the controversy surrounding the decision of the courts, the
lawyers for the 16 defendants, Pelin Erda and Sema Pekdas, said that
the Superior Court was making a terrible legal error by ignoring the
decision of the Justice Court and the Criminal Court. They claimed
that laws had not been taken into consideration by the Superior Court,
and that this damages faith in the Turkish legal system.

Both the lawyers stated that they had requested the Superior Court to
annul the case, but at the same time the chief prosecutor at the
Superior Court had requested that the court increase the sentences.

Shedding more light on the confusion surrounding the case and both
trials, the lawyers further stated: "The last case was heard recently
at the Superior Court and the final case hearing will be on Jan. 28,
1998. In this case the Superior Court will announce its decision.
However, the trial of the 10 policemen, who subjected the children to
torture, is still going on, and according to the lawyers, will be
finalized in March 1998. Furthermore, the future of the 16 defendants
is dependant on the trial of the policemen. If the Justice Court finds
the policemen guilty of extracting the testimonies of the 16
defendants [tried at the Superior Court] under pressure and of using
torture, the defendants case will be proved. By the time the cases of
the policemen are heard and concluded, the children and their teacher
will have begun the sentences passed on them. So, the question
remains: What will happen to these 'yesterday's teenagers' and
'today's adults'?"

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Dec  9 12:59:48 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 09 Dec 1997 12:59:48
Subject: 1000 operations against the people in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3oh2q5oj1.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

1000 OPERATIONS AND GANGS 

1000 OPERATIONS WERE CARRIED OUT AGAINST THE PEOPLE

"1000 secret operations", these three words testified by Mehmet Agar,
define the character of the "Susurluk" state. "1000 secret operations"
means disappearances while in custody, murders by unknown perpetrators
and provocations. Among them the massacres of March 16, July 12, and
the executions on April 16-17 in Bah?elievler, a neighbourhood of
Istanbul. It means blood bath in Sivas, Gazi, ?mraniye, Diyarbakir.
When the "Susurluk Affair" came on the agenda, all forces of the
oligarchy denied the fact that these gangs had been used against the
people and that thousands of operations had been carried out. Those
who said "these gangs have to be dissolved", later didn't ask and
discuss no more why and against whom these gangs had been founded. All
these events were initiated, decided and carried out by the
contra-guerrilla. "The state in Susurluk" is organised against the
people. The state which has to be held accountable, which has to be
interrogated, is this state. The history of this state shows many
massacres and crimes against the people. 

THE FIRST CONTRA-ACTION OF THE REPUBLIC

With approval of Ankara, the founder of the TKP - Communist Party of
Turkey - returned from the Soviet Union to Anatolia, together with
fourteen of his comrades. From that moment he was confronted with
numerous plots. The people were incited against Mustafa Suphi and his
comrades. They reacted with returning to the Soviet Union, but -
ordered by Ankara - they were drowned in the Black Sea by Yahya Kemal
and his men on January 29, 1921. It was Ankara's goal to weaken the
effect of the Soviet Revolution. Therefore M. Kemal had a communist
party founded, controlled by the state. There was no contra-guerrilla
at that time, but the methods which were used had the same character.
These methods are not alien to the ruling class. To liquidate the
opposition, seen as the enemy, by means of conspiracies is a tradition
which stems from the Ottoman Empire. It's this tradition which allowed
a new Sultan to destroy his brother because of the rivalry for power.
This tradition, inherited from the Ottoman Empire, was continued in
the time of the republic. 

KURDISH UPRISINGS AND MASSACRES

All the uprisings, from the Ko?girl Uprising in 1921 to the Dersim
Uprising in 1937, were oppressed by massacres by the state. A savage
policy of genocide was applied. Hundreds of thousands of Kurds were
slaughtered. From the beginning of the 90's, the Kurdish people
witnessed the burning down of villages, deportation and massacres,
initiated by the contra-guerrilla. The opponents of the system and the
leaders of the uprising were put before the "Court of the future",
similar to the present DGM - State Security Court -, and sentenced to
years of imprisonment, exile and death. The "Court of the future" was
in session between December 10, 1923 - February 5, 1924 and April 14,
1925 - March 7, 1927. The court was abolished in 1949. At that time,
the "Takrir-i S?kun" law about "securing the public order", a state of
emergence law like the present one, was enacted. All the power in the
state of emergency areas was handed over to the army commanders and
the governor. With the Settlement Law of July 14, 1927, the country
was turned into a prison. Who was to be resettled in what area was
decided by the state. 

THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA IS "OFFICIALLY " FOUNDED

The NATO was founded against the growing influence of socialism and
against the liberation struggles of the people against imperialism.
The contra-guerrilla is a covert organisation of NATO. After Turkey
joined NATO, a first contra-guerrilla centre was established in Ankara
in September 1952, called the "Institute for War Research". This name,
thought of by the CIA, was changed in 1965 to "?zel Harp Dairesi",
Special War Department, and once again in 1990 to "?zel Kuvvetler
Komutanligi", Special Forces Command. Until the 70's, nobody but
government circles knew about this. The goal of this organisation,
which existed under different names in several countries, was -
especially in the neo-colonial countries - not limited to "combat the
external communist threat". When the profits of imperialism and its
collaborators are concerned, it's of no importance whether this threat
comes from the outside or the inside. Therefore the contra-guerrilla
in the neo-colonial countries was aimed primarily against the growing
internal threat of a expanding liberation struggle, stopping the
revolutionaries, and not as much against an external threat. The
contra-guerrilla was organised against the people, against the
liberation struggle of the people. Elementary forces in this war, a
threat to the profits of imperialism, capable of seizing and
maintaining power, are the armed forces of the people, the guerrilla
fighters. The contra-guerrilla is defined by its policy, its strategy,
tactics and the level of organisation, parallel to the liberation war.
The contra-guerrilla carries out its attacks, its oppression and
terror, against the people. The revolutionaries, democrats and
progressive people, neither participating in the armed struggle, nor
at the side of the state, but advocating the struggle for liberation
and democracy, are targeted by the state. The names "?zel Harp",
Special War, and "?zel Kuvvetler", Special Forces" in the military
literature mean organising against the civil war and the guerrilla
struggle. The contra-guerrilla, established in the neo-colonial
countries, was used to reorganise the army according to the needs of
the civil war. 

THE FIRST PROVOCATIVE ACTS OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA AND THE SEPTEMBER
6-7 EVENTS

The first and most threatening action, carried out by the
contra-guerrilla after its foundation, was the bombing in 1955 in
Saloniki, Greece, of the museum were Atat?rk was born. Claiming the
house was bombed by Greek, the Turkish media and the contra-guerrilla
tried to incite the Turkish public in a chauvinistic manner against
the Cypriot, Armenian and Jewish minorities. Between 6 and 7
September, hundreds of houses, shops, schools and churches, mostly
belonging to Greek Cypriots, were burned and looted. This, albeit in a
lesser magnitude, also happened in Izmir. 

THE JUNTA OF MAY 27, 1960 AND THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA

Because there was no serious revolutionary organising and struggle
against the government prior to the junta of May 27, the
contra-guerrilla didn't carry out any serious or striking activities.
The only force which could be labelled as left, and especially aiming
at intellectual and bureaucratic circles, was - prior to the junta of
1960, the TKP. The moral superiority, caused by the revolutionary
Soviet resistance in the 2nd. imperialist war of partition, and later
by the establishment of socialism in many countries, had its effect in
Turkey as well. At that time, the organisation of the TKP expanded.
Although the revisionist TKP was not an organisation which seriously
threatened the power of the ruling class, its expansion was prevented.
With the operation "Arrest of the Communist 1951", the majority of the
leadership in the country was caught: 167 functionaries were arrested.
Until the 60's, it was tried to silence many democrats and progressive
intellectuals in the dungeons, accusing them of "membership of a
communist organisation" or "distributing communist propaganda". At the
end of the 50's, there wasn't a Kurdish organisation yet which had to
be taken seriously. In 1950, discussions where held between
intellectuals and students, coming together to publish a magazine. In
December 1959, 50 students and employees were arrested in Istanbul and
Ankara. State president Celal Bayar and prime-minister Adnan Menderes
advocated the hanging of the arrested. But this was opposed by the
minister of Foreign Affairs, R?st? Zorlu, reasoning the image of
Turkey in Europe would be damaged and pressure would follow. The wave
of arrests continued after the military coup of May 27. 485 Kurds,
among them large landowners, Sheikhs and tribal leaders, were arrested
and put in a concentration camp in Sivas. 55 of those were, based on a
law of October 19, 1960, were banned to several cities and forcibly
evacuated. The campaign "Fellow countrymen, speak Turkish" was aimed
at, besides the Kurds, the Armenians, Greek and Jews in Istanbul and
the Aegean region. Law no. 1587 was enacted to replace Kurdish and
Armenian names by Turkish ones. It's not certain how great the
influence was of the contra-guerrilla on the junta of May 27. The US
knew a coup was at hand, but they didn't want to prevent it. Because
the government, led by Menderes, was in disunion and worn out, they
approved of the coup. Because the contra-guerrilla, backed by the CIA,
was unable to fully control this coup, there were some officers -
known as being left - in the lower echelons of the junta because  of a
lack in ideological unity and  the existence of different groups among
the putchists in rivalry for power, later leading to the removal of
Alparslan T?rkes and his friends. 

1960: THE ORGANISING OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA EXPANDS

The MGK, National Security Council, still regarded as the highest
central organ, was legalised by the constitution of 1961. The article
141-142 of the fascist Italian penal code about "communist propaganda
and the founding of a party, based on a class" was kept in the new
constitution. The contra-guerrilla continued to organise during the
junta and later. Demirel, denying the existence of the
contra-guerrilla for decades, and now hiding the mask of a democrat
and saying "the Susurluk Affair has to be  investigated and resolved",
after 1965 participating in the reorganisation of the contra-guerrilla
and the covering up of their crimes, is the main responsible culprit.
This was the case from 1965 to 1971 and during the periods of the
National Front governments. The book of the CIA-agent David Galula,
"Theory and Practice of Oppressing the Resistance", was printed in
1985 by the publishing house of the general staff and distributed
among all military organs. In this book, it is explained how to act
against revolutionaries and leftist movements, what methods have to be
applied in conspiracies and executions, and how elections should be
organised after the opposition has been removed. These methods have
been applied by the contra-guerrilla ever since. When the
contra-guerrilla had civic fascists trained in a camp in 1968, Demirel
was prime-minister. The contra-guerrilla was organised under his
protection. During this phase, Demirel had all cadres of the state,
especially the police, trained in the fascist ideology. The number or
policemen increased, and at the same time the oppression apparatus was
equipped and strengthened with high-pressure water canons, electrical
sticks and helicopters. Demirel, not satisfied with this, tried to
push trough a new law, robbing the democratic rights, under the name
"Protection of the Constitutional Order", to prevent the people's
opposition, protests and demonstrations. But he wasn't successful. The
intelligence service MAH played a major role in the arrests and
interrogations. Primarily, secret organisations are set up to watch
and control the activities of other countries, but the MAH - and its
successor, the MIT (National Intelligence Service) -  prosecute their
own people. It would be more appropriate to see the MAH as a
subsidiary of the CIA, in stead of the secret organisation of Turkey.
Its members are trained by the CIA and there salaries were paid by
them for many years. In 1965 its name was changed into MIT. The MIT is
one of the state organisations where the contra-guerrilla was able to
organise right from the start. It is always a high-ranking officer who
is appointed as head of the MIT. Most members are stemming from the
army. Although the MIT officially is subordinated to the
prime-minister, the initiative is in the hands of the army and the
"Special War Department". 

BLOODY SUNDAY: THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA USES RELIGIOUS REACTIONISM

1968 was a year of a quick growth of youth movements and
anti-imperialist mass protests. Opposition in society was not limited
to the youth. The DISK - Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions
-, formed in 1967 as an alternative to the state unions, became -
despite its revisionist line - a thriving force behind the struggle on
the workers' front. The dynamics and actions of the youth also
influenced other segments of the population, and the opposition in
society expanded, mass protests increased. During this period, the
expanding mass protests, the progressive-revolutionary opposition, the
workers' and peasants' actions, and the students' actions were at
first attacked by the organised "Fighting Associations against
Communism", later by using religious reactionism. After the 6th. Fleet
of the US arrived in Turkey, the anti-imperialist protests increased.
On February 16, 1969, the largest anti-imperialist mass protest was
held with 30.000 people marching towards Taxim. The demonstration was
split up by the police. Several thousands were able to continue
towards Taxim, the others were driven away in another direction.
Incited and directed by the contra-guerrilla, civic fascist attacked
several thousands of demonstrators with knives and sticks. During this
confrontation, two revolutionary workers, Ali Turgut and Duran
Erdogan, were murdered. This first intended and largest attack of the
contra-guerrilla against a mass action entered history as "Bloody
Sunday". 

THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA ORGANISES THE CIVIC FASCIST MOVEMENT AND STARTS
ITS MASSACRES

The fascists, organised under Alparslan T?rkes in the CKMP, later MHP
(Nationalist Movement Party), were trained in contra-guerrilla camps
since the summer of 1969. The number of training camp rose to 45 in
that year. That way the contra-guerrilla succeeded in creating a basis
and the cadres of fascism which could be used against the people and
the revolutionaries. The civic fascists carried out their first attack
on December 31, 1968, against a students' home in Ankara. But the
students answered with a counter-attack and forced them back. The
attacks of the fascists, organised by the contra-guerrilla and
supported by the police, were at first carried out with sticks, chains
and bricks, but soon they started to use fire-arms. In September 1969,
a leader of the ODT? students, Taylan ?zg?r, was shot on the street by
plainclothes policemen. Soon after, civic fascists shot Mehmet
Cantekin in the Engineering Faculty in Istanbul. The Justice Party,
which was in power, immediately started proceeding to close
association which were led by revolutionaries. The attack of the
fascists were at one side aimed at intimidating the students, on the
other they wanted to keep them unorganised by closing the democratic
institutions. To act against the increasing fascist attacks, the
sympathisers of DEV-GEN? (Revolutionary Youth) formed armed groups
which guarded student homes and schools. They began to attack the
source of the attacks, the fascists' centres. After the 70's,
systematic torture with electro-shocks was re-introduced after a long
period. The arrested were first welcomed with a beating. Later,
systematic torture was expanded, based on the reason of arrest. From
the beginning of the 70's, the policy of oppression and terror against
the Kurdish people was continued with the "Commando Movement". The
reasons for the repression of the oligarchy against the Kurds were the
East meetings in 1967 and 1969, the growing national consciousness and
the founding of the DDKO. The terror, carried out with the commando
unit, was directly aimed against the Kurdish villages. The protests,
starting in Sivas, Kozluk and Batman, began to spread in the beginning
of 1971 to Hakkari, Siirt, Mardin and Diyarbakir. At the same time,
several villages were attacked; the people were gathered in the fields
and tortured, without making a difference between men, women and
children. The peasants were summoned to hand over their weapons; when
they couldn't, they were hit on the soles of their feet with
truncheons, they had to crawl on the floor and undress, women were
sexually harassed, et cetera. In January 1971, a Kurdish peasant,
Abdullah Acar, was murdered in Nusaybin. This repressive policy of the
oligarchy was continued till the military coup of March 12. 

THE THKP-C - THE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION PARTY-FRONT OF TURKEY - AND THE
PROVOCATION ACTS OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA

The congress of DEV-GEN? on October 18, 1970, was a message of joy,
constituting a mile-stone for the Turkish revolutionary movement and
clearing the way for revolution in Turkey. Afterwards the ideological
discussion within the left deepened and became more clearly, splits
and unifications occurred, and the armed forces of the revolution
emerged: THKP-C, THKO and - later - the TKP-ML. In the beginning of
1971, the Justice Party attacked the revolutionaries by means of the
police, the military and the civic fascists. But this pressure was not
sufficient to stop the revolutionary struggle and the continuing
people's opposition with its strikes, resistance and boycotts. The
crisis of the oligarchy increased. The armed actions of the THKP-C and
THKO started in January, 1971. These initial actions were in fact acts
of expropriation in banks. After the beginning of the armed actions,
the government ordered the police and army forces against the
universities and houses. Thousands of students were arrested and
tortured. People were detained. During an armed confrontation after
the attack of the police and the gendarmes against the ODT? students'
home, the pupil Sener Erdal and the worker Aziz Yalta were murdered,
one soldier died. 

THE JUNTA OF MARCH 12, 1971

With the beginning of the armed actions, the revolution took a new
course. After it was determined that these developments could not be
stopped by repression and terror, they gave in with the "March 12
coup". The government, led by the Justice Party, was removed.
Parliament and the political parties were not closed down, but the
junta became the governing power. The leader of the coup was the chief
of the contra-guerrilla, chief of staff Memduh Tagma?. After the
memoranda had been destroyed, high-ranking officers and generals were
removed who had risen hope among left circles, who had been moderate
or who had been considered to be sympathetic to the left. In doing so,
the contra-guerrilla increased its strength and its control over the
army even more. In March 1971, Deniz Gezmis, Yusuf Aslan and H?seyin
Inan were arrested and detained. In April, the Central Committee of
the THKP-C decided in a meeting to announce the armed struggle with a
military action. The general committee of the party was formed anew.
But after the declaration of the state of emergence on April 26, the
armed actions were temporarily postponed. This phase was becoming a
direct hunt of the contra-guerrilla against the revolutionary
movement. The members of the MIT, among them also Hiram Abam who's
name would become quite prominent in the years to come, directed all
their intelligence activities against the revolutionary movement and
they personally contributed in carrying out executionary operations,
for instance against one of the leaders of the THKP-C, Ulas Bardak?i. 

THE ABDUCTION OF EFRAIM ELROM AND THE PROCLAMATION OF THE ARMED WAR

On May 17, 1971, a group of THKP-C sympathisers, led by Mahir ?ayan,
abducted the Israeli consul Efraim Elrom. In a first statement of the
THKP-C, the beginning of the armed struggle against imperialism and
the oligarchy was announced as well as the demands for the release of
the consul. In case these demands wouldn't be met, the consul was to
be punished. As this was the case, Efraim Elrom was punished by death.
The abduction of Elrom was the official beginning of the armed
propaganda of the THKP-C, based on the PASS - "Politicised Military
War Strategy" -, by means of the urban guerrilla. The punishing of
Elrom shook the oligarchy considerably. The junta-government of Nihat
Erim intensified its attacks against the circles of revolutionaries
and progressives. The fascist face of the Erim-government, becoming
visible now, showed that all the expectations of some circles for
reforms had been in vain. But shortly after the action, a large part
of the leading cadres of the THKP-C was arrested. Then Mahir ?ayan and
H?seyin Cevahir were surrounded in a house in Maltepe. A girl inside
the house, Sibel Erkan, was taken hostage, and the men refused to
surrender. The army surrounded the house with an armoured brigade. The
event, which the oligarchy wanted to use as propaganda against the
revolutionaries, became propaganda for the revolutionaries. When the
house was raided on April 1, H?seyin Cevahir fell, and Mahir ?ayan was
seriously wounded and arrested. 

THE TORTURE CENTRES OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA

For the first time, the revolutionary-progressive democrats learned of
the existence of the contra-guerrilla in the secret torture centres,
built during the junta of Tasma?. Besides know official buildings like
police stations and MIT-houses, the contra-guerrilla constructed
secret torture centres where countless revolutionaries and
intellectuals were interrogated under torture. The most infamous among
them were the Ziverbey Castle in Istanbul, the Marmara Castle in
Ankara, the G?nen College in Bah?elievler and the rooms below the
transmission station of the Mamak Military School. 

CONSPIRACIES AND PROVOCATIONS

The contra-guerrilla, unable to stop the struggle by means of
oppression and terror, began to develop new methods from the beginning
of the 70's. Already before the junta, numerous acts of sabotage and 
bomb attacks were carried out, blaming them on the revolutionaries.
Some of these acts: - hanging red flags from the Galata Tower in
Istanbul - the burning down of the Atat?rk Cultural Museum in Taksim -
the sinking of a car ferry in Emin?n? - sabotaging the Bosporus bridge
- bombing the Sirkeci Station - bombing the Yesilk?y Airport in
Istanbul - burning the Marmara ferry. By blaming these acts, committed
by themselves, on the revolutionaries, the contra-guerrilla succeeded
in inciting the people against the revolutionaries. Using this
pretext, thousands of revolutionary-progressive democrats were
tortured and detained. However, the people behind these acts were
never found. These methods, practised by the contra-guerrilla, were
new to Turkey but they had been applied in other countries before and
there were numerous examples given in the contra-guerrilla books of
the CIA and their training courses. 

THE OPERATIONS OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA AND THE MASSACRE OF MARCH 30,
1972, IN KIZILDERE

After Mahir ?ayan escaped from the Maltepe prison on November 29,
1971, together with Ulas Bardak?i, Ziya Yilmaz and THKO-members Cihan
Alptekin and ?mer Ayna, he first started to deal with the liquidators
inside the party. With excluding the right deviation, the Central
Committee was reformed and the decision was reached that the guerrilla
struggle had to be waged in the cities and in the country-side
simultaneously and that there had to be an action to prevent the
execution of Deniz Gezmis and his comrades. The Black Sea region was
selected to start the guerrilla struggle. After Mahir ?ayan, Cihan
Alptekin and ?mer Ayna went to Ankara to organise an action to prevent
the execution of Deniz and his friends, a large operation was carried
out against the THKP-C in Istanbul in January, 1972. This time the
operation was carried out by the contra-guerrilla, subordinated to the
"Special Warfare Department". The interrogation and torture of the
arrested was done by the contra-guerrilla. After the wave of arrests
in Istanbul, the murder of Ulas Bardak?i in Armavutk?y and the arrest
of the wounded Ziya Yilmaz, the operations were extended to Ankara.
The murder of Ulas Bardak?j was the "work" of the contra-guerrilla.
Contra-guerrilla chief Hiram Abas took part in the massacre himself.
After their capacity to move had been restricted, the THKP-C
leadership decided to send a group to the Black Sea region. Mahir
?ayan, rejecting an offer to go abroad, went into this region as well
after a while. On March 27, 1972, fighters of the THKP-C and the THKO
abducted three English engineers, working at the radar base in ?nye.
During the night they went to the village of Kizildere, near Niksar.
After they were betrayed by the village chief, the gendarmes
surrounded their house and the entire village in the morning of March
30. Surrounded by thousands of soldiers and policemen, the THKP-C and
THKO sympathisers were summoned to surrender, but they refused and
announced that the hostages would be killed in cased fire would be
opened against the house. In the afternoon, after Mahir ?ayan, Cihan
Alptekin and Saffed Alp had gone on the roof of the house to
negotiate, they were suddenly fired upon. Mahir ?ayan, hid by a bullet
in the head, fell. The remaining fighters continued the armed
confrontation and the technicians were punished. At the end of the
confrontation, Sinan Kazim ?z?dogru, H?dai Arkan, Ertan Saruhan,
Saffet Alp, Sabahattin Kurt, Nihat Yilmaz and Ahmet Atasoy from the
THKP-C, and the fighters of the THKO, Cihan Alptekin and ?mer Ayna,
hit by heavy weapons and grenades, had fallen.

THE DEATH SQUADS OF THE CONTRA-GUERRILLA

The massacre in Kizildere brought a truth into light, albeit years
later. The formation of death squads of the contra-guerrilla within
the army was started in the 70's, and maybe even earlier. While Kenan
Evren denied the existence of the contra-guerrilla in an interview
after the Susurluk Affair, he himself said that a "Special Warfare
Department" had been formed, especially for intervention during the
hijacking of aeroplanes, the kidnapping of people, against the
terrorists and that this department had been used in the massacre of
Mahir ?ayan and his comrades, as well as during the hijacking of a
plane in Diyarbakir. These death squads of the contra-guerrilla were
also used in the occupation of Cyprus in 1974. This also shows that
the contra-guerrilla started to reorganise the army, keeping the
guerrilla and civil war in their minds. From the 70's, the
contra-guerrilla started to execute revolutionaries. In many cases
where people were surrounded, they preferred to murder the
revolutionaries in stead of taking them alive. That is the way the
massacres against H?seyin Cevahir, Ulas Bardak?i, Sinan Cemgil and
Mahir ?ayan and his comrades were carried out. 


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Dec  9 16:30:24 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 09 Dec 1997 16:30:24
Subject: Israel, Turkey discuss weapons plants
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3yb1udoyy.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

	ANKARA, Dec. 9 (UPI) -- Military sources say Turkey and Israel
are discussing a deal to produce jointly defensive long-range missiles
and tanks.
	Israeli Defense Minister Yitzhak Mordechai, on the second day
of a three-day visit to Turkey, said the two countries have agreed to
strengthen security cooperation in view of ``common threats.''
	He did not mention any country by name, but there has been
growing concern in the region over Iran and Syria's missile
capabilities.
	Mordechai told reporters, ``We are ready to shake hands on
number deals.'' He made the statement today after visiting a plant
outside Ankara where F-16 jets are made.
	A military souorce said a Turkish military delegation will
visit Israel next month to discuss details of the possible joint
production of long-range missiles.
	Both Israel's Delila and Arrow missiles have a 500-kilometer
(310- mile) range.
	Earlier, the two countries agreed to co-produce hundreds of
Israeli Popeye missiles which have a range of 150 kilometers (93
miles).
	Turkish military commanders had been rallying for closer ties
with Israel, which continues to draw strong reactions from the Arab
world.
	Israel is upgrading Turkish F-4 warplanes in a $632 million
deal and is competing to upgrade 48 Turkish F-5s in a $100 million
deal.
	Mordechai will end his visit to Turkey on Wednesday after a
short stay in Istanbul where he will meet members of the Jewish
community.
  	   	

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Dec 11 07:46:20 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Dec 1997 07:46:20
Subject: ERNK Press Release On Human Traffic
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971211013..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: ERNK Press Release On Human Trafficking

Press Release 
National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK)

Kurdish Refugees In Italy And The Dirty Business Of Trafficking
In Human Beings By The Turkish Mafia 

     We know that the Turkish mafia is trafficking in human
beings with the aim of depopulating the Kurdish regions and
financing the dirty war against the Kurds.
     Nothing has changed in the intensity of this "business". The
mafia, instructed to carry out the dirty plans of the Turkish
state, has now even created havoc with the domestic politics of
Italy. 
     Since the beginning of last year hundreds of people have
died as a result of the trafficking of drugs and human beings by
the Turkish mafia in the Middle East. Despite all preventive
measures taken, on November 2nd, 769 migrants were detained in
the bay of Santa Maria Di Leoco after drifting at sea for days on
the 162-ft Lebanese vessel, the Hussam.
     The mafia sank the vessel Youhan near Leolinde, Sicily at
the end of 1996 and killed 289 people - almost all Kurds. With
the income from this business they subsidize the dirty war. They
charged $3,000 per person and $6,000-$7,000 per family. The
Italian police have arrested and detained 86 members of the
Turkish mafia who are also involved in drug dealing.
     This lastest incident led to fierce political rows between
the leftist coalition parties and the right-wing opposition, but
at the same time produced a civil protest movement The far-right
opposition called for the deportation procedures to be tightened
arguing that "Italy is outside the Schengen agreement". The aim
was to prevent a big wave of refugees entering Italy. It accused
the government of having misused the agreement.
     The chair of the Human Rights Committee of the Italian
Parliament, Mario Brunetti, commented: "We should not forget that
the Kurds come from war regions. It is unthinkable that these
people should be handed back to the Turkish state which massacres
Kurds...We should rather concern ourselves with the dirty war
that the Turkish state is carrying out in the region."
     The depopulation policies of the Turkish state in Kurdistan
and the resulting trafficking of human beings is intensifying
daily and is becoming increasingly a problem which effects the
whole of Europe.
     One initiative proposed by about 50 parties, institutions,
and associations has stated that the wave of refugees resulting
from the dirty war in Kurdistan can only be countered and fought
by putting pressure on the Turkish state.
     Even the Italian state and press accused the Turkish state
of smuggling human beings in order to finance its dirty war. The
refugees who have fled Kurdistan said: "The Turkish mafia
operates under the protection of the Turkish state. Our journey
from Turkey went without encountering any problems. All those who
pass on information about the mafia are interrogated when they
return to Turkey."
     On November 4, 1997, the Turkish mafia members Ahmet Cagmak,
Ibrahim Yilmaz, Muhittin Yilmaz, and Fuat Palabiyik were
arrested. Also among this group was Ali Amcat, a mafia member
from Pakistan. They had tried to hide among the refugees.
     The above mentioned facts alone are sufficient enough to
show far-reaching effects of the war in Kurdistan. The
depopulation policies of the Turkish state are not only effecting
Kurdistan but are increasingly becoming a problem for European
states. It is very likely that, in future, more vessels carrying
Kurds will land in the harbors of other European countries.
     This problem can only be solved by pressing for an urgent
democratic resolution of the Kurdish question. Only when the war
is ended in Kurdistan will the Kurds have a chance to build a
dignified life.

National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK)
November 7, 1997

(Source: Kurdistan Information Center, Amsterdam)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Dec 11 07:46:22 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Dec 1997 07:46:22
Subject: "Kirkuk And Mosul Dreams" - A Lette
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971211013..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: "Kirkuk And Mosul Dreams" - A Letter From South Kurdistan

"Kirkuk And Mosul Dreams"

A Letter From South Kurdistan

By Ferda Cetin

     There is nothing in the papers. The BBC, the Voice of
Germany, and the Voice of Turkey radios provide similar news and
comments at similar times. It may be a coincidence! However,
South Kurdistan is boiling. The war is continuing and spreading.
The UN and member states no longer make significant protests.
Even Syria, Iran, and Iraq have not made much fuss this time. All
this indicates that the occupation was a pre-organized
international plan, the instigators and financiers being the
United States and Britain with the full support of Turkey. At the
beginning of the military operation, Turkey stated that the
reasons for the operation were as follows: to clear the
area of the PKK, to establish a "security zone" along the border,
and to secure Barzani's authority in northern Iraq. The Turkish
state has not succeeded in achieving any of these aims.
     The PKK is still carrying out activities in the areas it
controls. Turkey has been unable to establish a 'cordon
sanitaire' along the border, where PKK guerrillas are still
active. The third reason given for the incursion has also not
come to fruition. Barzani and the KDP have not only failed to
reestablish their authority, they have also lost their previous
prestige and the trust of the people.
     Turkey is no longer insistent about these stated aims. It is
now becoming clear that these were only diplomatic justifications
and that its real aims are different. The Turkish General Staff
said that its stay in the south for this second operation (of
1997) would be "limited and reasonable". However, military posts
have been constructed in South Kurdistan, new armored vehicles
and tanks are being sent in, and positions are being dug. Control
points are being established on the main roads for Turkish
troops. Turkish soldiers are on the streets of Zakho, Dohuk,
Amadiya, and Salahaddin. To a great extent they are responsible
for security in these cities. As for the KDP, it is involved in
intelligence gathering for the Turkish army, providing it with
information about the terrain and showing it the way. The Turkish
army has spread out over a wide area to the south of the area
where the PKK is active, attempting to take over strategic points
far from "its own border". It has stationed significant numbers
of troops and armored vehicles between the border at Khabur and
the towns of Zakho and Dohuk. Therefore in future there will be
no need to cross the border when reinforcements are required.
There are now two large military H.Q.s in this area. The
mountainous area to the east is under the control of the
guerrillas of the ARGK [People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan,
the armed wing of the PKK]. The road between Atrush and Afrin is
also under Turkish control while the Gare area to the north is
used by the guerrillas. The area to the southeast of Metina,
where fierce clashes took place during the previous invasion
earlier this year, and the road between Deraluk, Shaladizeh, and
Amadiyah is under Turkish control. The Turkish army is digging in
here. The area to the north of this road contains guerrillas,
whose area of influence stretches across the Turkish border into
the Cukurca, Hakkari, and Shemdinli districts. The Turkish army
has also entered many small towns and villages and its
intelligence and contra-guerrilla units have gone
south of the 36th parallel. In this way the hypocrisy of the U.S.
and Britain in making a fuss about violations of the 36th
parallel by Iraq becomes more apparent. The Turkish army comes
from hundreds of kilometers away and settles in to this area,
which has been forbidden to Saddam's regime in order to protect
the Kurds.
     Clashes are occurring around all the places I have mentioned
but the major clashes are now taking place to the east. The KDP
is suffering a rout in the Haji Umran, Sideka, Rawanduz, and
Diana areas near the Iranian border. The Turkish offensive
launched a week ago has not made any difference. The KDP's
contacts with Iran have been cut, and while the ARGK are
attacking from the north and the west, the National Democratic
Forces under the leadership of the PUK are attacking the KDP from
the south, hemming it in. 
     While the Turkish army provides aerial support to the KDP,
which is in difficulties in the towns of Shaklawa and Salahaddin,
it has also sent tanks to reinforce it. Even the Barzani area,
which the Iraqi forces have never been able to enter, is under
siege. ARGK guerrillas first entered this area in 1995. Now the
Barzani homeland has been abandoned to the protection (!) of
Turkish troops.
     The KDP and Barzani, having lost much of its military power
and political prestige, has become accustomed to making
concessions from its feudal pride. White haired peshmergas who
have fought for 40 years and 70-year-old grandmothers may not
know the details of the U.S./British plan, but they understand
very well that Barzani can no longer protect them and that the
Turkish soldiers are not their people.
     The Turks, hungrily invading these "virgin, deserted lands",
wish to "open a new page in the history of their forefathers".
They have their eyes on Mosul and Kirkuk, and if the U.S./British
plan for a Middle East without Saddam and without opposition
materializes then Turkey will take its share with the help of the
Turcomans in Mosul and Kirkuk. However, events so far demonstrate
that this dream is unlikely to become fact, for Kurdistan no
longer lacks a protector.

(Source: Ozgur Politika Weekly No. 42 - November 20, 1997)

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Dec 12 07:17:34 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Dec 1997 07:17:34
Subject: Speech By PKK Leader Abdullah Ocala
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971212020..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Speech By PKK Leader Abdullah Ocalan

The following is a speech by Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
Chairman Abdullah Ocalan during a panel programme on MED-TV, 
October 13, 1997:

     We cannot describe this latest war as a new war. It is a war
which started over five years ago in October 1992. And now we see
that it has reached a new stage. Of course the situation has
changed completely. From the point of view of all the people of
Kurdistan and of the whole region, a new era has been entered. It
is not only our own people, but also people of other nations who
now ask: What is all this Kurdish in-fighting about? How long
will it go on for? They want to know how it will all end.
     It is necessary to throw some light on the situation,
without which we can have no sincere politics. The Kurdish
problem is already a long-standing problem. Who does not want to
make progress with the Kurdish problem? We need to carefully
distinguish between friend and foe in this matter. We need to
carefully determine what is right and what is wrong, and separate
the two. We need to clarify our ideas as to what can be done to
advance the interests of the Kurdish people taking into
consideration all accumulated knowledge. We need to overstep
personal points of view. By now we even need to overstep group
opinions. People who think on a subjective level or prioritize
personal interests must be excluded from this problem. We need
to take the problems and interests of this nation as the basis
for a solution which goes to the very root of the problem. No
matter how intense the pain people endure in war, no matter how
great the enemy appears to be, in times such as these we need to
set all this aside. We need to rise to a new level. We need to
address the issues. We need to carefully identify shortcomings
and bottlenecks. Again, we need to know who our real friends
and enemies are. We have to take yet another good look at
it and re-evaluate things in this way.
     I would like to expand on these points. Following the Gulf
War in 1990, the Kurdish problem arrived at a special position.
In 1991 there was a Kurdish intifada. This grew strong both in
the North and the South. In 1991, the intifadas in the North grew
even stronger. When similar intifadas occurred in the South, they
occurred in their full Kurdish colors. And in the North and the
South, the two intifadas worked in parallel, coinciding in many
aspects. In response to this the Turkish state wished to commence
new policies. In his last days, the late President Ozal declared:
"Let's develop our dialogue with the Kurds. The Kurdish problem
cannot be solved by military methods. A political dialogue is
essential." Naturally there were those in the Turkish army who
would not accept this, and Turkish policies were changed
accordingly. Ozal was also changed and removed from the picture.
     A new policy then raised its head, that of Demirel and
Inonu. This policy was set up not just to stifle the Kurdish
awakening and decimate the Kurdish movement in North Kurdistan,
but it was extended to all the parts of Kurdistan. The period at
the end of 1991 and the beginning of 1992 was one in which the
Kurdish movement developed, and the change in Turkey's government
at that time was a response to this. The aim in bringing Demirel
and Inonu to power was to bring about a repeat of the Kurdish
massacre of 1925. At the very inception, Demirel himself
declared: "We recognize the Kurdish existence." But of course,
under cover of this, they were making their plans for a massacre.
The burning of dozens of villages and the murder of dozens of 
people were all a part of this plan.
     This was not just the work of mafia gangs, but a movement
planned from above. Later they tried to carry this over to the
South as well. How did they aim to do this? The Southern Kurds
had a demand for autonomy. The Iraqi army had withdrawn in any
case. The situation was favorable. This was when there was a
momentary balance of forces present in which it was possible to
note the early stages of the formation of a state or federation.
Of course Turkey could not oppose this openly. It did not have
the power to do so, but it did one thing. It said: "We will help
you, but we want one thing from you; we want you to maintain your
distance from the PKK." This is a very important point for us.
What is the PKK? What does "stay away from the PKK" really mean?
Without a clear understanding of this, it is not possible to
properly understand the stage which this war of five years has
reached. We said at the time: "The demands of Turkey are not
paved with good intentions. The Turkish state will not accept a
federal Kurdish state, other than in words. Maybe they will give
you a few million dollars, but this is in order to achieve the
massacre of the Kurds." We said this many times, and the history
of Northern Kurdistan corroborates what we said.
     The Turkish state has only ever had one aim: that no one
part of the Kurdish problem be solved. Their thinking is as
follows: if the Kurdish problem is solved in one of its parts, it
will also have to be solved in Turkey. For this reason, it sees
itself as having to take an interest not only in its own part of
Kurdistan, but also in the other parts. Anyone who does not
understand this policy of the Turkish state well cannot operate
Kurdish policy. Ozal wanted to do this, and this brought about
his end. The policies forced on the government in 1992 were
entirely in conformity with the plans of the Kurdish massacre in
mind. They wanted to do in the South at that time what had been
done in Diyarbakir around 1925 and Dersim in 1938. They brought
about the Kurdish massacre in the guise of recognition of the
Kurdish identity, and claiming to be helping the Kurds both in
the North and in the South. The parties of the South said: "We
have some need for the Turkish state."
     The U.S. has its own aims. They want to exclude the PKK from
the problem. And not just exclude it, but put it outside of the
whole of the Kurdish problem. The PKK was not to be permitted
within the Kurdish problem. They wanted a new Kurdishness. They
wanted to accommodate other Kurds within the problem. This is a
treacherous plan. Of course there were those who wanted this
badly - and they were very pleased. They thought: "If there is no
PKK, we can take control." This is a very misguided idea. And
this idea was the cause of today's war. I hope that these
Southern organizations are listening very carefully. I would
particularly like the KDP to pay attention. They will be
responsible for what will happen to them if they do
not listen carefully in the next couple of days. Let this also be
a warning to the other parties in case they distance themselves
from the PKK when the U.S. intervenes. I say one thing to the
U.S.: You come all the way from the other side of the Atlantic
Ocean and concern yourself with the Kurdish problem. You have
your own rights, you have your own place. The PKK does not have
its own place. I say again to the Kurdish parties: If you include
the U.S. in the problem, if you again develop plans against the
PKK, your end will surely come. And if you develop plans for the
Turks, you will meet the same fate. Do not do things which are
not good. The U.S. comes from the other side of the ocean.
     Turkey has entered with its bloodsucking plans, which have
their place, their value, and yet there is no place for the
guerrillas who fight heroically, who give their lives for the
people who hunger and thirst after freedom. We want brotherhood!
How many times have I told you (the KDP) that the Turks are the
enemies even of your donkeys, let alone yourselves. I said this
in 1992, too. Why do you form alliances with your enemies? We
are a party ready to sacrifice much. We can say that we are a
force which, taking our lives into our own hands, fights in this
world. If you are unwilling to develop friendship with your own
people, you will have to accept the consequences. If the U.S. and
Turkey had really loved the Kurds, would they have perpetrated so
many massacres against the Kurds in North Kurdistan? If they had
been true friends of the Kurds, would they have forcibly evacuated
so many Kurdish villages? They have erased Kurdistan from the map
of the world. There was something I once said. Anyone with a
conscience will understand this. They perpetrated the Armenian
massacre in 1915 in just three months. For the last 10 years they
have been perpetrating still greater massacres against us. If you
have a conscience you will understand this. They deny it. They
talk of marks, dollars, the food on your plate, and I don't know
what else. I will tell you again. The Kurds are being massacred,
they want to annihilate the Kurdish nation. They go on and on
about the Ibrahim Halil border point, wherever that may be.
Use your brains! After all these massacres, after annihilation of
all the Kurds, let us be friends first and foremost! I say to you
again, apparently closeness with the U.S. is the right of the
U.S., but closeness with the PKK is not the PKK's right. This is
unacceptable. No one can practice politics in these
circumstances. Go and look. In all the cities in the South,
soldiers of every nation patrol, Turks, Americans, French,
everybody.
     We set up a hospital on a humanitarian basis. We set up
certain cultural institutions and these people decided to target
them. They were not places which could be defined by nationality.
The reason for the war which has been going on since 1992 is
this: "You say: Yes to the U.S. - to the end. Yes to Turkey - to
the end. They are our friends, we are with them - to the
end. But we are not happy with the PKK. We are unsettled by the
PKK." This is a very apolitical approach. It is an
incomprehensible approach, a position far from the people, far
from its own reality. At the beginning of this war there was an
alliance between all the forces of the South. We thought
otherwise, that this federation would not work. The parliament
formed did not reflect reality. It was founded upon a conspiracy.
And it was the U.S. and Turkey who set up this conspiracy. They
thought that they would be able to cleanse the world of the PKK
by then, and they nourished this policy. If you divide a person
into two, it is not possible for one part to get up and start
walking. This is the conspiracy. We need to understand this 
properly. They thought they were clever. They cannot bring 
themselves to ask themselves why it results in this after 
doing so much damage.
     This is one nation, and all its rights and problems are
inter-connected. These problems must be seen together. It looks
good on one side but not on the other. People should understand
and recognize this. When we ask you to take one step on behalf of
Kurdishness, no, you do not agree. This is the cause of the war.
Our people want to know what kind of war this is. Let us say at 
the outset: this is not a war of fratricide ('birakuji').
This is a war waged against the plots which are being woven
around us. We have to defend ourselves. We could not leave
ourselves defenseless. Why did the federation not work? Why were
the government and the parliament unable to run things? And why
did so many people have to die? Over 10,000 people died for this
federation. Whose fault was this? We cannot define it as the fault
of the KDP or of the PUK. The blame lies with those who wanted to
set up these conspiracies. These plans were brought to life by
the hand of the enemy. If you march according to the demands of
the enemy, naturally this is how you will end up. We warned at
the very beginning that it would not work in this way. After the
war they started against us in 1992, they too fought. Naturally,
they did not gain anything. Naturally, if politics are not
developed on the basis of national alliances, there will be wars
of this type. The PKK could not be and was not the cause of this
war. The KDP entered into relations with certain states in
secret. This was how they wanted to run politics. Naturally it
cannot be this way, politics cannot be run on people's lives 
and rights. This is immoral. It is a great mistake to say: 
"Help me with this, and let's get rid of such and
such a person." This will only bring about the end of humankind.
     We didn't start thirty years ago. We started after 1990.
These are the games which have been played in the South over the
last thirty years. They have always exploited this people,
saying: "It is we who are strong, it is we who will rule." But
how can you possibly rule a Kurdistan which no longer exists?
Nothing has been left of the name of Kurdishness, everything
has been plundered, and you stand up and say: "I am sovereign."
You have to have some morality to be able to say this! Maybe
you're fighting against Kurds, but you're fighting for your
enemy, not for yourself. This is not sovereignty, this is
deluding yourself. This is one of the reasons for the war, it was
not for national unity, not for democracy, but a war to take
out everyone but themselves. No matter how much we pleaded, "Let
us secure national unity, let us set up national fronts", they
replied, "No! We will agree to nothing before securing our own
sovereignty". They attacked us together with the Turks in 1995.
In 1996 they got help from the Iraqis and strengthened their
position against the PUK. As you know, they have been
saying to Turkey for the last five months: "Come, let us get rid
of the PKK." What does getting rid of the PKK mean?
     Getting rid of the PKK means getting rid of Kurdistan. Let
no one misunderstand this: As long as Kurdistan exists, Kurdistan
in struggle will exist. So long as Kurdistan exists, its martyrs,
its courage, and its heroic fighters will prevail. How will you
stand up for Kurdistan when you stop fighting the enemy and give
up the struggle? Don't let them fool anyone in this. If you do
something for your people and if you are together with your
people in this fiery period, then you can continue to exist. What
the enemy has been running over these years is nothing else other
than massacre. They have implemented this both in the South and
in the North since 1990. We have demonstrated great resistance
against it. And this was not just for the North; history will
tell. Our struggle in the South is for the people of the South.
     We're now going to talk about peace. What can be worse for
peace than the tanks and artillery of Turkey? Will millions of
Kurds be free when these have gone? Why do they only support one
force? You need to understand this. They explained it themselves
before this war. Ecevit said: "We will stay on this soil until
Iraq secures sovereignty." What he's really saying is: "I'm
going to keep this land under my occupation until there are no
Kurds left." Iraq itself says, "I'm not coming", and to which he
responds, "Oh yes you are. If you don't kill the Kurds, I will."
Is such a thing possible under the laws of any state? Turkey
nourishes this policy, i.e. it is revealed that the enemy in the
South is also a Turkish move. It is proof that this is why this
operation was executed. They did not want Kurdish unity. This was
what they did in 1992, too. And in the end, we demonstrated a
great resistance. And I can say that this was for the people of
the South. I believe that this civil war in South Kurdistan will
end soon. No one can run policies or national politics in this
way. There can be no democratic structure. In particular, no one
independent could do this. But we have secured this. And this is
how it has to be. Or else they will subject a nation to massacre
and annihilation, for who knows whose benefit. The greatest
obstacle was the enemy. And now they are fleeing.
     When this occupation started I made a particular point. I
said that this would be the final operation, that this war we
have fought against treachery would be the beginning of national
unity. It would bring Kurdish peace. What will happen to anyone
who does not accept this? We insist. Why has the KDP become so
constricted? They created the situation themselves. We said very
good things about them. We said to them: "We don't want anything
from you. All we want is the unity and togetherness of this
people. Let go of the hand of the enemy, call us, call the
Kurdish people, call the thousands of Kurdish thinkers. There are
thousands of fighting Kurdish heroes, call all of them. Let
Kurdishness progress a little, let television and radio stations
be set up, let them develop in every way. Let unity be secured
from every angle, nationally and culturally. Let the developments
be recorded. This is what we want."

Question: Mr. Chairman, comparing the 1992 situation with the
present, in 1992 the KDP and the PUK were against the PKK, but
now we see that on the one hand the PKK and on the other the PUK
are fighting indirectly against the KDP. How do you evaluate
this?

     The PUK has come on to the true path. In 1992 the PUK was
not on the true path. But it has now found it. We are pleased. We
thank them, but we also state the facts. We said it then, too.
When the Turks came in 1992 we said: "This is not for
Kurdishness." And the PUK saw this clearly. The other parties,
i.e. the United National Forces, saw this too. It became clear
that the Turkish army wanted something else. Was it for a Kurdish
federation? No! For Kurdish unity? No! On the contrary, it was in
order to stop these developing. This became very obvious. For
this reason we are glad. The best thing now would be a democratic
alliance. An alliance between Kurds of the North and of the
South. The results of this will be very positive.
     Now we shall make a call to the KDP. We shall reiterate what
we said in the beginning. Do not summon the enemy of the Kurds,
we don't want any part of that, become a great party again. All
we ask is a democratic structure for the Kurds. Keep your money,
keep your power, but let us develop democracy among the Kurds. We
cannot leave our people like this. Do not send our enemy against
us. They say: "We had to." Why did you have to? Why don't you
call us? Why have we not heard anything like: "Apo and the forces
with you, we have need of you, help us!" Instead you have to call
on the fascists, you have to call the vampires. The only people
you don't need are the Kurdish people. Who do you think you will
convince with these ideas and these actions? They say: "We don't
like the PKK." The issue is not whether or not you like the PKK.
We are a people's movement, we are fighting for a people. We are
fighting for the Kurdish people. Have we surrendered to the
enemy of the Kurds? No! Have we not fought the enemy of the Kurds
to the very end, both in the mountains and in the dungeons? Yes!
Is this right? Yes! Was this for the Kurdish people? Yes! Did we
not say with our ideology, "We will fight to the end for
independence and freedom"? Yes! Do the people of the world know
this? Yes! So what do you say? "We are a democratic party, we are
a party of Kurdistan." So you're a party of Kurdistan, you feed
so much on the blood of Kurds, you collect so much money, you
have left the people in such misery, and you claim that you are
a party of Kurdistan! Why do you need the enemy so much but not
the voice of the Kurdish people? You get aid, you collect money,
and you gain power on their behalf, why don't you take these
things into account?
     This is what is incomprehensible. This is what has to be
drummed into their brains. They believe in the historical enemy,
why don't they believe in us? We have said this to them a hundred
times. OK, you're the Aghas, the landlords, the squires, the
bosses, you are great, be whatever you want to be. This people,
these people are the land beneath your feet. This people
is necessary to you. Show some respect for this people. Do not
trust the enemy so much. Do not trust the U.S. or any other
state. They are not seriously concerned about the plight of the
people. They have no attachment from the heart. They appear as
and when they need to from the point of view of their strategy,
but we need each other. We need each other from the heart. And we
cannot separate from each other physically.
     They do not really understand. The Southern organizations
did not understand this for a long time. They kept connecting the
problem of the parts to who knows what problems. The KDP's
politics have been like this for years. It saw itself as very
big, and did not recognize the other parties or anything else.
And because of this they were always fighting, fighting against
Kurds. In the beginning we said: "Give this up!" We said it
to the PUK, too. I wonder what the situation in South Kurdistan
would be now if the PUK had kept out the war in 1992, if they had
entered into an alliance with us instead. I wonder at what stage
the whole of Kurdistan would be at. If this alliance had worked,
how much Kurdish power would have grown. It would have become a
reality in the Turkey of today, too. Of course the Turkish
plotters prevented this in 1992. They got rid of Ozal. We need
to understand some things very well. Don't keep saying: "Apo says
this, and Apo says that." That is all history. People's brains
should work a little. They put South Kurdistan into this
position. 50,000 people of South Kurdistan have died. All this
came about through a Turkish conspiracy, as a result of the 1992
plot.
     If the alliance we have formed today had come about in 1992,
Kurdistan would really have been founded by now. A democratic
federation would have been founded in the South by now. 50,000
people would not have died and so much of Kurdistan would not
have been destroyed. North Kurdistan too would have been
liberated by now. The Turks would have been forced to accept
North Kurdistan. All Kurds would be marching in the Middle East
with great strides. We missed that opportunity for a few dollars
and as a result of Turkish plotting. We have to work hard on
this.
     Naturally this latest alliance is very good, and it will
bring results. This alliance was formed on the basis of the
interests of the people. This alliance will be to the benefit of
the people in the region as a whole. Let no one play with this.
We make another call to the KDP: "Why do you keep calling on the
enemy and fighting against these organizations? Stop! What
you are doing is wrong! How far can you go on with these
mistakes? You will march a little further and then you will be
finished. You trusted Turkey, and they can't do it. You called in
Iraq, and they did not come. Iran is not there, Syria is absent.
Who will come to your side?" We have said all this to you. "Who
do you think you are? Accept some facts."
     Naturally an historical step has been taken. The arrival of
today will be a great moment, and we are celebrating. We have a
conscience too. We do not want to kill one peshmerga, one Kurdish
fighter. But we march on the basis of the truth and the interests
of the Kurdish people. We want to make policies along the lines
of the interests of the Kurdish people. On this basis, we are on
the side of the unity of all Kurds, a democratic alliance.
Let the KDP not run from this. Let the other parties not run from
this. I say again: "Look, everything is in place. Come let us
form a unity." Why don't they come? Come, let us secure peace very
soon.
     We are not saying: "We have captured such and such a place,
gained control of such and such, we've got this city, we've taken
that town, or you've got this city." This is not serious. These
cities, these lands, belong to our people. Let democracy flourish
here. No one owns cities on this soil, these cities need
governors. These can be secured with national unity and a
oneness along the lines of the demands of the people. Let the
people elect who they wish. No one can ever say "this city
belongs to me". We just cannot say this. The cities belong to the
people. Neither can we say "these regions are ours". The regions
belong to the Kurdish people. We cannot march on saying 
arbitrarily "such and such a place is mine". If you
do this you do not recognize democracy, you do not recognize
the nation, and this is a cause for more war. Let democracy and
national politics run in the whole of Kurdistan. That is the
right idea. Let all the parties accept this. Once national
politics run in Kurdistan, the area of Barzan will in any case
belong to all of us. And anyone patriotic will belong to
it. Our duty is to secure national unity. It is to render
obedience to the will of the sovereign people and not just in one
city or one part. That is why I say it is not so important to
hold a specific place. Of course, we'll hold it for the
revolution, it will be done in order to secure the unity of
this people and a national peace. The KDP had better not take
this as a personal matter.
     I am sure the new alliance will record great steps forwards
politically. It is not just an alliance formed for the war. We
are going to turn this into a political alliance with the PUK and
the other parties. Let us make the call again. If the KDP is
ready to make a Kurdistan alliance, let them come too. Let them
not think this is a matter of finishing them off. You are
wrong, this is what you are dying for. It is you who are killing
yourselves. You are killing yourselves off with your erroneous
policies. No one told you to do it that way. You did it entirely
yourselves. No matter how much you claim to be a national force,
we have to march with our people. Naturally you do not accept
this. But we have a conscience, and we do not want to get rid of
you. Of course if you persist in these erroneous policies, if you
do not approach national unity, if you do not approach national
peace, then, in any case, you will be marching to your end.
History will not accept anything so reactionary. Let us not
exaggerate these personal, tribal differences. I can say that
this alliance is not just for South Kurdistan, it is an alliance
for the whole of Kurdistan. Who was the alliance formed against?
This alliance was formed against the army occupying Kurdistan.
Where did this army come from? It came from the North. We have
done most of the fighting in the last five months and the last
six years against this occupying force. We have fought against
those attaching themselves to and those acting with the enemy.
This is a war for Kurdistan. It is not a war for a part of it,
for one neighborhood. And the alliances formed for this reason
are alliances of Kurdistan.
     We find that the U.S. says "do what you used to do" and
Great Britain says "do what you used to do". What did we used to
do? They say: "Do what you did in 1992, do what you did in 1996."
But wasn't 1996 the murder of the Kurds? Wasn't 1992 the reason
for the deaths of tens of thousands of Kurds? Let the U.S. and
Great Britain pay close attention and take account a little of
the plight of the Kurdish people when they speak. From now on let
them not try to break up the Kurdish alliances. Let them distance
themselves from the KDP. Let me here make another call. Let none
now make cheap calculations. We shall not accept anything which
is not for Kurdish national unity and a democratic alliance. We
shall not take one step backwards. We shall go as far as we can,
we shall go on until the Kurdish alliance is formed. We shall
march on until national security is secured. We shall struggle
until the time when we believe that all the Kurds have come 
together in one body. Any state which does not accept this is 
our enemy. Let them not say they are practicing subtle policies. 
There will be no more of that. As long as the Turks have no 
policies relating to the Kurds, you cannot participate in 
politics with them. If they do have any policies, they are 
aiming at spilling Kurdish blood.
     They tried to re-establish the plot of 1992. But I don't
believe that anyone will ever fall into the trap of 1992 again.
The people will not forgive anyone who does. We are in a great
struggle with ourselves. Before anyone else, I say to the KDP,
keep your distance from this plan. I say to the PUK, if the PUK
were to fall into this plan as they did in 1992, we shall fight
them too. We will not accept this under any circumstances. The
PKK itself should keep its distance from this plan. If anyone
brings such a thing down on us, we will start fighting him on the
very next day. I wish to reiterate yet again, we want unity. We
have fought against the real enemy for five years. We have fought
this war for the Kurds, for peace, for unity. This is absolutely
undeniable. If anyone wishes to deny this or joins the
imperialists' games, we shall bring them down. The peoples of the
region will not accept them either. I do not think that a single
Kurd will fall for the 1992 plan again. Let all the Kurdish
parties keep their distance from this plan. And still more, let
them keep their distance from Turkey's plans. If the Turks wish
to enter into relations with the Kurds, let us form a Kurdistan
Front and a National Congress. Let the Turks make their plans
relating to the Kurds clearer. They come to South Kurdistan and
accept a few Kurds, but they do not accept the 20 million Kurds
in the North. How can we possibly approve this idea?
     Let the Turks and the Americans accord the Kurds a little
value, and first and foremost let them stop the massacre of the
20 million Kurds. The Turks have bombed the South on a number of
occasions. Why didn't the U.S. speak up? On average they bombed
20 times a day, everywhere, but the Americans did not once say:
"Stop!" But when a bomb explodes anywhere else, the U.S.
immediately cries: "Terrorism!" Bombs fall on our people like rain
every day. Why don't you call this terrorism? Is this not the
greatest terrorism? I have to make this clear to the U.S.: Give
up these plans and stop the massacre immediately! All these
helicopters are yours. I am against terrorism, but there is
nothing in history which can be likened to what you are doing.
The Kurds in the South should say this to the U.S. first and
foremost: You have so far allowed this dog to drop its curses on
us. They have decimated the Kurds. The U.S. must understand this.
Before we can agree to an alliance with the U.S., before we can
agree to their meetings, let them bring an end to this great
tyranny against us. The sins you have perpetrated, they are
enough! You have demolished all our villages. They were populated,
too. They talk of PKK terrorism. Has the PKK ever attacked an
American city? Has it killed an American or an European? But our
country has been destroyed with your weapons. What is terrorism? 
Who is the terrorist? The Southern parties should understand this. 
We want to live in a country which is at peace. We want respect 
for human rights They have removed us from history and extracted 
us from humankind. We want our rights. We have, before all, to
communicate all this to the U.S. Let us not gossip and make
plots. All of these are subtle policies, subtle diplomacy.
Look at the state the KDP has fallen into! Politics and
diplomacy are not run like this! They did this secretly and with
great hopes. They have no weapons, but they have a lot of money.
Come, let them save you. They said they would arrive in two days
and save you themselves. Let them come and save you. We are not
stupid. Do not approach such erroneous plans. Quick, distance
yourselves! If the KDP was to rise now, today, and say, "we want
peace with you, we want a national congress", we are ready for all
of this. We are just waiting for a statement from them. But if
they do not wish to make a statement, but carry on with the war,
we too will fight. And you cannot escape this war.

[...]

     In the beginning, we said that this war would move on to a
National Congress. We stated that we would march on to national
unity. And we also said we would get results. I believe that they
will come round to our way slowly. But after the spilling of so
much blood, we wanted this to be bloodless. Why? Because this is
the right thing to do. We Kurds have no other hope. All the other
parties have stopped. You know that when they attacked us on
May 14th they said they would finish us within a week and that
they would obtain a place in Kurdistan. They did not make any
statement or any call in relation to the occupation of the South
by the Turkish army. Everyone's voices fell silent. This was of
course not right. Whereas if they had stood up for the ending of
the war, for a National Congress, if they had made a plan, it
would have been very good. But they did not do this. What did
they do?
     When the war started they secretly sent Serafettin Elci to
Sweden and set up a bogus meeting. They said to the thinkers of
Europe to the European states: "The PKK is finished, come let us
make a plan for Kurdistan." This was 100% their aim. Anyone who
followed the matter closely will be able to evaluate the period
following May 14, 1997 in this way. Where is Serafettin Elci
now? Is the PKK finished? Are you going to establish Kurdistan on
the blood of the PKK? Do you really think that is possible? What
they did was very wrong. And the other parties were waiting for
this. Is the PKK finished or not? Has it fallen or not? Would
there be such a thing as Kurdistan now if the PKK had fallen?
     We have to try and understand the Turks a little here. Ozal
only asked a question and look what happened to him! There is not
one person within the Turkish state who accepts the Kurdish
problem. How can you await the end of the PKK and think they will
give you a place in Kurdistan? This is great foolishness. This is
virtual treachery. They misunderstood the constrictions of the
PKK. We told those in the South, particularly the KDP officials,
everything. They asked: "What are you doing here?" We replied:
"If we weren't here, you would not survive a single day. You need
us 100% until there is a federation. If we withdraw our hand 
from the South, you would not be able to do a thing. If you 
get support from the Turks, we are the reason for
that, too. If the other countries in the region are not fighting
with you, we are the main reason for that, too. For this reason,
you need us. We see you as brothers. We conduct policies based
on research. We are on your side from necessity."
     If they had understood this, they would have succeeded. And
they would have been able to do a lot. Kurds who are insincere do
themselves so much harm. Of course if they want to join us in the
end, let them come. Where is the conscience of Kurdish thinkers
and the Kurdish parties? Even if they are only a little attached
to their own people or have a little respect for them, they
should start slowly marching. Let them understand this a little.
     What is it that prevents our unity and peace? Now we have
good relations with five parties in the South, because we know
each other. We have got to know each other in war. We fought, and
they fought, and finally they came to the alliance. There is no
other way. The other party must understand this. Do not wait on
the enemy. After the evil the enemy will do to Kurdistan there 
will be no one left. No one with treacherous policies can be 
sincere.
     No state will say in sincerity: "Here is your Kurdistan,
take it! Here is your Kurdish unity!" Everyone wants to set up
his own party. For this reason, we say, forge an alliance for an
alternative Kurdistan. There is no other hope. No matter how much
any state helps us, there is no other chance. How much have they
helped so far? They should have helped ten times as much. More
Kurdish blood will flow. If two states supported us, one
state supported the PUK, however many states supported the KDP,
and some others support some others, this will not secure unity,
the war will only grow. It is at this point that we politely
pointed out to the Southern parties that they understand, that
they run their politics in friendly countries, they have policies
and ideologies, but these are not for our unity, i.e., if you
insist on saying it is to the benefit of your party, this is the
cause of the war. What is the national problem? What is the
unity of peoples? If they cannot be secured, you will not be able
to stand on your feet. Why haven't we learned yet, why don't we
learn from history? What have we gained from these policies?
Nothing! 100,000 Kurds have been destroyed, they have all been
killed by the state to which they are bound.
     Kurdistan has been reduced to ruins. If there had been
Kurdish unity from the beginning, if we had said from the
beginning: "Unity! We will not accept the decimation of our
people. We do not support the politics which are not in the
interests of our people and our country. We will never be
the slaves of another state! Any state which wishes to set up a
dialogue with us will do this on the basis of respect for our
friendship and unity, we will not allow it any other way!". If it
had been like this in the beginning, Kurdistan would be something
else now. We believe 100% that Kurdistan would have been founded 
by now.

(Source: Kurdistan Information Center, Amsterdam)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Dec 15 13:32:46 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 15 Dec 1997 13:32:46
Subject: Turkey/Press: verdict against chief editor of the weekly Kurtulus
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2i2z4kq.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Dec. 12 1997

Press Statement:

VERDICT AGAINST CHIEF EDITOR OF THE WEEKLY KURTULUS
Ayten ?zt?rk to jail for 4 years and 6 months

The main trial against chief editor Ayten ?zt?rk was held on December
10, 1997. The prosecution based its case on two special editions of
the socialist weekly Kurtulus in which the "draft for a people's
constitution" appeared. Because the Kurtulus is a "legal magazine", as
lawyer Oya Aydin emphasised, the trial should have been dropped
according to the new press law no. 4304. Furthermore it was
inadmissible to "present the readers of the legal magazine Kurtulus as
members of an organisation". After a short recess, the chairman of the
court passed sentence, based on supporting the DHKP-C (Revolutionary
People's Liberation Party-Front) and according to article 169 of the
Turkish penal code: 4 years and 6 months detention for Ayten ?zt?rk!

The chairman of the court added: "They are manipulating our children.
Let's punish them. they deserve it!"

Two other persons were sentenced to 4,5 years in this process as well,
3 other were released on condition. The prisoners protested this
verdict with the slogan: "The attacks cannot intimidate us!"

We call upon the international public to look at this case an to raise
objections against this verdict. 

FREEDOM FOR AYTEN ?ZT?RK AND ALL OTHER POLITICAL PRISONERS!

Freedom of opinion and freedom of the press are basic elements of
democracy and the rights of all citizens. Those who violate them
should be prosecuted!

Minister of Justice                 State President                   
   Ankara State Security Court Oltan Sungurlu                     
S?leyman Demirel	                 Fax: 0090-312-324 32 27 Fax:
0090-312-417 39 5        Fax: 0090-312-427 13 30

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From IHD-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Mon Dec 15 05:19:00 1997
From: IHD-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (IHD-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 15 Dec 1997 05:19:00
Subject: DUe UeNCEYE OeZGUeRLUeK BR F NG
Message-ID: <6jth6G8Q5.B@xp-ihd.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

40 y?ll?k bilan?o: 7 bin 850 yasak

Toplumumuz art?k hakl? olarak k?lt?rel ve d???nsel geli?iminin ?n?ndeki engellerden kurtulmak 
istiyor; istedi?i bilgiye rahat?a ula?abilmeyi, duygu ve d???ncelerini ba?kalar?yla sorunsuz 
payla?abilmeyi ?zl?yor.

?lkemizdeki demokratikle?me isteklerinin en ?nemli unsurlar?n? olu?turan bu yasaks?z, sans?rs?z 
T?rkiye beklentisinin ard?nda, y?llard?r uygulanagelen yasaklar?n olduk?a kabar?k bilan?osu yat?yor. 

Saptanabildi?i kadar?yla, yaln?zca son 40 y?l?n yasak yay?n bilan?osu 6 binlerde dola??yor. Yasaklama 
bilan?osunun belirlenebilen en alt s?n?r?n? olu?turabilen bu rakam, 5 bini a?k?n yaz?l? yay?n?, bin kadar 
sinema filmi ve m?zik kasetini i?eriyor. Yaln?zca, Milli K?t?phane'nin "Yasak Yay?nlar B?l?m?" 7 
bin 851 yay?ndan olu?uyor.

1980 sonras? ise yasakl? T?rkiye'nin en yasakl? d?neminin ifadesi. Yeni uygulamalar ve yasal 
d?zenlemelerle yasaklamalar?n rekor seviyelere ula?t??? bu d?nemde 650'si kitap olmak ?zere 2 bin 
500 yaz?l? yay?n, 200 sinema filmi ve 50 kadar m?zik kaseti yasaklar bilan?osuna eklendi. Bunlarla da 
yetinilmeyip yarg? organlar?n?n denetimi d???nda adli kolluklar ve yarg? organlar?n?n herhangi bir su? 
unsuru g?rmedi?i, g?nl?k ya?amda ?zg?rce al?n?p okunabilen y?zlerce yay?n, idari ve keyfi 
tasarruflarla yasaklamalara u?rad?. 
Kitap dergi ve gazetelerden olu?an 500 yay?n cezaevlerinde; 350'ye yak?n kitap da ordu mensuplar? 
ile askeri ??renciler i?in sak?ncal? bulundu.Deniz Kuvvetleri Komutanl???'nca Milli E?itim Bakanl??? 
yay?nlar?ndan olu?an 40 kitap i?erik ve ?ekil" a??s?ndan sak?ncal? bulunarak imha edilmi?tir.

1980 sonras?, yay?n imhalar? a??s?ndan, aradan ge?en onca y?la kar??n T?rkiye'ye Abd?lhamit 
d?nemini ya?att?.

Daha ?nce yarg? organlar?nca aklanm?? yada herhangi bir su? unsuru bulunmam?? 39 ton kitap 
yak?larak, geri kalan? ise SEKA f?r?nlar?nda hamur edilip b??aklanarak toplam 100 tonu a?k?n yay?n 
imha edildi. 

?te yandan yasaklanan yay?nlar?n sorumlular? hakk?nda binlerce y?l hapis istemi ile dava a??d?. 
y?zlerce yazar ve sanat?? yarg? organlar? ?n?ne san?k olarak ??kar?ld?. Bir?o?u cezaevlerine at?ld?. 
?rne?in yaln?zca siyasi dergi sorumlular? ve yazarlar? hakk?nda 5000 y?ldan fazla a??r hapis cezas? 
verildi. Tck 141-142 ve 163'?n?c? madde ile ilgili olarak 1982-1990 aras?nda Adalet Bakanl???'n?n 
resmi a??klamalar?na g?re 10 bin 949 ki?i yarg?land?. 

Bir?ok yaz? i?leri m?d?r?, dergilerinde yay?nlanan yaz?lar nedeniyle insan hayat?n? kat kat a?an hapis 
cezalar?na ?arpt?r?ld?. 1984 y?l?nda olu?turulan Devlet G?venlik Mahkemeleri taraf?ndan y?zlerce 
yay?n toplat?ld?. 1986 y?l?nda ger?ekle?tirilen yasal d?zenlemelerle i?lerlik kazand?r?lan muz?r yasas? 
uyar?nca binlerce yay?n hakk?nda toplatma karar? verildi, sorumlular? milyarlarca liral?k para cezas?na 
?arpt?r?ld?. Yasaklama gerek?elerinin b?y?k bir b?l?m? Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?'yla y?r?rl?kten 
kald?r?lan TCK'n?n 140, 141, 142 ve 163'?nc? maddelerine dayand?r?ld?. Ayr?ca su? say?lan eylemleri 
?vecek su?a te?vik, T?rkiye'nin yurt d???ndaki itibar?n? zeddelemek, devlet b?y?klerine hakaret ile 
m?stehcenlik savlar? di?er yasaklama gerek?elerini olu?turdu. 

?stanbul Bas?n Savc?l??? ve DGM kay?tlar?ndan belirleyebilece?imiz toplatma kararlar?nda gerek?e 
olarak "kom?nizm propagandas?, yasalar?n su? sayd??? eylemleri ?vmek, laikli?e ayk?r? propaganda, 
cumhurba?kan?, ba?bakan, bakan, milletvekili ordu ve emniyet g??lerine hakaret, b?l?c?l?k  
propagandas?, Atat?rk'?n manevi haturas?na ayk?r?l?k, m?stehcenlik ve 1117 Say?l? K???kleri Muz?r 
Ne?riyattan Koruma Kanunu'na muhalefet ile se?im yasaklar?na ayk?r? davranmak" su?lamalar? 
g?steriliyor.

1983 y?l?ndan bu yana verilen 458 toplatma karar? ??yle s?ralanabilir:

"76 kitap, 11 ansiklopedi, 96 siyasal i?erikli dergi, 55 haftal?k magazin dergisi, 79 "m?stehcen" seks 
dergisi, 14 m?zik kaseti, 4 video kaseti, 5 kartpostal ve takvim, 64 g?nl?k gazete, 48 haftal?k 
magazin gazetesi, 1 telefon rehberi, 5 atlas."

1983'ten ?nce ve sonra toplat?lan yay?nlar hakk?nda yap?lan yarg?lamalar sonucu 27. 12. 1983 
tarihinden sonra ?e?itli mahkemelerce verilen 368 "m?sadere ve imha" karar? ise yay?n t?rlerine g?re 
??yle da??l?yor.

"139 kitap, 5 atlas ve ansiklopedi, 88 siyasal i?erikli dergi, 54 magazin dergisi, 63 haftal?k magazin 
gazetesi, 1 telefon rehberi, 4 m?zik kaseti, 4 video kaseti, 10 g?nl?k gazete.

Yukar?da genel hatlar? ile ?zetledi?imiz uygulamalarla olu?turulan kara tablo; k?t?phanelerde ve 
okullarda g?r?len yay?n yasaklar?, televizyonda su? aleti olarak sergilenen kitap, dergi ve gazetelerle 
daha da karart?labilir. 

Ancak bu uygulamalar sonucu nereden nereye geldi?imizi g?zler ?n?ne serecek iki veriye dikkat 
?ekelim:

Yap?lan bir ara?t?rmaya g?re ?lkemizde 1945 y?l?nda profesyonel okur ba??na 10.2 kitap d??erken 
tam 45 y?l sonra bu oran 5.3'e d??t?. Son y?llarda kitap fiyatlar?nda g?r?len art??lar ve bask?lar 
sonucu ?artlara dayanamayan y?z kadar yay?nevi yay?n hayat?ndan ?ekildi, altm?? yay?nevi kitap 
?retimini durdurdu. 

Dahas? bunlara paralel olarak 1980'lerde faaliyette bulunan 1500 kadar kitabevinin %80'i 
k?rtasiyeciye d?n??t?.


T?rkiye'de Bas?n Sans?r?n?n K?sa Tarih?esi

T?rkiye'de bas?n sans?r? 19. Y?zy?l?n ortalar?nda ba?lad?. 1839 Tanzimat ve 1856 Islahat 
Fermanlar?nda bas?n ve yay?nla ilgili herhangi bir d?zenleme olmamas?na kar??l?k, 1857 y?l?nda  kabul 
edilen Basmahane (Bas?mevleri) Nizamnamesi, kitaplar?n Meclis-i Maarif taraf?ndan incelendikten ve 
"Memlekete ve Devlete zararl? olmad???" saptand?ktan sonra verilecek 'Ruhsat' ?zerine 
bas?labilece?ini belirtiyordu.


Tek Parti D?neminde Bas?n Sans?r?

Cumhuriyetin ilan?ndan sonra Do?u Anadolu'daki ?eyh Sait ayaklanmas? dolay?s?yla  ??kar?lan 
Takrir-i S?kun Kanunu (1925), h?k?mete bas?n ?zg?rl???n? diledi?i gibi k?s?tlama ve gazete 
kapatma yetkisi verdi. K?sa s?ren Serbest F?rka d?neminin getirdi?i ?zg?rl?k ortam?n?n ard?ndan, 
1931'de ??kan Matbuat Kanunu gazete ve dergi ??karmak i?in 'Ruhsat' almak gerekmeyece?i 
yolunda, o d?neme g?re ileri bir h?k?m getirdiyse de, bunun yan? s?ra bir ?ok k?s?tlay?c? maddeye yer 
verdi; ?zellikle Bakanlar Kurulu'nun ?lkenin genel politikas?na ayk?r? yay?nlardan dolay? gazete ve 
dergileri ge?ici olarak kapatabilmesini ?ng?ren 50. madde, bas?n?n ba?? ?zerinde Demokles'in k?l?c? 
gibi sallan?yordu.

1938 y?l?nda Matbuat Kanunu de?i?tirilerek bas?na yeni k?s?tlamalar getirildi. 1931'de kabul edilen 
gazete ya da dergi ??karmak i?in bildirimde bulunma y?ntemi kald?r?larak yeniden ruhsat sistemine 
d?n?ld?: Ruhsat verilebilmesi i?in, bankadan 1000-5000 liral?k g?vence mektubu getirilmesi 
?ng?r?lmekteydi. Kanun, "sui??hret"(k?t? ?nl?) kimselerin gazete ve dergilerde ?al??malar?n? da 
yasaklamaktayd?. Ayr?ca, ??retim kurumlar?nda yer alan ??renci olaylar?yla ilgili haberlerin izinsiz 
yay?mlanmas? yasaklan?yordu. Bu, bir ?e?it sans?rd?. 

?n?n?'n?n cumhurba?kanl??? d?neminde bas?n ?zerindeki bask?lar artt?. Bu d?nemde bakanlarca ya 
da Bas?n Yay?n Genel M?d?rl???'nce gazetelere s?rekli "direktif"ler veriliyor; bir ?ok olay?n 
yaz?lmas? yasaklan?yor; bu "dolayl? sans?r"e uymayan gazeteler kapat?l?yordu. Ulus ba?yazar? Falih 
R?fk? Atay, bir yaz?s?nda ( 28 Haziran 1938), "Gazetecilerin iyileri s?rf a?k y?z?nden (meslek a?k? 
y?z?nden) bu meslektedirler. Ancak pek iyi bilirler ki talihleri bir telefon darbesine ba?l?d?r" diye 
yaz?yor ve b?ylece ??i?leri Bakanl???'ndan gelecek bir telefonla gazetelerin her an kapat?labilece?ini 
ortaya koyuyordu.O y?llar?n " tebli?" lerinden ?rnekler a?a??dad?r.

"Nihal Ats?z ve Sabahattin Ali davas? hakk?nda kommanter yap?lmamas?n?, makale yaz?lmamas?n?, 
mahkeme safhalar?na ait haberlere son verilmesini rica eder, m?teakip mahkemelere ait ayr?ca 
i?'aratta bulunulaca??n? arzederim.- Bas?n Yay?n Umum M?d?r?" (24 Nisan 1944).
 
"Mart'?n 11. g?n? saat 21.35'te Beyo?lu'nda Tepeba??'nda kain Pera Palas otelinde vukua gelen 
infilak... b?y?k puntolu harflerle yaz?lmayacak ve alel?de vekayi s?tununda dercedilecektir. Verilen 
izahat haricinde tafsilat verilmesi, M?ddeiumumulik makam?nca tasvip edilmemektedir. Hil?f?na 
hareket edenler hakk?nda kanuni takibat yap?lacakt?r.- Emmiyet N?bet?i Md. Faik Ayrak" (11 Mart 
1941).

1946'da ?ok partili rejime ge?ilirken Bas?n Kanunu'nun h?k?mete gazete ve dergi kapatma yetkisi 
veren 50. maddesi de?i?tirildi ve bu yetki kald?r?ld?.

Demokrat Parti D?nemi

1950 y?l?nda iktidara gelen Demokrat Parti, yeni bir Bas?n Kanunu haz?rlad? . Bir?ok de?i?iklikle 
g?n?m?ze kadar gelen bu kanun, h?k?metlerin bas?n ?zerindeki denetimine son veriyor ve 
dolay?s?yla sans?r? kald?r?yordu.

Ancak, ?ok ge?meden "Ne?ir Yoluyla veya Radyo ile ??lenecek Baz? C?r?mler Hakk?nda Kanun" 
??kt?. 1954 y?l?n?n ilk aylar?nda y?r?rl??e giren bu kanun, Ceza Kanunu'nda yer alan birtak?m "takibi 
?ik?yete ba?l? su?lar"? kapsam?na al?yor ve savc?lar?n bu su?lardan dolay? do?rudan do?ruya 
soru?turma a?malar?n? ?ng?r?yordu. San?klara "ispat hakk?" tan?nmamaktayd?.

Bunun hemen ard?ndan, 6-7 Eyl?l Olaylar? (1955) dolay?s?yla ilan edilen s?k?y?netim, k?sa s?rede pek 
?ok yasaklama getirdi. S?k?y?netimin koydu?u ilk yasaklar ?unlard?: Halk? heyecanlad?racak haberler 
yay?mlamak; h?k?meti tenk?d etmek; h?k?met ?al??malar?n? etkileyecek nitelikte yaz?lar yay?mlamak; 
s?k?y?netim ?al??malar?yla ilgili haberler vermek; NATO devletleriyle ilgili haberler yay?mlamak; 
darl?k, k?tl?k, ve yokluk haberleri vermek; 6-7 Eyl?l Olaylar?n? kom?nistlerden ba?kalar?n?n yapt???na 
ili?kin yaz? ve yorumlar yay?mlamak; bu olaylarla ilgili haber ve resim basmak, sayfalar?nda da halk? 
heyecanland?racak resim ve yaz?lar yay?mlamak ve ??plak kad?n resmi basmak; ikinci bask? yapmak.

Bu yasaklara sonradan ba?kalar? eklendi, kimi gazeteler s?k?y?netimce kapat?ld?... 1956 y?l?nda Ne?ir 
Yoluyla veya Radyo ile ??lenecek Baz? C?r?mler Hakk?nda Kanun'a baz? maddeler eklenerek yeni 
bas?n su?lar? yarat?ld??? gibi, Bas?n Kanunu'nda yap?lan de?i?ikliklerle "gizli yap?lan toplant?lardaki 
g?r??melerin veya al?nan kararlar?n yaz?lmas?", "memleket ahl?k?n?, aile d?zenini bozacak ?ekilde 
heyecan uyand?racak tafsilat vermek" de yasakland?. Bu kanunlar geni? tepkilere yol a?arken bir 
yandan da savc?l?klar ya da mahkemelerce yay?n yasaklar? konuluyor ve bir?ok olay?n yaz?lmas? 
engelleniyordu. Yasaklama kararlar?ndan birka? ?rnek:

"Afyon ka?ak??l??? su?una i?tirakten san?k Malatya Emniyet ?miri Recai Day?o?lu ve arkada?lar? 
hakk?nda yay?n yap?lmas? yasaklanm??t?r." (4 Haziran 1955)

"K?s?kl?'da oturan S?leyman Hilmi Tunahan'?n Bulgurlu'daki Kuran kursunda Arap harfleriyle ders 
vermesi ile ilgili yay?n yap?lmas? menedilmi?tir." (16 A?ustos 1956)

"Baz? sahne hareketlerinin m?stehcen mahiyet arzetti?i ve 'strip-tease' adl? hareketin de memleket 
ahlak?, aile nizam? ve gen?lik ?zerinde zararl? tesirleri oldu?u ar ve haya duygular?na dokundu?u 
ihbar edilmi? ve bu konuda tahkikat a??lm??t?r. Haz?rl?k soru?turmalar?n?n sonuna kadar bu haberlerin 
yaz?lmas? yasak edilmi?tir" (9 Aral?k 1956). 

Sonraki y?llarda bas?nla Demokrat Parti aras?ndaki s?rt??meler alabildi?ine artt?. Bir ?ok gazeteci 
mahk?m edilirken Demokrat Parti bir yandan kendisini destekleyen "besleme bas?n" yaratmaya 
?al???yor, ?te yandan da muhalefet gazetelerine ilan ve k???t verdirtmemek yoluyla ekonomik 
bask?lara y?neliyordu.

Demokrat Parti iktidar?n?n sonlar?nda, 27 Nisan 1960 g?nl? kanunla kurulan Tahkikat Komisyonu, 
gazete ve dergileri kapatma, bas?m ve da??t?mlar?n? ?nleme, gazetecileri sorguya ?ekme yetkileriyle 
donat?ld?. Ve kurulur kurulmaz ?e?itli illerdeki 12 gazete ve dergiyi bas?mevleriyle birlikte kapatt?, bir 
?ok gazeteciyi sorguya ?ekti.


27 May?s'tan G?n?m?ze

27 May?s 1960'ta iktidara gelen Milli Birlik Komitesi, cezaevlerindeki gazetecilerin hemen serbest 
b?rak?lmas?n? sa?lamas?na ra?men. Bu kez de Demokrat Parti yanl?s? gazeteciler ve bas?n ?zerinde 
bask?lar ya?and?. Kom?nist yay?nlar  ve k?kten dinci yay?nlar ?zerindeki bask?lar da devam etti. 
Ancak, k?smen Ne?ir  Yoluyla veya Radyo ile ??lenen C?r?mler Hakk?nda Kanun ile Bas?n 
Kanunu'ndaki antidemokratik h?k?mlerden baz?lar?n? kald?rd?. 1961 Anayasas?'na da bas?na k?smi 
?zg?rl?k ve g?vence getiren, sans?r? yasaklayan maddeler konuldu (m.22,23,25). Ancak 12 Mart 
vb. kimi d?nemlerde, bu h?k?mlerin k???t ?zerinde kald??? g?r?ld?.

?te yandan, Bas?n Kanunu'nun yabanc? memleketlerde bas?lm?? eserlerin T?rkiye'ye sokulmas?n?n 
Bakanlar Kurulu karar? ile yasaklanabilece?ini ?ng?ren 31. maddesi de bir t?r sans?r getirmi? ve bu 
h?k?m uzun y?llar y?r?rl?kte kalm??t?r. ??in ilgin? yan?, 21 Kas?m 1959 tarihli Bakanlar Kurulu 
karar?yla Do?u Bloku ?lkelerinde ??kan t?m yay?nlar?n yasak edilmesi; ancak bu yasaklama karar?n?n 
(Tebli?ler Dergisi, 11 Ocak 1960) Resmi Gazete'de yay?mlanmam??, dolay?s?yla ge?ersiz kalm?? 
bulunmas?d?r.

Eski Ba?bakanlardan B?lent Ecevit, ?al??ma Bakan? olarak g?rev ald??? bir ?n?n? Kabinesi 
d?neminde bu t?r sans?r kararlar?n?n nas?l ??kt???n? 1 May?s 1966 tarihli Milliyet gazetesinde anlatm?? 
ve kimi ?rnekler vermi?tir. S?zgelimi Express dergisinin yasaklanmas? istenen bir say?s?nda 
"Kom?nizmi yeren bir yaz? bulunmakla beraber, yaz? ile ilgili kapak kompozisyonunda bir orak ?eki? 
resmi varm??. Bu say?n?n sans?r edilmesi Bakanlar Kurulu'ndan isteniyor." Ve "birtak?m k???k 
d?nyal? memurlar, ???nc? Karma H?k?mete imzalatamad?klar? yasak kararlar?n?, belli ki ?deta h?n? 
almak istercesine, yeni h?k?mete sunmu? ve muratlar?na ermi?lerdir."

Bas?n Kanunu'nda yap?lan 1983 de?i?iklikleri s?ras?nda s?z konusu 31. maddenin ilk iki f?kras? ?u 
?ekli alm??t?r:
"Devletin ?lkesi ve milletiyle b?l?nmez b?t?nl???ne, milli egemenli?ine, Cumhuriyetin varl???na, 
milli g?venli?e, kamu d?zenine, genel asayi?e, kamu yarar?na, genel ahl?ka ve genel sa?l??a ayk?r? 
olup yabanc? memleketlerde ??kan bas?lm?? eserlerin T?rkiye'ye sokulmas? veya da??t?lmas? Bakanlar 
Kurulu karar?yla yasaklanabilir.

Bu gibi bas?lm?? eserlerin, Bakanlar Kurulu'ndan acele karar al?nmak ?zere ??i?leri Bakanl???'nca 
karardan evvel da??t?lmalar? yasaklanabilece?i gibi, da??t?lm?? olanlar da toplatt?r?labilir."

1982 Anayasas? bas?n?n sans?r edilemeyece?i h?km?n? getirmi? olmakla birlikte, gerek bu 
Anayasa'n?n 28.maddesini, gerek Bas?n Kanunu'ndaki 1983 de?i?ikliklerini (ek maddeler 1, 2 ve 4) 
g?z?n?ne al?rsak, "kanunun a??k?a yetkili k?ld??? merci"ye (savc?lara) verilmi? bas?lm?? eserlerin 
da??t?m?n?n ?nlenmesi yetkisi de bir ?e?it sans?r niteli?i ta??maktad?r.

Bas?n sans?r? konusunda s?ylenecek son s?z ?udur: Yay?nlar?n ?n denetimi sorunu yaln?zca hukuki 
metinler ?er?evesinde ele al?namaz. ?e?itli yollarla ger?ekle?tirilen "fiili" denetim, hatta  "otosans?r" 
de, b?t?nsel a??dan, "sans?r"?n kapsam?ndad?r. Bu, ayn? zamanda g?n?m?z?n ?ok-boyutlu bir 
sorunudur.UNESCO'nun "serbest haber ak???" konusu ?zerindeki ?al??malar da, d?nya ?ap?nda bir 
sans?r sorununun varl???n? ortaya koymaktad?r.   

1961 Anayasas?'n?n, ?nce d???nce ve kaanat h?rriyetini g?vence alt?na alan, sonra da ?zellikle bas?n 
ve yay?n alan?nda sans?r? a??k?a yasaklayan h?k?mleri vard?.
"Bas?n h?rd?r, sans?r edilemez." (m.22/1) "Gazete ve dergi ??kar?lmas?, ?nceden izin alma ve mali 
teminat ?art?na ba?lanamaz" (m.23/1), "Kitap ve bro??r yay?m? izne ba?l? tutulamaz; sans?r 
edilemez" (m24/1).

1961 Anayasas?'na g?re bas?n h?rriyeti de s?n?rs?z de?ildi. ?ncelikle 1971 y?l?nda 1488 say?l? kanunla 
yap?lan Anayasa de?i?iklikleri, devletin ve milletin b?t?nl???n?, milli g?venli?i koruma amac?yla ve 
kanunla yeni s?n?rlamalar getirebilece?ini kabul etmi?ti. ??nk? olaylar, ?lke b?t?nl???n?, h?rriyet?i 
demokratik hukuk devletini tehdit eder boyutlara ula?m??t?. S?k?y?netime tekrar ba?vurmak gere?i 
duyulmu?tu. Ama Anayasa'n?n ?ng?rd??? ola?and??? rejim de art?k yeterli olmuyordu. 12 Eyl?l 1980 
harek?t?yla gelen "Anayasa ?st? ola?and???" y?netim i?te bu geli?melerin sonucu oldu.

1982 Anayasas?, bu bak?mdan, bas?n ve yay?nla ilgili h?rriyetleri ?ok daha ayr?nt?l? bir bi?imde 
d?zenlemi?tir.Temel ilke gene bas?n h?rriyeti ve sans?r yasa??d?r (m.28). Ancak, ?lke b?t?nl???ne 
ve milli g?venli?e zarar verici, su? i?lemeye, isyana te?vik edici haber veya yaz?lar?n yaz?lmas? 
halinde, gecikmede sak?nca varsa yetkili idari makam?n karar?yla da??t?m ?nlenebilir. Bu takdirde, 
durum s?ratle (en ge? 24 saat i?inde) yetkili hakime intikal ettirilecektir. 1982 Anayasas?'n?n 26 ve 
27'inci maddeleriyle de ifade ?zg?rl??? s?n?rland?r?lm??t?r. 28'inci maddenin 2. F?kras?nda "Kanunla 
yasaklanm?? herhangi bir dilde yay?n yap?lamaz" denilerek T?rk?e d???ndaki dillerle d???nce ifade 
edilmesi yasaklanm??t?r. 
5680 say?l? Bas?n Yasas? yurtd???nda bas?lan yay?nlar?n yurda sokulmas?n? yasaklama yetkisi 
vermekte, Ek 1. Maddesi bas?l? eserlerin 2 madde ?e?itli su?lardan dolay? bir yay?n organ?n?n ?? 
g?nden bir aya kadar kapat?labilece?i; Ek 4. Madde de da??t?m? engellenmi? ve yay?nlanmam?? da 
olsa bir su? unsuru bulunan yaz?dan dolay? yarg?lama yap?labilece?ini ?n g?rmektedir. Ek 4. Madde 
d???nceyi daha su?a d?n??meden cezaland?rmaktad?r. 
TCY'nin 125, 127, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 143, 145, 146, 147, 149, 153, 
154, 155, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 175, 178, 311, 312. Maddeleri d???nceyi a??klama, propaganda, 
devletin i? ve d?? g?venli?i, su?u i?lemeye tahrik, din ?zg?rl???, devletin uluslararas? ki?ili?ine kar?? 
su?lar gibi konularda d???nceye s?n?rlama getirmektedir.
Ayr?ca 430 say?l? yasa h?km?nde kararname, K???kleri Muz?r Ne?riyattan Koruma Yasas?, Polis 
Vazife ve Selahiyetleri Yasas?, 195 say?l? Bas?n ?lan Kurumu Te?kiline Dair Yasa, 657 Say?l? Devlet 
Memurlar? Yasas?, 2854 Say?l? T?rkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Yasas? gibi yasa ve kararnamelerle 
d???nce ?zg?rl???n? s?n?rlamaktad?r.
Yine TCY'nin 533, 534, 535 ve 536. Maddeleri de yay?nc?lara ve afi? asanlara ceza h?k?mleri 
getirmektedir.
Atat?rk'? Koruma Yasas? da esas itibariyle d???nce su?u yaratan bir yasad?r.
Global olarak mevzuat?m?zda d???nce ?zg?rl???n? s?n?rlayan ya da bask? alt?na alan yasalar ile; 
TMY, TCY, Askeri Ceza Yasas? vs. 152 yasa maddesi d???nce ?zg?rl???n?n ?n?nde engel olarak 
durmaktad?r. 

Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?

140, 141, 142 ve 163'?nc? maddelerin kald?r?lmas?na y?nelik olarak haz?rlanan Ter?rle M?cadele 
Yasas? g?stermelik bir iyile?meden ?teye gidemedi. Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?'n?n 8. Maddesinde 
de?i?iklik yap?lmas?n? ?ng?ren yasa teklifi mecliste 27 Ekim g?n? yap?lan g?r??meler sonucunda 
DYP ve CHP'ye ?ye milletvekillerinin oylar? ile kabul edildi. De?i?iklik Cumhurba?kan? S?leyman 
Demirel taraf?ndan hemen onayland? ve Resmi Gazete'nin 30 Ekim 1995 tarihli say?s?nda 
yay?nlanarak y?r?rl??e girdi. Yeni yasaya g?re, o ana kadar y?r?rl?kte olan yasa metninden 'hangi 
y?ntem, maksat ve d???nceyle olursa olsun' ibaresi ??kart?ld?. 8. Madde uyar?nca verilecek hapis 
cezalar?n?n alt s?n?r? 2 y?ldan 1 y?la, ?st s?n?r? ise 5 y?ldan 3 y?la indirildi. Ancak para cezalar?n?n 
miktar? ?nemli ?l??de artt?r?ld?. Verilecek cezalar?n ertelenmesi ya da paraya ?evrilebilmesi i?in 
mahkemelere takdir hakk? tan?nd?. Takdir hakk?n?n, ayn? su?un yeniden i?lenmesi halinde 
kullan?lmamas? h?kme ba?land?.

Yeni yasa ile 8. Madde uyar?nca mahk?m olan ya da yarg?lananlara bir af getirilmedi. 8. Madde 
uyar?nca mahk?m olup cezas? kesinle?enlerin (41'i cezaevinde olan  486 h?k?ml?) durumu, 
de?i?ikli?in y?r?rl??e girdi?i tarihten sonraki bir ay i?inde, de?i?iklikler ?er?evesinde, cezay? veren 
mahkemeler taraf?ndan de?erlendirildi ve bir karara var?ld?. Bu karar, verilen cezan?n kald?r?lmas?, 
azalt?lmas?, ertelenmesi ya da paraya ?evrilmesi ?eklinde oldu. Cezas? kesinle?meyenler tekrar 
yarg?land? ve bu ki?ilerden tutuklu olanlar?n tutukluluk durumlar? g?zden ge?irildi, a??lan davalar 
devam etti.

De?i?iklik, ABD ile Avrupa Birli?i'ne ?ye ?lkelerin y?netimlerine y?nelik bir makyaj olmaktan ?teye 
gidemedi. Yap?lan de?i?ikli?e kar??n, o an cezaevinde bulunan cezas? kesinle?mi? d???nce 
su?lular?ndan bir b?l?m? (?rne?in: ?smail Be?ik?i, ?brahim Aksoy, I??k Yurt?u, Recep Mara?l?, Erdal 
Dalk?l??, Naile Tuncer cezalar?n?n fazla olmas?, Fevzi Ger?ek, Mustafa ?slamo?lu ve Mahmut Ka?ar 
ise ba?ka bir madde uyar?nca mahkum olmalar? nedeniyle) serbest b?rak?lmad?. Ayr?ca IHD taraf?ndan 
1992 y?l? Aral?k ay?nda ?stanbul'da d?zenlenen mitingde yapt??? konu?ma nedeniyle ald??? 20 ayl?k 
hapis cezas? kesinle?en Avukat E?ber Ya?murdereli 8 Kas?m g?n? g?zalt?na al?nd? ve tutukland?. 
E?ber Ya?murdereli 15 Aral?k g?n? hapis cezas? 10 aya indirilerek tahliye edildi.

D??i?leri Bakanl??? taraf?ndan 6 Aral?k g?n? yap?lan a??klamada "Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?"n?n 8. 
Maddesinin de?i?mesi ?zerine, bu madde nedeni ile tutuklu ya da h?k?ml? olarak cezaevinde 
bulunan d???nce su?lular?ndan 130'unun tahliye edildi?i bildirildi. A??klamada, s?z konusu ki?ilerin 
de?i?ikliklerden ne ?ekilde yararland??? ve tahliye edilenlerden ka??n?n serbest b?rak?ld??? belirtilmedi. 
De?i?iklik sonras? serbest b?rak?lanlardan baz?lar?n?n adlar? ??yle: 
"Havai? Sendikas? Genel Ba?kan? Atilay Ay?in, ?HD ?stanbul ?ubesi eski sekreteri Avukat Eren 
Keskin, Diyarbak?r eski Belediye Ba?kan? Mehdi Zana, At?l?m Gazetesi Yaz? ??leri M?d?r? Eylem 
Semint, Yay?nc? ?nsal ?zt?rk (1996 y?l?nda cezaevine girdi), Yay?nc? Mustafa Pala, ?HD eski Genel 
Ba?kan Yard?mc?s? Avukat Sedat Aslanta?, Yay?nc? Ayd?n Do?an, Yazar Numan Bakta?, Sakine 
Kidan, G?zel Ak, H?seyin Ebem, Hac? G?zel Bostan, Z?lk?f Karako?, Hanife Y?ld?r?m, ?ahin 
G?nayd?n, Vedat G?nayd?n, S?leyman K?lter, Hamdiye K???kkurt, Ziya Aslan, Nevaf Akba?, 
Abd?rrahim Ak, Selahattin Y?ld?rmaz, Ali ?zer, Pervin Saruhanl?o?lu, Seniye ?elik, Ha?im D?lek, 
Mehmet S?rer, Mehmet Aks?yek, Ekrem Kad?o?lu, Ahmet Erin, Mehmet Turan, Fara? ?nde?, 
R?dvan Demircan ve Nesih Ate?."

Gazeteci yazar Yal??n K???k'e "K?rt Bah?esinde S?zle?i" adl? kitab? nedeniyle verilen 2 y?l hapis 
cezas? "Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?"n?n 8. Maddesinde yap?lan de?i?iklik g?z ?n?ne al?narak bir y?la 
indirildi. DGM'nin verdi?i karar uyar?nca Yal??n K???k'?n 250 milyon liral?k para cezas? 100 milyon 
liraya d???r?ld?. Verilen hapis cezas?n? paraya ?evirmeyen ve ertelemeyen mahkeme heyeti, 
Fransa'da ya?ayan Yal??n K???k'?n g?yaben tutuklanmas?na karar verdi. Ayn? davada kitab? 
yay?nlayan Ba?ak Yay?nevi'nin sahibi Hikmet Ko?ak'a da 6 ay hapis ve 50 milyon lira para cezas? 
verildi. Hapis cezas? 900 bin liraya cevrildi ve ertelendi. 

Yazar Mehmet Bayrak'a "K?rt Halk T?rk?leri" adl? kitab? nedeniyle verilen ve Yarg?tay taraf?ndan 
onaylanan 2 y?l hapis cezas? "Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?"n?n 8.maddesinde yap?lan de?i?iklik g?z 
?n?ne al?narak 1 y?la indirildi. Ankara DGM taraf?ndan verilen karar uyar?nca Mehmet Bayrak'?n 
para cezas? da 100 milyon lira olarak belirlenip, verilen hapis cezas? paraya ?evrilmedi ve 
ertelenmedi.

Gazeteci Oral ?al??lar'a "?calan ve Burkay'la K?rt sorunu" adl? kitab? nedeniyle "Ter?rle M?cadele 
Yasas?"n?n 8.maddesi uyar?nca verilen 2 y?l hapis ve 250 milyon lira para cezas? Yarg?tay taraf?ndan 
bozuldu.

?zg?r Bilim Dergisi'nin Genel Yay?n Y?netmeni Medeni Ayhan, dergideki bir yaz?s? nedeniyle 
"TMY"nin 8. maddesi uyar?nca yarg?land??? davada 2 y?l hapis ve 550 milyon lira para cezas?na 
mahkum oldu. 

Pir Sultan Abdal dergisinin 1993 y?l? A?ustos ay?nda ??kan ?zel say?s?ndaki yaz?lar? nedeniyle 
TMY'nin 8. Maddesi uyar?nca yarg?lanan ?brahim Halit El?i ve Kemal Alt?nta? adl? iki siyasi tutuklu 
birer y?l hapis ve 100'er milyon lira para cezas?na mahkum oldu. Derginin yaz? i?leri m?d?r? Metin 
Kuzug?denlio?lu'na 6 ay hapis ve 50 milyon lira para cezas? verildi, sahibi Murtaza Demir de 100 
milyon lira para cezas?na ?arpt?r?ld?.

Belge yay?nevinin sorumlusu Ay?enur Zarakulu, Ya?ar Kaya'n?n "G?ndem Yaz?lar?" adl? kitab? 
nedeniyle yarg?land??? davada TMY'nin 8. maddesi uyar?nca 6 ay hapis ve 50 milyon lira para 
cezas?na mahkum oldu. 
D???nceyi engelleyen yasalar sadece K?rt ve sol muhaliflere de?il, k?kten dinci kesimlere, m?sl?man 
muhaliflere  de uygulanmaktad?r.
Nurcu tarikatlardan Aczmendiler inan?lar?na ve d???ncelerine g?re giyinip ku?and?klar? i?in ?e?itli 
bask?lara u?ram??lard?r.
Zaman gazetesi yazar? ?smail Hekimo?lu d???ncelerinden dolay? cezaevinde yatm??t?r.
Selam gazetesi yazar? Mehmet Pamak bir yaz?s? nedeniyle 312. Maddeden 1 y?l 8 ay hapse 
?arpt?r?lm??, daha sonra cezas? ertelenmi?tir. 'Meczup' olarak nitelendirilen Mahmut Ka?ar bar????l 
bir g?steriden dolay? 4 y?l 6 ay a??r hapis cezas?na mahkum edilmi?tir. UA? Mahmut Ka?ar'? 
'd???nce su?lusu' ilan etmi?tir. Eski Parlamenterden Hasan Mezarc? Atat?rk ile ilgili 
d???ncelerinden dolay? ceza alm??t?r. 
Yazar-gazeteci Nurettin ?irin afi?ten dolay? 17 seneyi a?k?n hapis cezas?na ?arpt?r?lm??t?r. 
Eski bakan ve milletvekillerinden Hasan Celal G?zel hakk?nda Genelkurmay'?n ihbar? ile TCK 
159'uncu maddeden dolay? bir ?ok dava a??lm??t?r. 
1997 y?l? May?s-Kas?m ay? aras?nda; 607 ki?i ba??rt?s? yasa?? bask?s?na maruz kalm??; 230 ki?i Sar?k 
ve c?bbe giydikleri gerek?esiyle g?zalt?na al?nm??;  15 ki?i  ibadet nedeniyle i?ten at?lm??; 15 ki?i 
Resmi ve askeri kurumlarda inan?lar? nedeniyle bask?ya u?ram??;  58 ki?i zikir ve toplant? 
gerek?esiyle g?zalt?na al?nm??t?r. 
Anti-militaristler hakk?nda TCK 155'inci maddeden dolay? Genelkurmay Askeri Mahkemelerinde 
aralar?nda Mehmet Ali Birand'?n, Televizyoncu Cemal Arman'?n Ali Tevfik Berber'in ve Erhan 
Aky?ld?z'?n da bulundu?u 500 civar?nda sivil son 4 y?l i?inde askeri mahkemeye san?k olarak 
??km??lard?r.
Sadece Haziran ay?nda 161 subay; aral?k ay?nda ise 55 subay dini d???ncelerinden dolay? ordudan 
at?lm??t?r. ?stelik bu raporlara yarg? yolu t?kal?d?r.
39 tiyatrocu Haziran ay?nda tutuklanm??t?r. Bas?lan Kur'an Kursu 600'e yakla?m??, kapat?lan Kur'an 
Kursu ise 350'ye ula?m??t?r. T?rban nedeniyle bir?ok fak?ltede kay?tlar engellenmi?tir. 


?lenler, Ortadan Kaybolanlar

1992 ve 1993 y?llar?nda bas?na y?nelik sald?r?lar a??s?ndan ?n plana ??kan ve "d?nyan?n en ?ok 
gazeteci ?ld?r?len ?lkesi" s?fat?n? kazanan, 1994 y?l?nda da benzer olaylara tan?k olan T?rkiye'de, 
1995 y?l?nda 1 gazeteci ?ld?r?ld?. Batman'da 22 A?ustos g?n? polis taraf?ndan g?zalt?na al?nan Yeni 
Politika gazetesinin Batman muhabirlerinden Safyettin Tepe sorguland??? Bitlis Emniyet 
M?d?rl???'nde 29 A?ustos g?n? ?ld?. Polis yetkilileri "Safyettin Tepe'nin fanila ile kendini h?cre 
kap?s?ndaki mazgal demirine asarak intihar etti?ini" ?ne s?rd?ler.  

1995 y?l?nda, son be? y?lda ?ld?r?len gazeteci katil ya da katillerinin bulunmas? ve bu cinayetlerin 
ayd?nlat?lmas? i?in ciddi bir ?aba g?sterilmedi. Cinayetlere yakla??m hep gayri ciddi oldu. Tesad?f 
sonucu ele ge?en baz? militanlar?n sorgulanmas? ya da ?zerlerinde yakalanan silahlar?n  incelenmesi 
sonucunda elde edilen ipu?lar? gere?i gibi de?erlendirilmedi. Zaman zaman polis a??klamalar?nda yer 
alan "?ld?r?len gazetecilerden baz?lar?n?n katillerinin yakaland???na" dair bilgiler (?etin Eme?, Turan 
Dursun, Halit G?rgen ve Nam?k Taranc?'n?n ?ld?r?lmesi ile ilgili) ya da a??lan davalar, cinayetleri 
a???a kavu?turmad?. 

Gazeteci U?ur Mumcu'nun ?ld?r?lmesinden sonra ya?anan olaylar, ?ld?r?len gazeteciler ve faili 
me?hul cinayetler konusundaki gayri ciddi yakla??m?n en ?arp?c? ?rne?ini olu?turdu. 24 Ocak 1993 
tarihinde bombal? bir sald?r? sonucunda ya?am?n? yitiren U?ur Mumcu'nun katilleri, sald?r?n?n 
?zerinden ?? y?l ge?mesine ra?men ortaya ??kart?lmad?. Katillerin ortaya ??kart?lmas? bir yana, yap?lan 
soru?turmada ilerleme bile sa?lanamad?. U?ur Mumcu'nun ?ld?r?lmesinden sonra Meclis b?nyesinde 
olu?turulan Faili Me?hul Cinayetleri Ara?t?rma Komisyonu da bir sonuca ula?amad?. Komisyon 
Ba?kan? Sad?k Avundukluo?lu, U?ur Mumcu cinayeti ile ilgili bilgi almakta zorland?klar?n? ve 
?nlerine s?rekli engeller ??kart?ld???n? s?yledi. 


Bas?na ve gazetecilere y?nelik sald?r?lar

1995 y?l?nda bas?n kurulu?lar?, bas?n ?rg?tleri gazeteciler, yazarlar s?k s?k de?i?ik ?evrelerden gelen 
sald?r?lara maruz kald?. Bu sald?r?lar?n ?nemli b?l?m? kamu ya da g?venlik g?revlileri taraf?ndan 
d?zenlendi. T?HV'nin belirlemelerine g?re, 1995 y?l?nda 31 ayr? olayda toplam 56 gazeteci, g?rev 
yapt?klar? s?rada kamu ya da g?venlik g?revlilerinin tekmeli, k?f?rl?, coplu ve benzeri sald?r?lar? ile 
kar??la?t?. (1991 y?l?na 24 olayda 52, 1992 y?l?nda 26 olayda 56, 1993 y?l?nda 33 olayda 52, 1994 
y?l?nda 34 olayda 76 gazeteci sald?r?ya u?ram??t?). Bunun yan? s?ra ?ok say?da gazeteci g?zalt?na 
al?nd?, tutukland?. Gazetecilere ve bas?n kurulu?lar?na y?nelik bombal? - silahl? sald?r?lar oldu. Bas?na 
y?nelik bask? ve sald?r?lar, muhalif, resmi ideolojiye ve tabulara kar?? ??kan, radikal g?r??ler savunan 
dergi ve gazetelerle buralarda g?rev yapanlar ?zerinde yo?unla?t?.


?zg?r ?lke - Yeni Politika: 1995 y?l?nda en yo?un bask? ve sald?r?ya, yay?n politikas? a??rl?kl? olarak 
K?rt sorununa y?nelik olan ?zg?r ?lke gazetesi ile ?zg?r ?lke gazetesinin kapat?lmas? ?zerine 
yay?n hayat?na ba?layan Yeni Politika gazetesi maruz kald?. ?zg?r ?lke gazetesi ilk say?s? 30 May?s 
1992 tarihinde ??kan ve 20 Nisan 1994 tarihinde kapat?lan ?zg?r G?ndem gazetesinin ard?ndan 28 
Nisan 1994 tarihinde yay?nlanmaya ba?lam??t?r. ?zg?r ?lke gazetesine y?nelik en ?nemli sald?r? 3 
Aral?k 1994 tarihinde meydana geldi. Gazetenin ?stanbul Kad?rga'daki merkezi ve Ca?alo?lu'ndaki 
b?rosu ile Ankara b?rosuna sabaha kar?? "kimliklerinin belirsiz oldu?u" ?ne s?r?len ki?iler taraf?ndan 
bombal? sald?r?lar d?zenlendi. Ersin Y?ld?z adl? ki?inin ?ld???, 25 ki?inin de yaraland??? sald?r?lar?n 
sorumlulu?unu "resmen" ?stlenen olmad?. Cumhurba?kan?, ??i?leri Ba?kan?, ?stanbul Valisi ve 
?stanbul Emniyet M?d?r? ba?ta olmak ?zere pek ?ok yetkili, bombal? sald?r?lar? yapanlar?n 
bulunaca??n? ?ne s?rd?. ?zg?r ?lke gazetesine y?nelik bombal? sald?r?lar?n, d?nemin Ba?bakan? 
Tansu ?iller'in muhalif yay?n organlar?na kar?? sert ve etkili ?nlemler al?nmas?n? isteyen 30 Kas?m 
1994 tarihli genelgesinin hemen sonras?na rastlamas? dikkat ?ekti. ?zerinde "gizli" notu bulunan 
genelge ??yle: Ba?ta ?zg?r ?lke olmak ?zere, b?l?c? ve y?k?c? ?rg?tlere destek verecek ?ekilde 
yay?n yapan ya?n organlar?n?n faaliyetleri son g?nlerde devletin bekas?na ve manevi de?erlerine a??k?a 
sald?r? ?ekline d?n??m??t?r. Demokratik ve laik bir hukuk devleti olan T?rkiye'nin h?r bas?n anlay??? 
konusundaki engin ho?g?r?s?n?n son g?nlerde ad? ge?en yay?n organlar?nca b?y?k ?l??de istismar 
edildi?i, yasalar?n ?i?nendi?i ve ter?r ?rg?t?n?n adeta yasal kurulu? durumuna sokulmaya ?al???ld??? 
de?erlendirilmektedir. Bu durum, sa?duyulu, vatansever yurtta?lar?m?z? ve kamuoyunu rahats?z eden 
boyuta ula?m??t?r. Vatan?n ve milletin b?l?nmez b?t?nl???ne y?nelik bu ?nemli tehtidin bertaraf 
edilmesi amac?yla Adalet Bakanl??? taraf?ndan; bu tip yay?n yapan organlar?n tespit ve yay?nlar?n?n 
takip edilmesi bu kadar su? duyurusu olmas?na ra?men hukuken etkili bir ?ey yap?lmamas?n?n 
nedenlerinin belirlenerek, giderici ?nlemler al?nmas?n?, devletin bekas?na y?nelik a??k?a b?l?c?l?k 
yapan ve ter?r ?rg?t?ne destek veren bu t?r yay?n organlar? ile etkin m?cadele edecek y?ntemlerin 
tespit edilmesi maksad?yla derhal bir ?al??ma yap?larak belirlenen y?ntemlerin k?sa s?rede y?r?rl??e 
konmas? i?in gere?inin yap?lmas?n? rica ederim. Genelge, gere?i i?in Adalet Bakanl???'na, bilgi i?in de 
??i?leri Bakanl???, D??i?leri Bakanl???, Milli G?venlik Kurulu Genel Sekreterli?i, Ba?bakanl?k Askeri 
Dan??manl??? ile Bas?n, Yay?n ve Enformasyon Genel M?d?rl???ne g?nderildi.

?zg?r ?lke gazetesinin yay?m? ?stanbul 1. Sulh Ceza Mahkemesi'nin 2 ?ubat'ta ald??? bir kararla 
durduruldu. Bu karar, "?zg?r ?lke gazetesinin, verilen kesinle?mi? kapatma kararlar?n?n 14 Nisan 
1994 tarihinden itibaren uygulamaya sokulmas? ?zerine yay?m?na son veren ?zg?r G?ndem 
gazetesinin devam? oldu?u" gerek?esi ile al?nd?. 

?zg?r ?lke gazetesinin kapat?lmas?ndan sonra 13 Nisan g?n? Yeni Politika gazetesi yay?ma ba?lad?. 
Yeni Politika gazetesi de t?pk? di?er muhalif gazete ve dergiler gibi devlet bask?s?yla kar??la?t?. Bu 
gazete i?in de toplatma kararlar? ??kart?ld?, sans?rlendi.

Gazete y?neticilerinden ?elebi Yavuz gazetenin bas?n ?yk?s?n? ??yle anlat?r:
"Gazetenin bas?ld??? matbaada s?rekli polis bekliyor. Polisler ilk bask? ??kar ??kmaz gazeteyi al?p 
g?t?r?yor. Bir saat sonra toplatma karar? geliyor. Gazeteden toplatma karar? verilmesine gerek?e 
g?sterilen b?l?mleri ??kart?yoruz. ??kart?lan b?l?mlere 'sans?rl?d?r' ibaresi d???lerek, s?z konusu 
yaz? ya da haberin, toplatma gerek?esi yap?ld??? i?in yay?mlanamad??? belirtiliyor. ?kinci bask? saat 
22.00 s?ralar?nda bitiyor. Polisler tekrar gazeteye geliyor. Bazen ikinci bask? ?zerinde 'Biz bunlar? 
g?rmemi?tik' denilip yeniden sans?r yap?l?yor. Bu nedenle be? bask? yapt???m?z g?nler oluyor. Bu 
durum da??t?m? ka??rmam?za neden oluyor. Gazete pek ?ok yere gidemiyor."

Yeni Politika gazetesinin yay?m?, 17 Temmuz g?n? ?stanbul DGM'nin yapt??? su? duyurusu ?zerine 
16 A?ustos g?n? ?stanbul 5. Sulh Ceza Mahkemesi'nin ald??? kararla durduruldu. 

Yeni Politika gazetesinin 17 A?ustos g?n? ??kan son say?s?nda, "yay?n durdurma karar?n?" isteyen 
savc? ve karar? veren hakim ve gazete avukat?n?n yapt??? bir s?yle?i yay?mland?.Verilen karar?n 
hukuktan yoksunlu?unu ve siyasili?ini tart??mas?z bir bi?imde ortaya koyan s?yle?i ??yle:

Avukat: 	Deliller yeterli de?il,buna dayanarak yap?lan hukuki de?il.
Savc?: 	Devlet bu gazetenin ??kmas?n? istemiyor.?tiraz etmeniz halinde bile sonu? de?i?meyecektir. 
Olay her ne kadar toplatma karar? ise de fiilen kapatmad?r.
Avukat:  	Sadece bu deliller nas?l bir toplatma gerek?esi olabilir?
Savc?:  	Siz de di?er gazeteler gibi yay?n yap?n.
Avukat:  	Biz de ??plak kad?n resimleri mi yay?nlayal?m? Tencere, tava m? verelim? Gazetecilik 
yapmayal?m m??
Savc?:  	Cumhuriyet gibi gazete ??karabilirsiniz. Cumhuriyet promosyon da yapm?yor.

(...)

Hakim:  	Size uygulanan sans?r? yanl?? buluyorum. Hi? bir zaman onaylamad?m. Hatta 
n?betim s?ras?nda gelen toplatma taleplerini reddettim. Benim yapabilece?im hi? bir ?ey yoktur. Bu 
karar? reddetmem halinde kesinlikle s?r?lece?imi biliyorum. ?tiraz etseniz bile Asliye Ceza 
Mahkemesi bunu reddedecektir. T?rkiye'de ba??ms?z yarg? ve yarg?? g?vencesi yoktur.Aksi tav?r 
s?r?lme nedenidir.11 y?ll?k meslek hayat?mda bu t?r hak ihlallerine kar?? ??kt???m i?in s?rg?n hayat? 
ya??yordum. Birinci s?n?f hakim olmama ra?men daha alt? ayd?r ?stanbul'day?m.

Avukat:  	?tiraz edece?iz.
Savc?:	Karar de?i?mez. Gazeteyi ?stanbul'da de?il de Ankara'da ??kar?n.
Avukat:  	Ankara'da da Nusret Demiral var.
Savc?:	En b?y?k d??man?n?z da orada zaten.


Evrensel: 	?zg?r ?lke ve Yeni Politika gazeteleri kadar olmasa bile yo?un bask? ve sald?r? ile 
kar??la?an gazetelerden biri de Evrensel gazetesi oldu. 1996 y?l? A?ustos ay? sonuna kadar ??kan 
say?lar?n?n 33'? toplat?ld?. Gazetede yay?mlanan haber, yaz?, ilan ve karikat?rler nedeniyle toplam 65 
dava a??ld?, bu davalardan 17'si beraatle, 9'u mahkumiyetle sona erdi.Gazete hakk?ndaki kapatma 
cezalar?n?n toplam? 125 g?n oldu. 8 Ocak 1996 tarihinde ?stanbul'da yap?lan bir cenaze t?reni 
s?ras?nde g?zalt?na al?nan Metin G?ktepe de polisler taraf?ndan d?v?lerek ?ld?r?ld?.
Evrensel gazetesinin ?e?itli illerdeki muhabirlari polisler ve belediye g?revlileri taraf?ndan sald?r?ya 
u?rad?. ?stanbul muhabirlerinden Ha?im Demir de 1 Aral?k ak?am? kendilerini "polis" olarak tan?tan 
silahl? ki?iler taraf?ndan arabaya bindirilerek ka??r?lmak istendi.

At?l?m:		Yo?un bask? ile kar??la?an bir di?er yay?n organ? da haftal?k At?l?m gazetesi oldu. ?lk 
say?s? 8 Ekim 1994 tarihinde yay?mlanan gazetenin 1995 y?l? sonuna kadar ??kan 64 say?s?ndan 63'? 
(50'si 1995 y?l?nda) ?stanbul DGM ve ?stanbul 3. Sulh Ceza Mahkemesi taraf?ndan toplat?ld?.

Kurtulu?:	Hakk?ndaki kapatma kararlar? pe?pe?e onaylanan M?cadele dergisinin yay?m?n? 
durdurmas?ndan (1992 y?l?nda ??kan M?cadele dergisi, toplam 5 ay 5 g?nl?k 7 ayr? kapatma 
cezas?n?n 1994 tarihinden itibaren pe?pe?e uygulamaya sokulmas? ?zerine yay?nlanamaz olmu?tu.) 
sonra ??kan Kurtulu? dergisi de 1995 y?l?nda yo?un bask?yla kar??la?an yay?n organlar?ndan biri oldu. 
Kurtulu? dergisinin 28 Ocak g?n? ??kan ilk say?s? ?stanbul DGM ile ?stanbul 1. Sulh Ceza 
Mahkemesi taraf?ndan ayr? ayr? toplat?ld?. Kurtulu? dergisi hakk?ndaki toplatma kararlar? daha sonra 
da devam etti ve derginin b?t?n say?lar? toplat?ld?. Toplatma kararlar?n?n ?nemli b?l?m?, ba?ta 6. 
Madde olmak ?zere " Ter?rle M?cadele Yasas?" uyar?nca verildi.

Al?nteri:		15 g?nde bir yay?mlanan Al?nteri gazetesinin 1993 y?l? Ekim ay?ndan 31 Ekim 
1995 tarihine kadar ??kan 59 say?s?ndan 39'u toplat?ld?. Gazetede yay?mlanan yaz?, foto?raf ve 
haberlerle ilgili olarak 54 dava a??ld?, bu davalardan 2'si beraatle, 5'i mahkumiyetle sonu?land?. 
Sonu?lanan davalarda verilen hapis cezalar?n?n toplam? 5 y?l 10 ay'?  para cezalar?n?n toplam? ise 333 
milyon 500 bin liray? buldu. Gazete kakk?ndaki kapatma cezalar?n?n toplam? 4 ay 27 g?n oldu.
Bunlar?n d???nda Denge Azadi gazetesinin Adana b?rosu, Ocak ve ?ubat aylar?nda 7 kez polis 
taraf?ndan bas?ld?.Yunanistan'da yay?mlanan "Adesmeftos Typos" adl? gazetenin muhabiri Yiannis 
Kokinidis ile terc?man? Mihail Girmis 27 ?ubat ak?am? Diyarbak?r'da g?zalt?na al?nd?.T?rkiye'nin 
Kuzey Irak'ta s?rd?rd??? askeri harekat? izlemek ?zere Diyarbak?r'da bulunan Leana Reikko ve 
?letom Kankonen adl? iki Finlandiyal? gazeteci, 4 Nisan g?n? g?zalt?na al?nd?.

Yukar?daki i? karat?c? ?rnekleri daha da fazlala?t?rmak m?mk?nd?r. 


Cezaevindeki d???nce su?lular?

1995 y?l?nda, yazd?klar? yaz?/kitap, yapt?klar? konu?ma ya da siyasal faaliyetleri nedeniyle 
cezaevlerinde bulunanlar?n say?s? hep 100'?n ?st?nde oldu. T?HV'nin belirlemelerine g?re; 1995 
y?l?nda d???nceleri nedeniyle tutuklu ya da h?k?ml? olarak cezaevine  girenlerin say?s? 149'a ula?t?. 
D???nceleri nedeniyle cezaevine girenlerin d?k?m? ??yle:


1995 Y?l? ?nsan Haklar? ?hlalleri Raporu:

Kapat?lan dernek, sendika ve yay?n organ?:			100
Bas?lan dernek, sendika ve yay?n organ?:			173
G?zalt?na al?nan bas?n emek?ileri:				461
Toplat?lan yay?n:						304
?stenen hapis ve para cezalar?: 1712 y?l 7 ay hapis 4 milyar 813 milyon lira para cezas? 
Verilen hapis ve para cezalar?: 172 y?l 8 ay hapis, 17 milyar 688 milyon 911 bin lira         
				  para cezas?
Cezaevinde bulunan d???nce su?lular?:      			121


H?k?ml?ler

1995 y?l?nda yaz?lar? veya konu?malar? nedeniyle ald?klar? hapis ve para cezalar? kesinle?ti?i i?in 
cezaevine giren d???nce su?lusu h?k?ml?lerin say?s? 14 oldu. Bu say?ya 1993 ya da 1994 y?l?nda 
cezaevine giren ve 1995 y?l?n?n t?m?n? ya da bir b?l?m?n? cezaevinde ge?iren 32 h?k?ml? 
eklendi?inde d???nce su?lusu h?k?ml?lerin say?s? 46'ya ula?t?. Bu ki?ilerin ?nemli b?l?m?n? gazeteci 
ve yazarlar olu?turdu.


Verilen Cezalar, Yarg?lananlar

Ba?ta ?stanbul DGM'de olmak ?zere, a??lan bas?n davalar?ndan bir b?l?m?, daha ?nceki y?llarda 
oldu?u gibi 1995 y?l?nda da gazeteci, yazar, yay?n sorumlusu, demokratik kitle ?rg?t? y?neticisi ve 
siyaset?ilere ?e?itli hapis ve para cezalar? verilmesiyle sonu?land?. Bu davalarda gazeteci ya da 
yazarlara verilen hapis cezalar?n?n toplam? 107 y?l 6 ay'a, para cezalar?n?n toplam? ise 7 milyar 620 
milyon liraya ula?t?. 1992 y?l?nda sonu?lanan bas?n davalar?nda verilen hapis cezalar?n?n toplam? 25 y?l 
11 ay 15 g?n, para cezalar?n?n toplam? ise 5 milyar 976 milyon lira, 1993 y?l?nda sonu?lanan bas?n 
davalar?nda verilen hapis cezalar?n?n toplam? 165 y?l 3 ay 10 g?n, para cezalar?n?n toplam? ise 38 
milyar 267 milyon lira, 1994 y?l?nda sonu?lanan bas?n davalar?nda verilen hapis cezalar?n?n toplam? 
448 y?l 6 ay 25 g?n, para cezalar?n?n toplam? ise 71 milyar 614 milyon lira olmu?tu.


Yarg?lamalar ve soru?turmalar

1995 y?l?nda, daha ?nceki y?llarda oldu?u gibi, gazeteci ve yazarlar hakk?nda a??lan ?ok say?da 
soru?turma ya da davaya tan?k olundu. Yarg?lananlar hakk?nda istenen hapis ve para cezalar?n?n 
toplam? astronomik rakamlara ula?t?. DGM'lerde g?r?len davalar i?inde d???nce ve bas?n 
?zg?rl???ne ili?kin olanlar ?nemli yer tuttu. Bu davalar?n b?y?k b?l?m? ?stanbul DGM'de a??ld?.


Toplat?lan ve Kapat?lan Yay?nlar

Son y?llarda pek ?ok yetkilinin s?k s?k yineledi?i "yasak yay?n uygulamas?na son verilmi?tir" 
?eklindeki a??klamalara kar??n, kitap, dergi ve benzeri yay?nlar hakk?nda toplatma kararlar? 
verilmesine devam edildi. 1995 y?l?nda 504 gazete ve dergi ile 28 kitap hakk?nda toplatma karar? 
verildi. (1991 y?l?nda 121 gazete ve dergi ile 29 kitap, 1992 y?l?nda 189 gazete ve dergi ile 20 kitap, 
1993 y?l?nda 425 gazete ve dergi ile 29 kitap, 1994 y?l?nda da 961 gazete ve dergi ile 37 kitap 
toplat?lm??t?.) Toplatma kararlar?n?n b?y?k b?l?m? TMY'n?n 6. ve 8. Maddeleri uyar?nca al?nd?. T?rk 
Ceza Yasas?'n?n 155. ve 312. maddeleri de toplatma kararlar? i?in g?sterilen gerek?eler aras?nda 
?nemli yer tuttu.

Toplatma kararlar? resmi ideolojiye ayk?r? yay?n yapan, d?zeni ve siyasi iktidar? hedef alan muhalif 
yay?n organlar? ?zerinde yo?unla?t?. Bu t?r yay?n organlar?n?n hemen hemen b?t?n say?lar? toplat?ld?. 
?rne?in: ?zg?r ?lke gazetesinin 35, Kurtulu? Dergisi'nin 46 ve Roj gazetesinin 23 say?s?n?n t?m? ile 
Yeni Politika gazetesinin 126 say?s?ndan 117'si, At?l?m gazetesinin 51 say?s?ndan 50'si, Evrensel 
gazetesinin 207 say?s?ndan 17'si, Rohahi gazetesinin de 34 say?s?ndan 33'? hakk?nda toplatma karar? 
verildi.

Toplatma karar? verilirken, kimi zaman birbirinden komik ve ilgin? gerek?eler g?sterildi. ?rne?in: 
?stanbul 3. Sulh Ceza Mahkemesi, 20 Mart g?n? verdi?i bir kararla, At?l?m gazetesinin 13. ?zel 
say?s?n? "halk?n yasalara kar?? itaatsizli?e k??k?rt?ld??? ve yasalar?n su? sayd??? fiillerin ?v?ld???" 
iddias?yla toplat?ld?. Bu durum ?zerine At?l?m gazetesinden yap?lan a??klamada, "karar bir skandald?r. 
??nk? gazetemizin 13. ?zel say?s? hen?z ??kmam??t?r. En son ??kan ?zel say?m?z?n numaras? 12'dir. 
Ancak savc?lar, hen?z ??kmayan bir say?m?zda su? i?lenebilece?ini d???nm?? olmal?lar ki, toplatma 
karar? ??kartt?rmak istemi?ler. Bu da verilen kararlar?n hi?bir yasaya uymadan, belgeler incelemeden, 
tamamen keyfi y?ntemlerle al?nd???n? g?steriyor" denildi.






Kapat?lan Yay?nlar

1993 y?l?n?n son 3 ay'?nda, ?stanbul'da DGM'de g?r?len bas?n davalar?nda, y?r?rl??e girdikten sonra 
uzun bir s?re uygulanmayan bir yasa h?km?n?n (bas?n yasas?na 10 Kas?m 1983 tarihinde eklenen ek 
2. maddeye) uygulamaya sokulmas?yla g?ndeme gelen kapatma cezalar?, 1994 y?l?nda oldu?u gibi 
1995 y?l?nda da devam etti. Bu uygulama sonucunda baz? yay?n organlar?n?n ?? g?n ile bir ay 
aras?nda de?i?en s?reler i?in kapat?lmas? kararla?t?r?ld?. T?HV'n?n belirlemelerine g?re, 1995 y?l?nda 
mahk?miyeti karar verilerek sonu?land?r?lan bas?n davalar?ndan 101'inde 19 yay?na toplam 67 ay 24 
g?n kapatma cezas? (1993 y?l?nda 21 davada 13 dergi ve gazeteye toplam 15 ay 6 g?nl?k, 1994 
y?l?nda da 91 davada 24 dergi ve gazeteye 62 ay 2 g?nl?k kapatma cezas?) verildi. Kapatma 
kararlar?n?n bir b?l?m? de Yarg?tay taraf?ndan onaylanarak h?zla uygulamaya sokuldu. Bu nedenle 
pek ?ok yay?n organ?, yay?m?na uzun s?re ara vermek ya da yay?m?n? tamamen durdurmak zorunda 
kald?.


1996 Y?l? ?nsan Haklar? ?hlalleri Raporu ise ??yledir:

?ld?r?len gazeteci, da??t?mc?: 				3
G?venlik g??leri taraf?ndan bas?lan dernek, sendika,                  
bas?n yay?n organ?:						134
Kapat?lan dernek, sendika, bas?n yay?n organ?			132
G?zalt?na al?nan bas?n emek?ileri:				421
Toplat?lan gazete, dergi say?s?:				195
Gazeteci-Yazarlara verilen hapis cezalar?:			173 y?l 10 ay
Gazeteci-Yazarlara verilen para cezas?:			9.974.600.000 T.L.
Gazeteci-yazarlara istenen hapis cezas?:			1856 y?l 4 ay
Gazeteci-yazarlara istenen para cezas?:			4.125.000.000 T.L.
Cezaevinde bulunan d???nce su?lusu:				140


Radyo ve Televizyonlar

T?rkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin ilk y?llar?nda, 21 ?ubat 1924 tarihli ve 406 say?l? Telgraf ve Telefon Kanunu 
h?k?mlerinden yararlan?larak, "T?rk Telsiz Telefon Anonim ?irketi" kurulmu?tu. PTT ad?na radyo 
yay?nlar? yapan ?irket, sermaye yetersizli?i ve teknik olanaks?zl?klar nedeniyle  ba?ar?l? olamad?. 1936 
y?l?nda, radyo yay?nlar? do?rudan do?ruya PTT'ye b?rak?ld?. 19 Haziran 1937 tarihli ve 3222 say?l? 
Telsiz Kanunu ise, elektromanyetik her nevi resim, i?aret ve sesleri vermeye ve almaya yarayan b?t?n 
telsiz tesisat? ve i?letmesini devletin tekeline verdi. ?zel ki?ilere ve kurumlara bu konuda izin 
verilmeyece?i h?kme ba?land?.

Sans?r, esas itibariyle, ki?ilerin kamu makamlar?yla ili?kileri a??s?ndan ?nem ve anlam ta??d??? i?in 
zaten idare i?inde yer alan bir radyonun, sonra da televizyonun sans?r? de?il, olsa olsa i? denetimi 
s?z konusu edebilirdi. Ancak, ?zellikle 1954-1960 aras?nda Radyonun iktidar partisinin arac? ve sesi 
haline getirilmesine bir tepki olmak ?zere, 1961 Anayasas? ?zerk bir T?rkiye Radyo Televizyon 
kurulmas?n? ?ng?rd?. Bu kurum, Anayasaya ayk?r? olmamak kayd? ile, her t?rl? siyasi g?r??e, kar??t 
d???ncelere yer verecekti. Ne var ki, 1961-1980 y?llar?nda T?rk siyasi hayat?n?n en ?ok tart???lan biri 
olan TRT, 1971'de yap?lan Anayasa de?i?iklikleri s?ras?nda ?zerkli?ini kaybederek sadece "tarafs?z" 
hale getirildi.TRT, h?k?met bildirilerini ve h?k?met ad?na yap?lacak konu?malar? yay?nlamak 
zorundad?r. Siyasi partilerin bu yay?nlara kar?? cevap hakk? vard?r ancak, cevap hakk?n?n 
kullan?labilmesi, TRT Siyasi Yay?nlar Hakem Kurulu'nun bu yoldaki istemi kabulune ba?l?d?r. 
TBMM'deki g?r??melerin canl? olarak yay?n? halinde, siyasi parti gruplar?n?n g?r??leri de h?k?met 
ad?na yap?lan konu?malar gibi yay?nlanacakt?r.


TRT, T?rkiye'nin d?? ili?kileri ile ilgili yay?nlarda D??i?leri Bakanl???'n?n g?r??lerini dikkate almak 
zorundad?r.

Milli G?venlik a??k?a gerekli k?l?yorsa, Ba?bakan?n veya g?revlendirebilece?i bir bakan?n yay?n 
yasa?? koyma yetkisi vard?r. Tabii bu genel de?il, sadece belli bir yay?na veya habere ili?kin bir 
yetkidir.

Son ?? be? y?lda T?rkiye'nin g?ndemine giren ?zel radyo ve televizyonlar, 1995 y?l?nda daha ?nceki 
y?llara g?re artan bir bi?imde bask?lara maruz kald?, Radyo ve televizyonlara bask? konusunda, 
Radyo Televizyon ?st Kurulu (RT?K), hep ?n planda oldu. RT?K, faaliyete ba?lad??? tarihten 1996 
ba??na kadar ge?en s?rede 104 radyo ve televizyona uyar? cezas? (71'i 1995 y?l?nda). Ayn? s?rede 14 
televizyona da (t?m? 1995 y?l?nda) yay?n durdurma cezas? uygulamas?n? kararla?t?rd?. Bu kararlardan 
9'u 1995 y?l?nda 2'si de 1996 y?l? Ocak ay?nda uyguland?. 3 yay?n durdurma cezas? ise mahkeme 
karar? ile iptal edildi. Biri T?rkiye genelinde, di?eri de yerel d?zeyde yay?n yapan 2 radyo da RT?K 
karar? ile 1'er g?n kapat?ld?. ?stanbul Gazi Mahallesi'ndeki olaylar? veri? bi?imleri nedeni ile Kanal D 
ve HBB televizyonlar? ile 3'? Mersin'de 2'si de ?stanbul'da yay?n yapan 5 radyoya RT?K taraf?ndan 
uyar? cezas? verildi.

1995 y?l?nda faaliyete ge?en MED TV'nin yay?nlar?n? izleyen ya da izleyecekleri varsay?lanlar da 
?e?itli bask?larla kar?? kar??ya kald?. MED TV yay?nlar?n?n yap?lan t?m diplomatik giri?imlere kar??n 
durdurulamamas? ?zerine ola?an?st? h?l b?lgesi ile Adana ve Mersin'de bu televizyonun izlenmesini 
engellemek ?zere ?e?itli uygulamalar ba?lat?ld?. Bu uygulama 1996 y?l?nda da devam etti. MED TV'yi 
engelleme giri?imleri ev, i?yeri ve kahvehanelere bask?nlar yapmak, Uydu antenleri tahrip etmek, 
anten sat?c?lar?n?n mallar?na el koymak ya da tehdit etmek ?eklinde oldu. Ayr?ca MED TV'yi izleyen 
?ok say?da ki?i g?zalt?nda tutuldu, il?e ve kasabalardaki  merkezi televizyon vericileri denetime 
al?nd?.

Sinema Filmlerinde Sans?r: Cumhuriyet'in ilk y?llar?nda sinema filmlerine sans?r? mahalli d?zeyde ve 
valiliklerce yap?lmaktayd?. Film halka g?sterilmeden ?nce iki zab?ta memuru taraf?ndan seyrediliyor, 
gerekti?inde sans?r ediliyordu. Bu durum, ?lke d?zeyinde e?it ve g?venceli bir uygulamaya imkan 
vermiyordu. Sinema alan?nda geli?mede h?zlanm??t?. Merkezi bir kurul arac?l???yla sans?r sistemine 
gidildi. ?lk olarak 19 Temmuz 1931 tarihli Resmi Gazete'de "Sinema Filmlerinin Kontrol?ne Ait 
Talimatname" yay?nlanarak y?r?rl??e kondu. Talimatname, ?stanbul'da, ??i?leri ve Milli Savunma 
Bakanl?klar? ve Genel Kurmay Ba?kanl??? Temsilcileri ile, bir polis m?d?r?, emniyet m?fetti?i veya 
vekilinden olu?an bir sans?r kurulu olu?turulmas?n? ?ng?r?yordu. Bu kurulun kararlar?na itiraz 
halinde, konuyu ??i?leri ve Milli Savunma Bakanl?klar? ile Genel Kurmay temsilcilerinden meydana 
gelen bir ?st komisyon inceleyecekti.

1933 y?l? sonunda bir ek y?netmelik ??kar?larak T?rkiye'de yap?lan filmler i?in senaryo sans?r? kabul 
edildi.

Sans?r yetkisinin kullan?lmas?nda g?z ?n?ne al?nacak ?l??ler ?unlard?: Din propagandas? hedefi var 
m?? Askerlik ?erefini ihlal eden konular var m?? Milli G?venli?e ve genel ahlaka k?t? etki yap?lmas? 
s?z konusu mu? Memleketimiz aleyhine tertip edilmi? iftira niteli?inde hususlar bulunuyor mu? 
Ayr?ca g?zleri yoracak derece de eskimi?, y?pranm?? filmlerin g?sterilmesi de yasaklanm??t?.

Bu uygulama, 31 Temmuz 1939 tarihinde y?r?rl??e giren "Filmlerin ve Film Senaryolar?n?n 
Kontrol?ne Dair Nizamname"ye kadar y?r?rl?kte kald?. Bu t?z?k (nizamname), 1948 ve 1957 
y?llar?nda iki defa de?i?tirilmi?, ancak daha ?nce y?netmeliklerde belirlenmi? olan sans?r ?l??tleri 
esas itibari ile korunmu?tur. B?t?n bu d?zenlemelerin kanuni dayana?? ise, 4 Temmuz 1934 tarihli ve 
2559 say?l? Polis Vazife ve Selahiyetleri Kanunu'nun 6. Maddesidir: "Hari?ten gelen filmlerin 
g?sterilmesi ve dahilde yap?lan filmlerin ?ekilmesi polisin iznine ba?l?d?r. Polis, filmlerin ve 
senaryolar?n tetkik ve muayene i?ini al?kal? makamlarla birlikte ve nizamnamemesine g?re yapar." 
S?z konusu nizamname, Ankara ve ?stanbul'da iki sans?r komisyonu kurulmas?n?, ayr?ca Ankara'da 
yaln?zca senaryo sans?r?yle g?revlendirilmi? bir "Merkez Film Kontrol Komisyonu" olu?turulmas?n? 
?ng?rm??t?r.

Bir?ok idari dava a??lmas?na yol a?an bu uygulama, 23 Eyl?l 1977 tarihinde y?r?rl??e giren 
"Filmlerin ve Film Senaryolar?n?n Denetlenmesi Hakk?nda T?z?k" e kadar s?rm??t?r. Ancak, bu 
arada, 1961 Anayasas?'n?n bilim ve sanat? serbest?e a??klamay? ve yaymay? h?k?m alt?na alan 
21.maddesi y?r?rl??e girmi?ti. Polis Vazife ve Sel?hiyetleri kan?nu'nun 6.maddesi, Anayasa'n?n bu 
h?kme uygun muydu?

Sorunu bir ba?vuru ?zerine inceleyen Anayasa Mahkemesi, ?zetle ?u sonu?lara vard?: Sinema 
filmleri, genel olarak birer sanat eseridir. Ama m?stehcen, genel ahlaka, Milli G?venli?e ayk?r?, kamu 
d?zenini bozucu filmler sanat eseri say?lamaz. Bu konudaki sans?r, sanat? a??klama ve yayma 
h?rriyetinin ?z?ne dokunmayan zorunlu bir ?nlemdir. Kald? ki, bir filmin yasaklanmas?na ili?kin 
idaridir ve yarg? denetimine a??kt?r.

B?yle s?yl?yordu Anayasa Mahkemesi. Sinema filmlerinin sans?r? Anayasaya ayk?r? g?r?lmemi?tir.













Ayd?nlar dilek?esi  

1984 y?l?nda 1500'den fazla ayd?n "T?rkiye'de demokratik d?zene ili?kin g?zlem ve istemler"ini, 
tarihe "Ayd?nlar Dilek?esi" olarak ge?en bir metinle belirttiler. 
Cumhurba?kanl??? ve T.B.M.M. Ba?kanl???'na sunulmak ?zere yaz?lan, bir sayfal?k "Sunu?" b?l?m? 
ile alt? sayfal?k "T?rkiye'de demokratik d?zene ili?kin g?zlem ve istemler" b?l?mlerinden olu?an 
dilek?enin ?ns?z? ??yleydi:

"T?rkiye hen?z atlatamad??? en a??r bunal?mlar?ndan birini ya?amaktad?r. Ku?kusuz, bu b?y?k 
bunal?mdan toplumumuzun b?t?n kesimleri, katmanlar? ve g?revlileri ortakla?a sorumludur. Biz T?rk 
ayd?nlar?, eksiklerimizin ve sorumlulu?umuzun ?neminin ve ?nceli?inin bilincindeyiz. Bu bilin?, bize 
toplumumuzun sa?l?kl? ve g?venli bir d?zene ge?i?iyle ilgili g?r??lerimizi a??klama g?rev ve hakk?n? 
vermektedir.

Varolan d?zenlemeler ve 2969 say?l? yasan?n su? saymad??? ?er?eve i?inde g?r??lerimizi a??klamay? 
gerekli g?r?yoruz. Bizler bu s?n?rlamalar? benimsememekle birlikte, bu ?er?eve i?inde hareket etme 
durumunday?z.

Bizler toplumumuzun ak?lc? y?ntemler kullanarak ayd?nl?k bir gelece?e ula?aca??na co?kuyla 
inan?yoruz. Bu inan?la ve ortakla?a sorumlulu?umuzu ?stlenip, kayna??n? Anayasa'da bulan dilek?e 
hakk?m?z? kullanarak, kamu ile ilgili g?zlem d???nce ve istemlerimizi devletin en y?ksek katlar?na 
sayg?yla sunuyoruz."

Bu sunu? yaz?s?ndan sonra  g?zlemler ve istemler ?zetle ??yle dile getirildi:

"Halk?m?z ?a?da? toplumlarda ge?erli insan haklar?n?n t?m?ne lay?kt?r ve bunlara eksiksiz olarak 
sahip olmal?d?r. ?lkemizin insan haklar?n?n g?venceleri yurt d???nda tart???l?r bir ?lke durumuna 
d???r?lm?? olmas?n? onur k?r?c? buluyoruz.

Yarg? karar? olmaks?z?n yurtta?lar?n haklar?n?n k?s?lmas?, tart???lmas? m?mk?n olmayan tek yanl? idari 
i?lemlerle su? olu?turulmas?, siyasal haklar?n ellerden al?nmas? ve genel su?lamalar yap?lmas?, 
toplumsal y?k?mlara yol a?maktad?r. Dernek, kooperatif, vak?f, meslek odalar?, sendika ve siyasal 
partilere girmenin ve a??kland??? zaman su? say?lmayan d???ncelerin sonradan egemen olan anlay??a 
g?re, su? say?lmas? hukuk devleti kavram?yla ba?da?maz.

Her ?rg?tl? toplumun ?iddet eylemleriyle m?cadele etmesi ka??n?lmaz g?revidir. Ancak, devlet 
olman?n temel niteli?i, ter?rle m?cadelede hukuk ilkelerine ba?l? kalmakt?r. Ter?r?n varl???, hi?bir 
zaman, devletin de ayn? y?ntemlere ba?vurmas?n?n gerek?esi olamaz.

Varl??? yasal kararlarla da kan?tlanan i?kence insanl??a kar?? su?tur. ??kencenin yarg?s?z, pe?in ve ilkel 
bir cezaland?rma al??kanl???na d?n??t?r?lm?? olmas?ndan endi?e ediyoruz. Ayr?ca, ?zg?rl??? 
s?n?rlama amac?n? a?an cezaevi ko?ullar?n? da eziyet ve i?kence say?yoruz.

Fikir ve sanat ?r?nlerinin serbest?e olu?mas?n? engelleyen hukuki ve fiili s?n?rlar? kald?rmak ve her 
yurtta?la birlikte, d???nce ve sanat adamlar?n? da genel g?vencelerle donatman?n bir uygarl?k ko?ulu 
oldu?unu ?nemle belirtmek isteriz. 

B?t?n y?ksek ??retim kurumlar?n?n, atamalarla olu?turulan a??r? yetkili bir kurulun buyru?una 
verilmesi, hem gen?lerin iyi yeti?tirilmesini, hem de bilim yap?lmas?n? ?imdiden engelledi?i gibi 
?lkenin gelece?i i?in b?y?k kayg?lar da do?urmaktad?r. Bu nedenle, Y?ksek ??retim Kurumu 
d?zeninin bir an ?nce se?im ilkesine dayal? ?zerklik y?n?nde de?i?tirilmesini gerekli g?r?yoruz."

Devletin ?st kademelerdeki kurullar?na verilen ?zetini sundu?umuz bu metinden dolay?, dilek?eyi 
imzalayan ayd?nlar Ankara S?k?y?netim Mahkemesi taraf?ndan su?lu bulunmu? ve haklar?nda dava 
a??lm??t?r.(Yazarlar?n ve sanat??lar?n bu davadan dolay? mahkemeye sunduklar? savunma metinleri de 
T?rkiye tarihi ve demokrasisi a??s?ndan ?nemli belgeler aras?ndaki yerini alm??t?r.) Sadece 
yarg?lanmakla kalmayan bu ayd?nlar ?e?itli bask?lara da maruz kalm??lard?r. ?rne?in, bu dilek?ede 
imzalar? bulunan ?niversite ??retim ?yeleri, hen?z mahkeme karar? olmaks?z?n Y?ksek ??retim 
Kurumu Ba?kanl???nca ve ?niversiteler rekt?rl?klerince yeniden i?e al?nmamak ve i?lerinden 
??kar?lmakla cezaland?r?lm??lard?r. Bu dilek?eyi imzalayan yazar ve ki?ilerin yap?tlar?n?n T?rkiye 
radyolar?nda ve televizyonunda yer almamas? ve adlar?n?n da ge?memesi i?in, radyo ve televizyon 
m?d?rl?klerine T?rkiye Radyo Televizyonu Genel M?d?rl???'nden yaz?l? buyruk g?nderilmi?tir.

"Ayd?nlar Dilek?esi" davas? T?rkiye'de demokrasinin varl??? sorusunu bir kez daha g?ndeme 
getirmi?tir ve dilek?e i?eri?inde belirtilen kayg?lara yenilerini eklemi?tir

























RT?K'DEN 19 CEZA
Radyo Televizyon ?st Kurulu bir ayda radyo ve televizyonlar i?in  10 yay?n durdurma, 9 uyar? cezas? 
verdi. RT?K'?n kurulu?undan bu yana 16 TV kanal?na verilen cezalar?n toplam? 184'? buldu (7Ekim 
1997). 

RT?K'DEN CEZA YA?MURU
Haziran ay?nda RT?K toplam 12 uyar? 14 yay?n durdurma cezas? verdi (8 Temmuz 1997). 

2 yay?nc? 1 yazar mahkum oldu. Kitap, gazete, dergi toplatmalar? May?s ay?nda da s?rd?. Selam 
gazetesi 7 kez toplat?ld?. RT?K'den 2 uyar? 3 yay?n durdurma cezas? ??kt? (6 Haziran 1997). 

RT?K'den 34 uyar?, 8 kapatma cezas?:
RT?K Nisan ay?nda genellikle yay?n ilkelerine uyulmamas? ve "reklam ihlali" gerk?eleriyle radyo ve 
TV'leri cezaland?rd? (8 May?s 1997).

RT?K rekora ko?uyor:
RT?K Mart ay?nda radyo ve TV'ler i?in 25 uyar? ve 9 yay?n durdurma karar? ald? (4 Nisan 1997). 

?ubat ay?nda RT?K biri 30 g?n di?erleri birer g?n olmak ?zere 5 TV'ye yay?n durdurma, 20 TV'ye 
de uyar? cezas? verdi. Ayr?ca biri 30 g?n olmak ?zere 2 radyo i?in yay?n durdurma, 5 radyo i?in de 
uyar? karar? ald? (7 Mart 1997).

Ocak ay?nda RT?K, radyo ve TV'lere y?nelik cezalar?nda 1 radyo ve 2 TV'ye ayn? anda hem uyar? 
hem de yay?n durdurma karar? ald? (5 ?ubat 1997).

"D???nceye ?zg?rl?k" kitab?na yay?nc? olarak kat?lan 1079 ki?inin kitlesel yarg?lanmas?na, 98 ve 86 
ki?ilik gruplar halinde devam edildi. RT?K,  bir ayda radyo ve TV'lere 18 uyar?, 6 yay?n durdurma 
cezas? verdi (4 Ocak 1997).

Kas?m ay?nda kanal D'ye verilen toplam 3 g?nl?k yay?n durdurma cezas? i?in 3. ?dare Mahkemesi 
y?r?tmeyi durdurma karar? verdi. RT?K Show TV i?in de 2 g?n yay?n durdurma cezas? kakar? ald? 
(Aral?k 1996).

Ekim ay?nda 6 TV, 13 radyoya RT?K taraf?ndan 6 yay?n durdurma, 15 uyar? cezas? verildi. En uzun 
kapatma cezas?n? Urfa'daki Karacada? Radyo 7 g?n s?reyle ald? (5 Kas?m 1996).

RT?K A?ustos ay?nda 16 TV kanal? ve 3 radyo istasyonu hakk?nda uyar? kakar? ald? (5 Eyl?l 1996).

Bir ayda ikisi radyo olmak ?zere 9 uyar? karar? al?nd?. TV'lere 7 kez kapatma cezas? verildi, gazete ve 
dergiler de 14 kez toplat?ld? (7 A?ustos 1996).

RT?K  A?ustos ay?nda 11 radyoya, 7 TV'ye ceza verdi. Show TV'nin yay?n? iki kez birer g?n 
durduruldu, di?er TV'lerin ekranlar? birer g?n karart?ld? (4 Eyl?l 1997).

A?ustos ay?nda bir ba?ka geli?me ya?and?. Metin G?ktepe'nin ?ld?r?lmesi davas?nda ilk kez san?k 
polislerden yedisi mahkeme ?n?ne ??kar?ld?.

Bas?n y?n?nden yarg? olaylar?nda da A?ustos ay?nda iki yeni geli?me  oldu. Birincisi, T?rkiye 
Gazeteciler Cemiyeti'nin ?srarl? ?abalar? sonucunda yaz? i?leri m?d?r? s?fat?yla mahkum edilmi? 
gazetecilerin cezalar?n?n ve davalar?n?n ertelenmesini sa?layan yasa ??kt?. B?ylece aralar?nda TGC 
?yesi I??k Yurt?u'nun da bulundu?u gazeteciler serbest b?rak?l?rken, 12 Temmuz 1997'den ?nce 
ba?lat?lan pek ?ok soru?turma ve dava da daha sonra g?r?lmek ?zere ileri bir tarihe ertelendi. 




















Sons?z Yerine

Yukar?da ?zetledi?imiz devletin "farkl?" d???ncelere, ?zellikle de devlet sistemine kar?? muhalif 
d???ncelere ve bunlar?n ifadesine kar?? tak?nd??? tav?r ve yapt?r?m son d?nemlerin sorunu de?ildir. 
Cumhuriyet'in kuruldu?u ilk y?llardan itibaren devlet muhalif ve farkl? d???nceye tahamm?l 
edememektedir. Bu tahamm?ls?zl???n? de susturmaya ?al??arak, g?zalt?na alarak ve cezalar 
ya?d?rarak g?stermektedir. 
Oysa bir sistem farkl? d???ncelerle zenginle?ir ve geli?ir. G?venli?ini polislere ve askerlere teslim 
eden bir devlet, bu anlay??la ne topraklar?nda ya?ayan insanlara ?zg?rl?k sa?layabilir ne de ya?anan 
sorunlarla ba?a ??kabilir. ?yle ki bir s?re sonra art?k korkudan korkar h?le gelir ki, bu da "sistem"in 
insanlara zorla dayat?lmas?na yol a?ar.
D???ncelerini a??klad??? i?in binlerce y?l hapis cezas? alan yazarlar, yay?nevi sahiplerinin bulundu?u 
bu ?lkede ne yaz?k ki a??k?a su?lu olduklar? belirlenen polisler bile (Metin G?ktepe'nin katil zanl?s? 
polisler) ancak aylar sonra Ba?bakan ve ??i?leri Bakanl???'n?n direktifleriyle zar zor san?k sandalyesine 
oturturabilmi?lerdir. 
"Bu devlet i?in 1000 operasyon yapt?k." diyen d?nemin ??i?leri Bakan? Mehmet A?ar, kay?plar?n ve 
fail-i me?hullerin en yo?un oldu?u d?nemde Emniyet M?d?rl??? yapm??t?. Ne yaz?k ki Susurluk 
olay? ile de devlet - ?ete ili?kileri kan?tlanm?? olmas?na ra?men bu skandalda adlar? ?st d?zeylerde 
ge?en Emniyet M?d?r? iken ??i?leri Bakan? olan ne Mehmet A?ar'?n ne de Milletvekili Sedat 
Bucak'?n dokunulmazl?klar?na bile dokunulamad?.
Yap?lan operasyonlarda "canl?" ele ge?irilebilecekken nedense "?l?" ele ge?irmeyi daha "zarars?z" 
bulan devlet, muhalif d???nceye kar?? olan sendromunu Cumhuriyet'in ilan?ndan beri ?zerinden 
atamam??t?r. 
B?t?n bunlar i?i?e ve birbirine ba?l? olarak d???n?lmesi gereken ?eylerdir. Kendi vatanda??na 
d??manca bir tutum sergileyen bu devletin ne vatanda??ndan g?ven beklemeye ne de onlardan bir ?ey 
istemeye hakk? vard?r. Kendine ve ?evresine kar?? g?vensiz, farkl? d???nmekten korkan, haklar?n? bile 
savunamayan bir ku?ak medyas?yla, e?itim sistemiyle k?saca bu devletin "ideolojik ayg?tlar?yla" 
yeti?mektedir. 
Oysa hepimiz biliyoruz ki (baz?lar?m?z bilmemezlikten gelse de) bu "d?? g??ler" ve "devletin 
b?l?nmez b?t?nl???" sendromu sona ermedik?e farkl? kimliklere veya farkl? d???ncelere sahip, 
ele?tirel bakmay? bilen insanlar kab?l edilmedik?e, bunlar potansiyel su?lular olarak g?r?lmekten 
vazge?ilmedik?e bu topraklarda ne sorunlar bitecek ne de bar?? gelecektir.









Kaynak?a:

Cumhuriyet Y?ll?k
T?HV Raporu - 1995
?HD Ayl?k Raporlar?
T?rkiye'de Bas?n Sans?r? - Alpay Kabacaali
T?rkiye Ansiklopedisi
_PAGE  _


_PAGE  _1_


_PAGE  _4_


_PAGE  _1_



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Dec 17 00:31:07 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Dec 1997 00:31:07
Subject: European Union Excludes Turkey From
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971216191..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: European Union Excludes Turkey From Expansion Plans

European Union Excludes Turkey From Expansion Plans 

By Anne Swardson
Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, December 13, 1997; Page A24 

     LUXEMBOURG, Dec. 12 - Turkey's 33-year bid to enter the
European Union was dealt a near-fatal blow today as EU leaders
decided against including it in the ranks of countries being
considered for membership.
     Greece blocked even the smallest gesture toward including
Turkey, even as EU leaders prepared to open membership
negotiations with six countries and accept applications from five
others. EU members made it clear that Turkey, a nation
considered key to the strategic future of the Western alliance,
had virtually no near-term chance of joining the ranks of
Europe's leading economic body.
     The dashing of Turkey's hopes on the first day of an EU
summit was a setback for the United States, which had pressed the
15 nations of the EU to remain open to Turkey to help keep it
anchored in the West. While staying clear of European affairs
by not specifically endorsing Turkey's candidacy, U.S. officials
have made it clear they support stronger Turkish-EU ties.
     Greece, Turkey's longtime Aegean rival, and Germany, which
has a sizable Turkish minority, were the strongest opponents to
membership talks with Turkey. EU member states cited its poor
human rights record.
     The decision angered Turkish officials, who threatened to
reduce their contacts with Europe. Turkish Prime Minister Mesut
Yilmaz turned down an invitation to dinner with the EU leaders
Saturday night after completion of the summit.
     "If there is a negative outcome at the summit, Turkey will
no longer discuss political issues with the EU," Turkish Foreign
Minister Ismail Cem was reported as saying in newspapers
today. "Why should I talk politics with a body that doesn't
regard me as a candidate or comes to me with insufficient
proposals?"
     The non-inclusion of Turkey, which in 1995 agreed to a
customs union with the EU, came as the European leaders prepared
to invite six countries to begin negotiations toward EU
membership, a process that will take years. They are Poland, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, and Cyprus. In
addition, five other countries -- Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia,
Romania, and Bulgaria -- are considered second-tier candidates
with whom negotiations can begin later.
     Arguing their case for inclusion, Turkish officials said the
country, as a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
during the Cold War had helped the West deter threats from
some of the very countries that now are ahead of Turkey in line
to join the EU.
     EU leaders had offered Turkey a role in a new body called
the European Conference, which would group EU members and
candidates to discuss such issues as justice, crime, and foreign
affairs. But Turkey had declined the offer, saying the
conference was not a pathway to membership. The possibility
became moot tonight when Greece imposed conditions on
Turkey's participation.
     European and U.S. officials said Turkey has done little
toward meeting European demands that it make progress on human
rights -- especially toward its Kurdish minority -- on working
toward a settlement in divided Cyprus, where 30,000 Turkish
troops are stationed in the north, and in its fractious relations
with Greece. Frustrated with what he saw as Turkey's
unwillingness to accept the EU's conditions, Luxembourg's
Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker, holder of the EU's
revolving presidency, told the BBC: "There is no comparison
possible between Turkey and the other 11 applicant countries.
No one is tortured in these countries, but this is not the case
unfortunately in Turkey."
     Danielle Mitterrand, widow of the late French president
Francois Mitterrand, wrote all 15 EU leaders to ask that Turkey
be rejected on grounds of its treatment of the Kurds. Some 3,185
Kurdish villages have been destroyed and 3 million Kurds
displaced, she wrote. "Must I remind you how many journalists,
writers...are in prison or disappeared?" Her letter was
published in today's Le Figaro newspaper.
     Germany raised objections to Turkey's entry into the EU
primarily for fear that more Turkish immigrants will join the
already large numbers in Germany. Other European leaders
have alluded to religious differences with the mostly Muslim
nation of 60 million.
     France and Britain supported the concept of strong EU
relations with Turkey, but not enough to sway other member
states. "We should assure the anchoring of Turkey in Europe,"
French President Jacques Chirac told the other leaders. "It's
the best way to guarantee this evolution of this country
toward democracy and economic development."


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Dec 17 15:16:35 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Dec 1997 15:16:35
Subject: Statement From Kurdistan Parliament
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.971217094..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Statement From Kurdistan Parliament In Exile To The EU

(The following letter was submitted to the members of the
European Union at a meeting in Luxembourg by the Chair of the
International Affairs Committee of the Kurdistan Parliament in
Exile.)

Dear Representatives of the European Union,

     With your kind permission I would like to tell you about the
latest developments in Turkey, in relation to the Kurdish issue.
     The Turkish state's aggressive and chauvinist policies on
the Kurdish issue continue unabated. The conflict in the
"southeast of Turkey" has now spread into northern Iraq (south
Kurdistan) as a result of Turkey's incursion into northern Iraq
on May 14, 1997. Thus, war now continues both in south Kurdistan
and in the "southeast of Turkey" (north Kurdistan). High ranking
Turkish officials have stated frequently that they will continue
to keep their military forces in northern Iraq. Recently, the
Turkish President Suleyman Demirel, during a visit to Amman and
the United Arab Emirates, declared that Turkey would not withdraw
its troops from the region (northern Iraq) as long as the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) forces are in the region. These
statements should be taken seriously and must be considered to be
signals of a permanent occupation, as was the case in Cyprus.
10,000 Turkish troops with heavy artillery are still in northern
Iraq, and even though Turkey denies it she is setting up a
"security zone" along the border. A company called 'Dogu Insaat'
(East Construction) has been given the contract to build the
necessary sites along the border. Turkish air strikes as well as
ground attacks are affecting the civil population, forcing them
to flee.
     Turkey, intervening in the internal affairs of Kurdish
organizations, is provoking conflict between different Kurdish
organizations. Because of the obstruction caused by the
geo-political structure of the region, lack of communication, and 
the lack of international observation, Turkey is free to act with
impunity. Turkey is also benefiting from the vagueness of U.S.
policy on Iraq and the weaknesses in the region. The war
continues with utmost severity in north Kurdistan. According to
Turkish officials, there are around 400,000 armed soldiers
positioned in the area. Dozens of Turkish soldiers and/or Kurdish
guerrillas die daily during clashes. Death squads organized
by the state continue their activities in Kurdistan. Village
burnings continue. On the one hand Turkey is convicted of human
rights abuses at the European Court of Human Rights, and on the
other Turkey continues to commit the same crimes. Recently, the
village of Ciline in Surgucu district of the city of Mardin, which
was the subject of an Urgent Action by Amnesty International, was
razed to the ground by the Turkish army on November 15, 1997.
     The Turkish state has also destroyed the economic
infra-structure of the region, causing extreme poverty. In
Diyarbakir, the biggest city of north Kurdistan, there are
311,000 unemployed, as opposed to 127,000 employed. 70.94% of the
population is unemployed and 57.94% of the employed do
not have a permanent job, but struggle to survive on a day-to-day
basis. Annual income per person in Turkey is $4,000 whereas the
figure in Diyarbakir is $238. Infant mortality in Turkey is 2.5
per thousand whereas the figure in Diyarbakir is as high as 9.5
per thousand.
     Human rights abuses constantly continue as set out in the
balance sheet for October (see appendix).
     Thought is still a crime and freedom of assembly and
organization is restricted. Despite its acknowledgment and
promises by each one of the new governments, torture is
systematic in Turkey, a fact confessed to by Prime Minister Mesut
Yilmaz himself.
     Over 9,000 political prisoners are faced with torture,
deadly diseases, and even death. As distinguished lawyers have
emphasized repeatedly, the independence of the judiciary simply
does not exist in Turkey. For example, the State Security Court
in Diyarbakir recently released the members of what is known as
the "Yuksekova Gang". It was revealed that the Yuksekova Gang,
consisting of high-ranking gendarmerie officials and Kemal
Bilgic, an ex-PKK defector working as hit-man for the state, was
responsible for drug trafficking, kidnapping, and numerous murders
in the Kurdish region. Also, the suspects in the Susurluk Affair,
which exposed high-level state involvement in drug trafficking
and the extra-judicial killings of dissidents, were all released
one by one after the new government came to power. Moreover, the
judges in the Susurluk case have resigned in protest at the
pressure they were put under. The high-ranking army officials and
civil bureaucrats exposed as the instigators of the gangs within
the state apparatus continue to work for the state.
     Turkey, instead of changing its constitution in order to rid
itself of anti-democratic elements and to democratize itself, is
taking steps in an absolutely opposite direction. Since the "soft"
military coup against "the fundamentalists" and the setting up of
the new government, the army has become the significant
determining factor in Turkey's politics. The National Security
Council has dictated the new political targets for the new
government and made the government adopt it. On September 1,
1997, the Crisis Administration Center was set up, giving
authority to the General Secretary of the National Security
Council to act in place of the prime minister in case of a
crisis. This excludes the Turkish Grand National Assembly from
any meaningful function.
     Newspapers are closed down, pressure on local TV and radio
stations escalate. The president of the Radio Television High
Commission (RTUK) has recently resigned as a result of "not
coping with pressure from the National Security Council". As
publications in the Kurdish language are banned, newspapers
published in the Turkish language such as 'Ulkede Gundem' are
trying to publicize the Kurdish issue. However its distribution
in Kurdistan is prevented without any court decision or warrant.
Ulkede Gundem copies are regularly confiscated at the airport and
not allowed in Kurdish cities.
     Attacks against the People's Democracy Party (HADEP),
successor of the now banned Democracy Party (DEP), continue
non-stop. HADEP members and officials are systematically taken
into custody and the party offices raided arbitrarily. On
November 24, a HADEP public meeting in the city of Siirt was
banned and many people who wanted to attend the meeting were
taken into custody.
     The Mesopotamian Cultural Center (MCC), which works to
promote Kurdish culture and language, is also under attack. The
Urfa branch of the MCC, which was officially opened in September
1997, was closed down. Similarly branches of the Human Rights
Association (IHD) in Diyarbakir, Malatya, and Urfa still remain
closed down.
     The case of Esber Yagmurdereli is proof of the state of
freedom of expression in Turkey. Yagmurdereli, who was to serve
22 years in prison, had his sentence suspended for a year "because
he is blind". This is a cosmetic act. There are at the moment
dozens of prisoners who are on the verge of death.
     As the Council of Europe demands and awaits signs of
democratization and rule of law in Turkey, the realities facing
progressive forces convey the opposite message. Despite the fact 
that Turkey's full membership of the EU depends on 
democratization and the resolution of the Cyprus issue, Turkey
does not even make an effort to achieve these expectations. With
this kind of behavior, Turkey is violating the principles of the
Council of Europe, of which she is one of the founding members.
     The situation in Turkey has been under surveillance of the
"monitoring" committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe. The Assembly adopted decision No. 1266
on June 23, 1995, based on four fundamental issues. At the time
Turkey had once again invaded south Kurdistan and thus firstly
the Assembly called for the immediate and unconditional
withdrawal of Turkish troops. Secondly, The Assembly had called
for the release of the four imprisoned DEP MPs, Leyla Zana, Hatip
Dicle, Orhan Dogan, and Selim Sadak. Thirdly, the Assembly called
for amendments to the Turkish Constitution, particularly Article
8 of the Anti-Terror Law. Fourthly, instead of a military
solution, a political solution was demanded to the Kurdish
question.
     When we look back now, we see that nothing has been done to
abide by the above decisions. I believe it is clearer now that
the few cosmetic changes made were to deceive the Council and
to gain time. The past has proven that unless concrete action is
taken against Turkey expectations of change will remain no more
than a big dream.

     Therefore:

1. Regarding the work and report(s) of the Monitoring Committee,
which consists of two members, this Committee should be increased
to five members. This Committee should not only visit Ankara but
also go to Kurdistan and speak to the people, as well as to civil
organizations in the region.

2. It is clear that without serious concrete measures Turkey will
not take a single serious concrete step forward. Thus Turkey's
membership in the Council of Europe should be suspended.

3. Turkey must immediately and unconditionally withdraw from
northern Iraq.

4. All four DEP MPs must be released.

5. Since it is obvious that without a political solution to the
Kurdish question it is impossible to achieve a solution to any
problem in Turkey, the Assembly should act in the same as it did
in the cases of Chechnya, Palestine, and Israel; it should bring
the Kurdish question into discussion.

I thank you for your time.

With kind regards,

Mahmut Kilinc
Kurdistan Parliament in Exile
Chair for the International Affairs Committee


Balance Sheet Of Human Rights Abuses For October 1997

Killings by "unknown persons": 14
Extrajudicial killings, deaths under torture/detention: 6
Attacks against civilians: 16 dead, 37 injured
Disappearances: 2
Torture cases: 29
People detained: 3,687
Arrests: 71
Evacuated villages: 1
Closed down associations, trade unions, and publications: 9
Raids on associations, trade unions, and publications: 15
Press members detained: 25
Publications confiscated: 28
Demanded prison sentences and fines: 253 years imprisonment and 1
billion TL fines
Prison sentences and fines ruled: 127 years imprisonment and 1
billion 28 million TL fines
Prisoners of conscience: 116

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec 18 19:50:11 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Dec 1997 19:50:11
Subject: Netanyahu defends Israeli alliance with Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3d8iu81de.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 16:03:19 PST

  	  				 
   LUXEMBOURG, Dec 18 (AFP) - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin  
Netanyahu defended his country's military alliance with Turkey here 
Thursday saying it was one of the main pillars of stability in the 
Middle East. 
   "We are engaged in a variety of contacts to ensure stability and  
peace in the Middle East," Netanyahu told a press conference here 
following talks with Luxembourg Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker. 
   "There are several countries that will decide the future of the  
region. One is Egypt, the other is Iran," he said. "The third 
country is Turkey. It did make the transition that Iran did not make 
and moved into the western orbit. It is our interest to maintain 
it." 
   Netanyahu said he hoped the direction of the new Mohammad  
Khatami government in Tehran will mean something new but cautioned 
he saw no significant change and that Iran was still a major 
concern. 
   The Israeli premier said Tehran has ballistic missiles and  
biological weapons. 
   Last year Israel and Turkey signed military cooperation accords  
under which they are preparing for joint naval maneuvers in January 
which will also involve the US Navy. 
   Syria, Iraq and Iran have expressed concerns about the accords  
and the exercises. 
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec 18 19:51:50 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Dec 1997 19:51:50
Subject: U.S., Israeli defense firms to benefit from Turkish-EU row
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3btye818p.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 12:58:35 PST

  	  				 
   ANKARA, Dec 18 (AFP) - US and Israeli defense companies have  
higher chances to win Turkey's multi-billion-dollar procurement 
contracts after Ankara suspended political ties with the European 
Union, a government official said Thursday. 
   "The Germans would be affected in the worst way, and French and  
Italian companies are expected to be affected less," the official 
told AFP. 
   "In any case, Turkey could prefer US and Israeli sources in  
meeting high-tech equipment requirements whenever possible," the 
official added. 
   Turkey announced at the weekend that it had suspended political  
ties with the EU and rejected an offer to take part in a 
pan-European conference next year after it was shut out of the 
bloc's enlargement plans at a union summit in Luxembourg. 
   Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz also warned Wednesday that Turkey  
could altogether withdraw its 1987 application for full membership 
unless the EU changed its decision on Turkey by June. 
   Turkey, which has NATO's largest army after the United States,  
has said it would spend nearly 150 billion dollars to modernize its 
armed forces over the next 30 years. 
   Its largest-scale programs include local production of 1,000  
tanks and 145 attack helicopters, worth five billion dollars and 3.5 
billion dollars, respectively, jointly with foreign partners. 
   The United States has traditionally been Turkey's biggest arms  
supplier, but in recent years it has suspended deliveries of some 
systems due to human rights concerns and Ankara's conflict with arch 
rival Greece. 
   Turkey and Israel boosted military and defense industry ties  
last year, and an Israeli company won a 630-million-dollar contract 
to modernize Ankara's F-4 fleet. 
   France and Italy, two EU members with closest ties with Ankara,  
also eye Turkish defense contracts. 
   Turkish officials have lashed out at Germany, accusing Bonn of  
staunchly opposing Ankara's EU membership bid. Germany, home to more 
than two million Turks, fears free circulation rights for Turkish 
nationals within Europe. 
   Defense analysts said that regarding Turkey's attack helicopter  
program, the United States has still not given permission for two US 
companies to compete for the tender and that French and Italian 
firms also seeking the contract still keep their chances. 
   But on the tank program, non-European contenders, including the  
United States and Israel, were likelier to win, they said. 
   Turkey is expected to announce the winners in those two tenders  
in 1999. 
-=-=-	 
Want to tell us what you think about the ClariNews?  Please feel 
free to <<email us your comments>> <comments at clari.net>. 
  	   	

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec 18 19:52:50 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Dec 1997 19:52:50
Subject: After European rebuff, US will show Turkey is a valued partner
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3afdy8158.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Date: Wed, 17 Dec 1997 11:12:27 PST

  	  				 
   WASHINGTON, Dec 17 (AFP) - After Ankara's blunt rebuff by the  
European Union, President Bill Clinton hopes to show Turkey that it 
is a valued partner when he meets Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz here 
this week. 
   Yilmaz was to arrive in New York Wednesday for the first leg of  
his US visit that will culminate with a White House meeting on 
Friday, less than a week after the European Union rejected Turkey's 
application for membership. 
   Clinton has already indicated he disagrees with the European  
Union's decision to shut out Turkey and is ready to help Ankara 
cement its ties to western institutions including NATO. 
   "I think it is very important that we do everything reasonable  
to anchor Turkey to the West," Clinton said at a news conference 
Tuesday. 
   Describing the Moslem country of 63 million as a "dependable  
ally in NATO" and a "good ally of ours," Clinton argued that Turkey, 
by its sheer size and strategic importance, could not be shut out of 
western clubs. 
   The White House meeting comes at a critical time in Washington's  
drive to gain a foothold in the energy-rich Caspian region and to 
contain Iraq. Both endeavors rely on Turkish support to succeed. 
   Turkey has allowed the United States to operate an air base at  
Incirlik from which it conducts flights to enforce the no-fly zone 
over Iraq. 
   The administration is also favoring a pipeline route that would  
bring Caspian oil through Georgia to Turkey's port of Ceyhan, 
avoiding Iran, Washington's arch foe. 
   "The visit itself is a gesture of solidarity with Turkey," said  
Peter Rodman, analyst at the Nixon Center for Peace 
   The United States, as the leader of the western world, will show  
that it appreciates Turkey and will show concern for its interests, 
he said. 
   But the public display of solidarity with Turkey will be matched  
with equally important private exchanges on how Ankara can mend 
fences with Europe, said Louis Klarevas, from the US Institute of 
Peace. 
   "The United States has to bring about some kind of convergence  
between EU policy and Turkey's policy," he said. 
   Clinton may try to persuade Yilmaz to resort to the  
International Court of Justice to settle territorial disputes with 
Greece, a demand also advanced by the European Union, he added. 
   Washington is also expected to press Turkey to refrain from  
provocative military manoeuvers and from issuing veiled threats that 
further exacerbate tensions. 
   In exchange, the administration can offer to lend its weight and  
influence to press for EU openness towards Turkey when close ally 
Britain takes up the presidency of the club in January. 
   But these small steps leave whole the larger conflict over  
Cyprus, the divided Mediterranean island that has been at the core 
of Greek-Turkish animosity for decades. 
   The United States is exploring prospects for a peace settlement  
for Cyprus, and Clinton expressed his eagerness to achieve progress 
on that track on Tuesday. 
   "I want a resolution of the Cyprus issue very badly," he said.  
   Clinton has appointed his most able diplomat, Richard Holbrooke,  
to try to broker a deal on Cyprus but visits to the region and 
several rounds of talks have failed to yield any progress. 
   Cyprus has been divided since 1974 when Turkish troops invaded  
and occupied the northern third in response to a coup in Nicosia 
aimed at making the island part of Greece. 
   Turkey has threatened to integrate the northern third in  
response to the EU rejection and its plans to include the 
internationally-recognized Greek Cypriot government in the bloc. 
  	   	

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Dec 18 20:20:09 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Dec 1997 20:20:09
Subject: USA: Turkish PM Mesut Yilmaz to visit Washington, D.C.
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3wwh26lwc.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


Demonstration at White House (Friday, 12:00 noon) 

A public demonstration will be held on Friday, December 19, at 12 noon, on
the sidewalk in front of the White House (1600 Pennsylvania Avenue).
President Clinton will meet that day with Turkey's Prime Minister Mesut
Yilmaz.  

Demonstrators seek to raise questions about unconditional U.S. political,
economic and military support for Turkey's government, which is 
responsible for serious human rights abuses and violations of 
international law.   The demonstration is being supported by a coalition 
of NGOs, including ethnic groups, human rights organizations, arms 
control and peace proponents and religious groups.  Please join this 
effort and demonstrate your support for human rights in Turkey and for 
sane, constructive U.S. policies towards an important regional ally.  

For further information, please contact Chris Hekimian (ANCA) at 
202-775-1918 or Kani Xulam (AKIN) at 202-483-6444. 

***************************************************************************


NGO Letter to Clinton on Yilmaz Visit

 (The following letter, signed by representatives of 28 non-governmental
organizations, was sent today to President Clinton, copies to Secretary of
State Albright, Asst. Secretary of State Marc Grossman, National Security
Advisor Sandy Berger, Senate Foreign Relations Chair Jesse Helms, Senator
Joe Biden, House International Relations Chair Ben Gilman, Rep. Lee 
Hamilton
and Ambassador Nuzhet Kandemir) 
_______________________________________________________________________

December 15, 1997

The Honorable William Jefferson Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C.  

Dear Mr. President,

We write to ask that you raise a number of human rights concerns in your
meeting on December 19, 1997, with Turkey's Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz.

Despite promises by successive Turkish Governments to improve human 
rights practices, serious problems persist.  The U.S. State Department,
international monitoring groups and non-governmental organizations in 
Turkey regularly document serious abuses in areas including free 
expression,
torture and the situation of the Kurdish minority.  Such abuses prevent
Turkey from moving closer to Europe and underscore fundamental 
instabilities in Turkey's civil-military democracy.

Numerous articles of the Turkish Constitution and Penal Code routinely 
curb
non-violent expression.  Four Kurdish parliamentarians continue to serve
jail sentences for speaking out and six others remain in exile.   Dozens 
of
journalists languish in prisons.  Newspapers and magazines are 
confiscated,
TV studios closed, and reporters barred from conflict areas.  Leading 
rights
advocates and monitors are arrested and their offices shut down.  
Political
parties representing Kurds are closed, and efforts are presently underway 
to
close the Islamic-based Welfare party, which received a plurality of votes
in recent elections. 

The use of torture in Turkey remains widespread and systematic.
Organizations which assist victims of torture face legal actions; victims
who report torture are harassed;  doctors remain afraid to report abuses;
and, officials accused of torture are rarely prosecuted.  According to the
1996 State Department Human Rights Report, "the climate of impunity
reflected in the relatively small number of convictions [for torture]
probably remains the single largest obstacle to reducing these troubling
human rights abuses. The lack of early access to an attorney by those
detained is also a major factor in the use of torture by police and 
security
forces."  

The situation of Turkey's 15 million Kurdish citizens is also cause for
concern. Since 1984, more than 30,000 have died in clashes between 
security
forces and Kurdish guerrillas.  According to Turkish Government sources
3,185 Kurdish villages have been evacuated and up to three million people
internally displaced from southeast Turkey. Despite the severity of the
conflict, Turkey refuses access by the International Red Cross to stricken
regions.  The military approach to the Kurdish situation has cost more 
than
$80 billion and has doomed much needed economic development.  Now, the
conflict has spilled into northern Iraq (Iraqi Kurdistan), where Turkish
forces have entered a feud between local Kurdish parties and occupied 
large
areas of the Kurdish "safe haven" created after the Gulf War.  Turkish
officials continue to justify large-scale abuses of human rights as an
unavoidable cost of combating terrorism.

We also ask that you consider withholding sales of military equipment,
including helicopters, used to suppress internal dissent, or for external
aggression in violation of international law.  The State Department, Human
Rights Watch and other organizations have documented  human rights abuses
against civilians by security forces using U.S.-supplied weapons.   In the
past weeks, Turkish forces have reportedly used U.S.-supplied aircraft to
drop napalm and cluster bombs on Kurds in Iraq, including civilians.     

If Turkey is to be a truly democratic, truly stable, and a truly reliable
U.S. ally, serious efforts to resolve these fundamental problems should be
undertaken.  If Turkey continues to flagrantly disregard stated
international human rights commitments, the United States Government 
should
not shy from protesting and using its influence to pressure Turkey's 
leaders
for reform.  At the very least, our government should not supply the 
weapons
used by Turkey's military against its own people.  

We hope you will raise these issues with Prime Minister Yilmaz.  We look
forward to hearing from you.

Sincerely,

Mike Amitay, Director			Lora Lumpe, Director
Washington Kurdish Institute		Arms Sales Monitoring Project

Leonard S. Rubenstein, Director		
Physicians for Human Rights		

Caleb S. Rossiter, Director		
Demilitarization for Democracy		

Alice Zachman, Director
Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA

David Hart, Director
Veterans for Peace

Katheryn C. Porter, President
Human Rights Alliance

James Matlack, Director, Washington Office 
American Friends Service Committee

Dr. Thom White Wolf Fassett, General Secretary,
General Board of Church and Society, United Methodist Church

Dr. Najmaldin Karim, President
Kurdish National Congress of North America

Elenor Giddings Ivory, Director
Presbyterian Church  (USA, Washington Office)

Peter J. Davies, US Representative
Saferworld

Joe Volk
Friends Committee on National Legislation

Gordon S. Clark, Executive Director
Peace Action

Kathy Thornton, National Coordinator
NETWORK: A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby

Le Xuan Khoa, President
Southeast Asia Resource Action Center

Ross Vartian, Executive Director
Armenian Assembly of America

Lynn Fredriksson, Washington Representative 
Charles Scheiner, National Coordinator 
East Timor Action Network

Kani Xulam, Director
American Kurdish Information Network

John Tirman, Executive Director
Winston Foundation for World Peace

Miriam Pemberton, Director
National Commission for Economic Conversion and Disarmament

William D. Hartung, Director
Arms Trade Resource Center, World Policy Institute

Elena Bonner, Chair
Alexey Semyonov, Vice-President
The Andrei Sakharov Foundation

John Salzberg, Washington Representative
Center for Victims of Torture

James J. Silk, Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights

Peter H. Juviler, Co-Director
Columbia University Human Rights Center

Dale Bishop, Common Global Ministries Board
United Church of Christ

Mark B. Brown, Assistant Director
Lutheran Office for Governmental Affairs
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America





----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service 
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship



List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Dec 19 18:07:50 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 19 Dec 1997 18:07:50
Subject: Students in prison, gangs are free in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3ra78lqs0.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


/** labr.global: 283.0 **/
** Topic: Students in prison, gangs are free in Turkey **
** Written  6:27 AM  Dec 18, 1997 by onder at tr-net.net.tr in cdp:labr.global **
Students in prison, gangs are free in Turkey
----------------------------------------------------------------
Students from the Universities of different cities in Turkey gathered
in the Kizilay square of Ankara to give support their firends who
sentenced to 96-year imprisonment for opening a banner in the
Parliament last year for tuition-free education.  University Teacher's
Union,Public Servants Federations,Workers, NGOs supported the
demonstration of the students.

The police warned the students to disperse, and the students answered
that with slogans "students in prison, gangs are free" and "if the
firman belongs to the state, the universities belong to us". The police
encircled the students and the students made a press statement.
Escaping students threw stones to the Police.

students and protested the police by chanting slogans "gangs are proud
of the police". Glasses of a police auto was broken by some
demonstrators.  The Policestopped the students near the Centre of
Ankara and students there defended themselves with paving stones.

A group of university students, coming from Istanbul to Ankara to
protest the 96-year imprisonment decision of the students-- who opened
a banner in the Parliament building--and watch the appeal trial of the
students were taken in custody.

The group is said to come to Ankara make demonstration during the trial
of the students, who had been sentenced to 96-year imprisonment, in the
Court of Appeals. The group wanted to walk from the train station to
the Kizilay square of Ankara. The Police did not let the group march
and ordered them to disperse. The group did not obey the Police's order
and the police took 438 in custody, most of whom are students. The
Police said that the demonstrators would be set free, after their
identification.

On the other hand, many  student buses coming from diffrenet cities for
demonstration were stopped before Ankara were not let enter into
Ankara.

In Istanbul, a group of some 150 students from the Yildiz Technical
University held another demonstration in support of the same fellow
students., sentenced to total of 96-year imprisonment.

Meanwhile, as the demonstartions were going on, the appeal trial of the
eight students, including the five who opened a banner in Parliament,
began in the Court of Appeals in Ankara.

** End of text from cdp:labr.global **

***************************************************************************
This material came from PeaceNet, a non-profit progressive networking
service.  For more information, send a message to peacenet-info at igc.apc.org
***************************************************************************

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Wed Dec 24 07:47:55 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Dec 1997 07:47:55
Subject: Turkey, Israel Forge Deeper Strategic Alliance
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m34t3y7q8x.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


     http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/WPlate/1997-12/23/
 
                              -----
_________________________________________________________________
 
         TURKEY, ISRAEL FORGE DEEPER STRATEGIC ALLIANCE
________________________________________________________________
 
     Arab World to Watch Closely as Joint Naval Exercise Begins
     in Mediterranean Next Month
 
     By Lee Hockstader
     Washington Post Foreign Service
     Tuesday, December 23, 1997; Page A11
 
     ANKARA, Turkey - When Operation Reliant Mermaid is launched
early next month off the coast of Israel, it will not exactly
rank among the modern world's most awesome displays of naval
might. But few military maneuvers are likely to be more closely
watched -- or bitterly condemned -- in the Arab world.
   
     Innocent on its face -- the scenario calls for coming to the
aid of a foundering fishing vessel -- Operation Reliant Mermaid
is a red-button issue in the Middle East because it will team up
Israel and Turkey in naval maneuvers for the first time. Both are
non-Arab countries loathed by their Arab neighbors and by Iran,
and both are key allies of the United States, which also will
participate in the maneuvers.
   
     Turkey and Israel each will have two vessels in the
search-and-rescue exercise, which will be held Jan 7. in
international waters off Israel, and they will be joined by the
USS John Rodgers, the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv said Monday. The
exercise also will involve several helicopters and search
aircraft.
   
     The exercise symbolizes a deepening strategic alliance,
launched in earnest two years ago, between two of the Middle
East's most-unloved nations. Bound by common enemies, Israel and
Turkey rapidly are turning a friendship of convenience into one
of the more durable-looking alliances in a notoriously fractious
region.
   
     "In the Middle East you take your friends where you can find
them," said a Western diplomat in Ankara. "Both Turkey and Israel
need a friend."
   
     Nissan Amdor, an Israeli diplomat in Ankara, was even more
blunt in describing what the two have in common. "I don't know if
you know, but the Turks really hate Arabs very much," he said.
   
     Driving the partnership is a mutual fear of Iran, Syria and
Iraq. Turkey has accused Syria and Iraq, in particular, of
harboring Kurdish separatist fighters of the Kurdish Workers'
Party, which Ankara regards as a terrorist organization. Both
countries also worry about weapons programs in Iraq and Iran.
   
     On the day Defense Minister Yitzhak Mordechai launched his
first official visit to Ankara earlier this month, Turkey was
being harshly criticized by its supposed Muslim brothers at a
summit meeting of Islamic nations in Tehran. The criticism, which
focused on Ankara's ties to the United States and Israel,
prompted Turkish President Suleyman Demirel to leave the
conference early.
   
     The Turkish military, the most powerful institution in the
country, was unperturbed by the rebuff. Turkey was the first
Islamic nation in the world to recognize Israel in 1949 and has
maintained more or less friendly relations with Israel ever
since.
   
     Turkey also has announced one of the world's most ambitious
military modernization programs. It plans to spend $150 billion
on armaments over 20 to 25 years, and in Israel it sees a
manufacturer of top-grade missiles, tanks and aircraft. Unlike
the United States, which has balked on some recent arms sales to
Turkey because of concern over human rights and Ankara's poor
relations with Greece, Israel is happy to sell weapons to an ally
without such scrutiny.
   
     "The Turkish military's view of the Islamic world is beneath
contempt," said a Western diplomat. "You can't buy the [military
hardware] from them you want to buy, and they're not even good
fighters."
   
     Already, Turkey has signed a $630 million contract for
Israel to overhaul 54 of its aging F-4 Phantom jet fighters with
advanced avionics and other high-tech wizardry. Half the work is
to be done in Turkey with Israeli know-how. Israel is competing
for another contract to upgrade a further 48 Turkish F-5
fighters.
   
     Further deals are in the works to jointly produce long-range
anti-missile defense missiles and advanced air-to-ground attack
missiles. Israel is also bidding to supply the Turkish army with
ground-to-air missiles and a new generation of small arms to
replace the G-3 rifle used by the Turkish infantry.
   
     The biggest prize Israel is eyeing is a contract valued at
$4.5 billion to $5 billion to supply the Turkish military with up
to 1,000 battle tanks.
   
     The partnership means more than fat profits for Israeli arms
makers. It also provides Israeli pilots with their only
opportunity to train over a large land mass in the Middle East.
Top Israeli jet fighters can fly from one end of Israel to the
other in well under a minute. But in training exercises from
Turkish bases, they are able to maneuver over a variety of
terrains.
   
     The partnership goes beyond a military alliance. Two-way
trade, negligible in the early 1990s, exceeds $500 million this
year, excluding the arms deals, and is expected to double in the
next two years. On top of that, an annual flood of about 250,000
Israeli tourists is bringing some $250 million to Turkey.
Exchanges of agricultural, land-use and water experts also has
intensified.
   
     Not everyone in Turkey is thrilled with the developing
alliance. In May last year, an unemployed pharmacist who opposed
the defense pact with Israel tried to kill Demirel in protest.
Despite a military crackdown aimed at reinforcing the secular
nature of the Turkish state, pro-Islamic political parties remain
popular in Turkey and have not greeted the tighter ties with
Israel enthusiastically.
   
     Both countries have attempted to play down their ties. "It
is not targeted at anyone," Mordechai, the Israeli defense
minister, said in Ankara.
   
     But Syria and Iraq, which campaigned for tough denunciations
of Turkey in the Tehran Islamic conference, made it clear they
believed they were the targets.
 
     Copyright 1997 The Washington Post Company


List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Wed Dec 24 17:46:19 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Dec 1997 17:46:19
Subject: Turkish Premier maintains decision to end contact with EU
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3afdqi4jd.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

   ANKARA, Dec 24 (AFP) - Turkish Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz has  
reiterated Ankara's decision to end contacts with the European Union 
since Turkey's exclusion from EU enlargment plans. 
   "Our reaction is neither sentimental nor fleeting," Yilmaz said  
in an interview with private Show television Tuesday. He accused the 
EU of adopting a "discriminatory position" against Turkey. 
   "Turkey will have no contact with the EU on the issues of Cyprus  
and human rights or on its disputes with Greece," he added. 
   Earlier this month, EU leaders excluded Ankara from negotiations  
on joining an enlarged union citing concerns for human rights in 
Turkey and Turkish-Greek rows. 
   EU leaders instead offered Turkey a seat at a pan-European  
conference in a bid to defuse its anger over being shut out of 
enlargement plans. 
   Ankara responded by declaring it was severing political ties  
with the EU. 
   On Tuesday Yilmaz did not reiterate his threat to formally  
withdraw Ankara's 1987 application for full membership of the EU in 
the event that the bloc fails to include Turkey in its list of 
candidate states by June. 
   "If the EU does not hold a new conference to modify its decision  
on Turkey before June, we will formally withdraw our application for 
membership," Yilmaz had said last week. 
   Ankara and the European bloc signed an association agreement in  
1963, calling for an eventual membership. Turkey then applied to 
join the EU in 1987, but its bid has been rejected twice since 
then. 
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Wed Dec 24 18:00:43 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Dec 1997 18:00:43
Subject: Turkey rejects Arab criticism over Israel pact
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m390tai4hr.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


   ANKARA, Dec 24 (AFP) - Turkey rejected criticism from Arab and  
Islamic countries Wednesday over its military co-operation pact with 
Isreal, saying it had similar accords with 19 members of the 
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OCI). 
   Turkish-Israeli relations were not directed against any other  
country and did not constitute a "strategic alliance", Necati Utkan, 
a spokesman for the foreign affairs ministry, said. 
   He was responding to questions at a press conference over a call  
by Egyptian foreign minister Amr Moussa for Turkey to "reconsider" 
the co-operation with Israel, made to the Arab daily Al Hayat last 
Saturday. 
   The Turkish spokesman described this comment as "intolerable",  
even from an important nation such as Egypt. 
   Arab nations should take into consideration Turkey's "vital  
interests", the spokesman said, adding that Turkey deplored the 
"propaganda" made against Turkey under the pretext of Arab 
solidarity. 
   He said Turkey had such agreements with 28 countries, including  
the 19 OCI nations. 
   Turkey and Israel signed the pact in February 1996 agreeing to  
exchange information and military training. 
   Egypt, Syria and Iran led reactions of anger to the agreement in  
the Moslem world. 

  	   	

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Wed Dec 24 18:01:44 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Dec 1997 18:01:44
Subject: Turkey rejects Cypriot proposal for foreign ministers' meeting
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m37m8ui4g5.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

  	  				 
   ANKARA, Dec 24 (AFP) - Turkey rejected Wednesday a proposal from  
Cypriot Foreign Minister Yiannakis Cassoulides for a meeting to 
exchange views on the problem of the divided island. 
   "The negotiating partner of the foreign minister of the  
Greek-Cypriot administration is well-known," foreign ministry 
spokesman Necati Utkan said here. 
   "It is the foreign minister of the Turkish Republic of North  
Cyprus," he said, referring to the breakaway state declared by 
Turkish Cypriots in 1983 and recognized only by Ankara. 
   Ankara invaded the northern third of the island following a 1974  
coup in Nicosia seeking union with Greece. 
   Neither Turkey nor the Turkish Cypriots recognize the  
internationally recognized Cyprus government in Nicosia and refer to 
it simply as the Greek Cypriot administration. 
   Cassoulides made the proposal for a meeting with Turkish Foreign  
Minister Ismail Cem Tuesday, the Cypriot news agency CNA reported. 
   It said he had proposed to Cem that they meet "when and where"  
he wanted, not to negotiate a Cyprus settlement but to exchange 
views. 
   Cassoulides said Ankara had rejected a similar proposal he had  
made through a third party before because it did not want to give 
the impression that negotiations were taking place behind the back 
of Turkish-Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash. 
   After the European Union's decision earlier this month to open  
accession talks with Cyprus, Denktash said that in future he would 
talk only to visitors ready to address him as president, effectively 
limiting future talks to Turkey. 
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Dec 26 08:00:50 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 26 Dec 1997 08:00:50
Subject: Turkey: Political prisoners' hunger strike ends
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3hg7wksyu.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Dec. 26 1997

  
  Political prisoners' hunger strike ends

  * The strike at Nazilli Prison ended on Wednesday, and now the
 hunger strike in Erzurum Prison is about to be concluded as well
 through consultations between a delegation of human rights
 activists and the prison's prosecutor
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Ankara - Continuing hunger strikes staged by political prisoners are
about to end.

Following the conclusion on Wednesday of the hunger strike in Nazilli
Prison, the strike in Erzurum Prison is about to be concluded through
consultations between a delegation of human rights activists and the
prison's prosecutor, the Anatolia news agency reported.

In Erzurum and Nazilli Prisons, more than four hundred political
prisoners were on a hunger strike for nearly forty days. The strike,
comprising 32 prisoners in Nazilli Prison, ended on Wednesday evening,
its 34th day, at which time three of the prisoners were sent to the
hospital.

The demands of the political prisoners on a hunger strike included an
end to maltreatment during their transfer to other prisons, permission
to read newspapers and magazines, an extension of visiting hours,
regular health checks and permission for nongovernmental organizations
to inspect prisons.

The Human Rights Association (IHD) had earlier complained that they
had contacted the Justice Ministry several times about the hunger
strikes, but the only response had been silence.

A massive hunger strike throughout prisons in Turkey in the summer of
1995 left 13 people dead. Recent press reports claimed that many of
the prisoners are now suffering from irreparable brain damage as they
were not treated in a timely fashion during the past hunger strike. On
Friday, a delegation, which included attorneys and IHD officials will
visit Erzurum prison, and most possibly the hunger strike there will
end, Nazmi Gur of the IHD told the Turkish Daily News.

Gur also expressed his hope that other prisoners, who are on a
rotating hunger strike to support the prisoners in Erzurum and Nazilli
Prisons, will abandon the strike in coming days.Yildirim Kaya of the
Freedom and Solidarity Party (ODP) said thatnearly all the demands of
the prisoners have been accepted. Political parties and human rights
activists were active mediators between the officials and strikers
during the hunger strike.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan!
Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl
mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Dec 27 22:16:25 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 27 Dec 1997 22:16:25
Subject: Italy calls for "international initiative" for Kurds
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3d8ii6m47.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


   ROME, Dec 27 (AFP) - Italian Interior Minister Giorgio  
Napolitano called Saturday for an "urgent international initiative" 
to pacify regions of Turkey and northern Iraq inhabited by 
separatist Kurds. 
   The world should "recognise the rights of the Kurdish people,"  
said Napolitano, who called on Turkey to "work seriously" to stop 
illegal immigration of Kurds from Turkey into Europe. 
   In recent months, Italy has has been inundated with Kurds from  
Turkey and Iraq. 
   Italian fishing boats staged a rescue operation Saturday for a  
Turkish ship carrying 825 illegal Turkish Kurd immigrants which ran 
aground overnight off southern Italy. 
   By Saturday afternoon, 740 of the passengers had been picked up  
by fishermen from the coastal town of Soverato, just south of 
Catanzaro, police said. 
   Three of those rescued were taken to hospital in Soverato  
suffering from dehydration. 
   "The greater numbers of Iraqi or Turkish Kurds now arriving  
constitute a difficult problem not just for Italy but for many 
countries in the European Union," Napolitano said in a statement. 
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Dec 30 12:42:35 1997
From: english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurlluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 30 Dec 1997 12:42:35
Subject: A revolutionay 1998!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m1en2ur4po.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Dear Comrades,

1997 has been another year of struggle against the oppressors of the
people . All over the world the people are still exploited, beaten,
tortured, murdered, ore beeing vanished, all their rights are
denied... And all over the world people keep on fighting under the
leadership of revolutionary organisations for freedom, democrasy and
socialism.

In Turkey 1997 was a year of a growing struggle of all the peoples in
Turkey under the leadership of the Revolutionary Peoples Liberation
Party - Front. This struggel will continue in 1998 and we will
continue it until victory.

Let us make 1998 another year of struggle:
Against Imperalism for Freedom!
Against the Oligarchies for Democrasy!
Against Capitalism for Comunism!
We are right, we will win!

For a revolutionary 1998
DHKC Informationbureaus Europe
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl