From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Sat Feb  1 03:44:29 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 01 Feb 1997 03:44:29 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: TURKEY:  Osman disobedience trial p
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a152697.b1d@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)
Subject: TURKEY:  Osman disobedience trial postponed

31 January 1997

Osman Murat Uelke: international observers kept from trial
Decision about "disobedience" postponed until 6 March 1997

The trial of Osman Murat Uelke for "continuing disobedience"
(Article 87/1 of the Turkish Military Penal Code) continued in
Eskisehir yesterday, Thursday, 30 January, even though Osman
himself remained in military detention in Mamak Military Prison
in Ankara, awaiting transfer to the military unit in Bilecik.

International observers from Spain and Germany could not attend 
were informed that they could not enter a military area without
permission from the General Staff.  However, lawyers acting for
Osman were allowed in.  

The judge postponed giving a verdict as he should inform Osman
in person in court.  The next hearing will be on 6 March 1997,
and Osman faces a maximum sentence of two years's imprisonment.

Meanwhile, it seems clear that to this charge of "continuing
disobedience", a further charge of "desertion" (article 63) will
be added.  That carries a sentence of up to three years.  And,
when Osman once more refuses military orders in Bilecik, a second
charge of "continuing disobedience" in a never-ending circle.

Osman's lawyers are challenging the procedure by which on 19 November
1996 as well as on 28 January 1997 Osman was taken to "his" military
unit on the order of the Military Court of the General Staff.
Apparently, this court exceeded its power and could send him only to 
a recruiting office: sending a person to a military unit is an 
administrative - not a juridical - function, and the authority of
any court is limited to the juridical. 


Posted by:      War Resisters' International
                5 Caledonian Road
                London N1 9DX
                England
                tel: +44 171 278 4040
                fax: +44 171 278 0444
                email: warresisters at gn.apc.org


      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          |  
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-(0)171-2493624                     |
     /) email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   (\
    /                                                     \
  _( (+-------------------------------------------------+) )_
 (((\ \   /_)                                     /^)   / /)))
 (\\\\ \_/ /                                      \ \_ / ////
  \       /                                        \       /
   \   __/                                          \__   /
    |   |                                            |   |


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sun Feb  2 09:09:04 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 02 Feb 1997 09:09:04
Subject: Eight Student Leaders Jailed In Tur
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970202040..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Eight Student Leaders Jailed In Turkey

February 1997

ADVOCACY ALERT

EIGHT LEADING STUDENTS OF THE STUDENT MOVEMENT IN ANKARA WERE SENTENCED TO
A TOTAL OF 96 YEARS IN PRISON

TURKEY  MAHMUT YILMAZ           Student at Hacettepe University
        AHMET ASKIN DOGAN       Student at Ankara University
        OZGUR TUFEKCI           Student at Ankara University
        BULENT KARAKAS          Student at Ankara University
        METIN MURAT KALYONCUGIL Student at Hacettepe University
        NURDAN BAYSAHAN         Student at Ankara University
        DENIZ KARTAL            Student at Gazi University
        ELIF KAHYAOGLU          Student at Gazi University

were sentenced to imprisonment by the State Security Court, Mahmut
Yilmaz, A. Askin Dogan, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent Karakas, Metin Murat
Kalyoncugil among them are currently held in Ankara Central Closed Prison.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

University students in Turkey have been engaged in various efforts and
demonstrations in protest of the students' fee and privatization policies
of the universities since October 20, 1995. They set up the Coordination of
Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul with the participation of
student unions and organisations. The reactions of the students who are
fighting against the privatization of education and anti-democratic
practices in universities were organised by establishing the Coordination
of the Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul. Actions carried out by
these students after the establishment of the Coordination are as follows.

On October 20, 1995, three student representatives submitted petitions
demanding the abolishment of the rise in the students' fee to the Turkish
Grand National Assembly. One of these students was Mahmut Yilmaz, a student
at the Education Faculty at Hacettepe University.

On December 20, 1995, the students in Istanbul made a press release to
announce that they would follow up the petitions submitted on October 20.
In addition, many academics and non-govermental organisations had joined in
this protest action.

The Coordination of the Student Unions in Ankara organized a campaign to
help the people of Dinar township who lost their homes, relatives, and jobs
during an earthquake. Instead of paying the fees to the university budget,
a student delegation including Mahmut Yilmaz, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent
Karakas conveyed the collected fees to the people in Dinar.

Eight students who were expelled from the universities they attended since
they could not pay student fees made a demonstration at the Turkish Grand
National Assembly and shouted slogans on the right to education. Mahmut
Yilmaz and Deniz Kartal were also among this group.

The university students gathered in front of the National Education
Ministry, interviewed by the Minister, and told that they could not
attend the university since they were unable to pay student fees. During
this interview the Minister promised to deal with their problems. One of
the students interviewing by the Minister was Deniz Kartal.

But promises were not fulfilled. The government cared neither the
abolishment of 350% rise in the student fees nor the enrollment of the
expelled students who could not pay university fees. The students all over
the country decided to make a demonstration on April 24, 1996.

The students' leaders were arbitrarily detained by the Anti-Terror Branch
of the Ankara Security Department from homes, streets, dormitories, and
universities between April 17-22, 1996. During fifteen days in custody, their
legal assistance was rejected. The Prosecutor of the SSC, Nuh Mete Yuksel,
directly participated in the interrogation of these student leaders. Even
if this conduct is not prohibited by the law, such a practice is not
usual during the pre-trial process. As it was claimed that they were
subjected to torture in custody, human rights organizations and Amnesty
International made urgent actions. The police officers allegedly put
molotov coctails in the students' homes by themselves. In this case,
police arranged the evidence to convict these student leaders. Students'
claim about the torture they were subjected to in custody and conspiracy
of the police officers were not taken into consideration before court.
Moreover, even witnesses were not listened by the Court. As a result,
these students were sentenced to heavy punishement not for committing a
crime. As many cases that were conducted at the State Secuirty Court, the
decision made by the court was based on political reasons.

RECOMMENDED ACTION

Participants in this action should write letters to the Turkish
authorities listed below. Letters should object to the unfair decision of
the State Security Court about these student leaders who have carried out
peaceful activities in Turkish universities.

Without being too late, please send your telegrams/telexes/faxes/airmail
letters in English or your own language:

- expressing your deep concern for these student leaders unfairly sentenced
to imprisonment by the State Security Court, which is not independent.

- condemning the interference of the police officers during the trial.

- pointing out that any statement taken under torture shall not constitute
evidence before a court.

- calling for the ouverturning of the convictions against these students
leaders.

- urging that these students should be immediately released.

Please send your massagges immediately!

TO TURKISH AUTHORITIES

Minister of Justice :
Mr. Sevket Kazan                ( salutation : Dear Minister )
Adalet Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312- 417 3954

Minister of Interior
Ms. Meral Aksener 	( salutation : Dear Minister )
Icisleri Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara Turkey
Fax: 90- 312- 417 2390

Prime Minister
Mr. Necmettin Erbakan 	( salutation : Dear Prime Minister )
Basbakanlik
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312-417 04 76

In addition please send copies of your letters to:

Address: Mesrutiyet Cad. Hatay Sk. 6/27 Kizilay-Ankara/TURKEY
Tel-Fax: 90-312-419 27 74
e-mail: ihd-ank at info-ist.comlink.de, ne02-k at servis2.net.tr


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sun Feb  2 09:23:50 1997
From: tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 02 Feb 1997 09:23:50
Subject: Eight Student Leaders Jailed In Tur
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970202040..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vr4xG.000FkYC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: <tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Subject: Eight Student Leaders Jailed In Turkey

Forwarded from ATS

ADVOCACY ALERT

EIGHT LEADING STUDENTS OF THE STUDENT MOVEMENT IN ANKARA WERE SENTENCED TO
A TOTAL OF 96 YEARS IN PRISON

TURKEY  MAHMUT YILMAZ           Student at Hacettepe University
        AHMET ASKIN DOGAN       Student at Ankara University
        OZGUR TUFEKCI           Student at Ankara University
        BULENT KARAKAS          Student at Ankara University
        METIN MURAT KALYONCUGIL Student at Hacettepe University
        NURDAN BAYSAHAN         Student at Ankara University
        DENIZ KARTAL            Student at Gazi University
        ELIF KAHYAOGLU          Student at Gazi University

were sentenced to imprisonment by the State Security Court, Mahmut
Yilmaz, A. Askin Dogan, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent Karakas, Metin Murat
Kalyoncugil among them are currently held in Ankara Central Closed Prison.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

University students in Turkey have been engaged in various efforts and
demonstrations in protest of the students' fee and privatization policies
of the universities since October 20, 1995. They set up the Coordination of
Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul with the participation of
student unions and organisations. The reactions of the students who are
fighting against the privatization of education and anti-democratic
practices in universities were organised by establishing the Coordination
of the Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul. Actions carried out by
these students after the establishment of the Coordination are as follows.

On October 20, 1995, three student representatives submitted petitions
demanding the abolishment of the rise in the students' fee to the Turkish
Grand National Assembly. One of these students was Mahmut Yilmaz, a student
at the Education Faculty at Hacettepe University.

On December 20, 1995, the students in Istanbul made a press release to
announce that they would follow up the petitions submitted on October 20.
In addition, many academics and non-govermental organisations had joined in
this protest action.

The Coordination of the Student Unions in Ankara organized a campaign to
help the people of Dinar township who lost their homes, relatives, and jobs
during an earthquake. Instead of paying the fees to the university budget,
a student delegation including Mahmut Yilmaz, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent
Karakas conveyed the collected fees to the people in Dinar.

Eight students who were expelled from the universities they attended since
they could not pay student fees made a demonstration at the Turkish Grand
National Assembly and shouted slogans on the right to education. Mahmut
Yilmaz and Deniz Kartal were also among this group.

The university students gathered in front of the National Education
Ministry, interviewed by the Minister, and told that they could not
attend the university since they were unable to pay student fees. During
this interview the Minister promised to deal with their problems. One of
the students interviewing by the Minister was Deniz Kartal.

But promises were not fulfilled. The government cared neither the
abolishment of 350% rise in the student fees nor the enrollment of the
expelled students who could not pay university fees. The students all over
the country decided to make a demonstration on April 24, 1996.

The students' leaders were arbitrarily detained by the Anti-Terror Branch
of the Ankara Security Department from homes, streets, dormitories, and
universities between April 17-22, 1996. During fifteen days in custody, their
legal assistance was rejected. The Prosecutor of the SSC, Nuh Mete Yuksel,
directly participated in the interrogation of these student leaders. Even
if this conduct is not prohibited by the law, such a practice is not
usual during the pre-trial process. As it was claimed that they were
subjected to torture in custody, human rights organizations and Amnesty
International made urgent actions. The police officers allegedly put
molotov coctails in the students' homes by themselves. In this case,
police arranged the evidence to convict these student leaders. Students'
claim about the torture they were subjected to in custody and conspiracy
of the police officers were not taken into consideration before court.
Moreover, even witnesses were not listened by the Court. As a result,
these students were sentenced to heavy punishement not for committing a
crime. As many cases that were conducted at the State Secuirty Court, the
decision made by the court was based on political reasons.

RECOMMENDED ACTION

Participants in this action should write letters to the Turkish
authorities listed below. Letters should object to the unfair decision of
the State Security Court about these student leaders who have carried out
peaceful activities in Turkish universities.

Without being too late, please send your telegrams/telexes/faxes/airmail
letters in English or your own language:

- expressing your deep concern for these student leaders unfairly sentenced
to imprisonment by the State Security Court, which is not independent.

- condemning the interference of the police officers during the trial.

- pointing out that any statement taken under torture shall not constitute
evidence before a court.

- calling for the ouverturning of the convictions against these students
leaders.

- urging that these students should be immediately released.

Please send your massagges immediately!

TO TURKISH AUTHORITIES

Minister of Justice :
Mr. Sevket Kazan                ( salutation : Dear Minister )
Adalet Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312- 417 3954

Minister of Interior
Ms. Meral Aksener 	( salutation : Dear Minister )
Icisleri Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara Turkey
Fax: 90- 312- 417 2390

Prime Minister
Mr. Necmettin Erbakan 	( salutation : Dear Prime Minister )
Basbakanlik
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312-417 04 76

In addition please send copies of your letters to:

Address: Mesrutiyet Cad. Hatay Sk. 6/27 Kizilay-Ankara/TURKEY
Tel-Fax: 90-312-419 27 74
e-mail: ihd-ank at info-ist.comlink.de, ne02-k at servis2.net.tr

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Sun Feb  2 16:21:46 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 02 Feb 1997 16:21:46 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Urgent Internationalist Action!
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a152698.56e@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)

Dear comrades,

We want to send you our solidary and internationalist regards from
ASKAPENA  (Basque Solidarity with the Peoples), on behalf of the whole
Basque People.
Through this letter, we want to communicate you two things:
First of all, we would like to inform you about the Hunger Strike that
we will celebrate from 1st to 8th February 1997 in favour of the
REGROUPING OF ALL THE BASQUE POLITICAL PRISONERS IN THE BASQUE COUNTRY
(we send you some information about it).
Secondly, we would like to request your support, so that you send
faxes to some concrete addresses expressing the demand for the respect
of the rights of the Basque Political Prisoners.
We would like to thank you beforehand for any action that you would
celebrate,

=93To feel in the deepest of our soul any injustice committed against
anyone in any part of the World=94

Our best wishes,


The Basque Country, 19 November 1996.
ASKAPENA (Basque Solidarity with the Peoples)
Mikel Resa. Responsible for the Foreign Relations.

If you require any information more, do not hesitate to request it.



FOR THE REGROUPING OF THE BASQUE POLITICAL PRISONERS IN THE BASQUE
COUNTRY

Since ASKAPENA was founded, it has work with the objective of
answering to the necessity of building an Internationalist and Basque
Solidarity Movement in our country, the Basque Country;  assuming also
our own social and national liberation process as the point from which
we can promote the solidarity with the rest of the countries of the
world.

This necessity has its origin in the economical and political
relations imposed by the dominant development system, the capitalism
and its spreading to the whole world.

All this is shown clearly as we just face with the international bleak
prospect which involves us: the concentration of the investment in the
countries of the North, the payment of the foreign debt, the worsening
of the differences between the North and the South, the dual
development of the economy, the rising of the social differences, the
poverty in the countries of the North, the hard adjustment measures
imposed from the centres of the economical power, the continuous
reductions in the social expenses...

That supposes that the 87% of the world income ends at the hands of
only the 20% of the population. This is just a number, but behind it
we can find the dramatic situation of thousands of millions of people
condemned to the death, the hunger, the sickness, the biggest poverty
and the exploitation.

The capitalist system of accumulation has forced a process of
economical globalisation based in the relation world-market and the
neoliberalism is the practical application of the new instruments of
power and exploitation with which they try to stop the negative
tendency of the average profit rate and to start a new phase of
expansion for private interests, with a generalisation of the poverty.

This process of spreading, which generates powers against the nations
and the popular identities, forces us to be confronted to a common
enemy unfriendly and irreconcilably and forces us to develop a
radically internationalist solidarity and to struggle for the freedom
of our own countries.

Internationalism and independentism are the two sides of the same coin
which give sense to the Common Solidarity which we demand, and the
national liberation is the middle point towards which all the solidary
countries must direct.

That is why we send you this letter, to demand for the Basque Country
the same solidarity that ASKAPENA has shown with so many other
countries of the world. We are doing this because we assume our role
to make public the reality that comes from the prisons and we want to
strengthen the scream for freedom that comes from the streets of the
cities of the Basque Country.

The Basque political prisoners form the part of the Basque Working
Class which is more involved in the struggle for the freedom of the
Basque Country, and they are suffering the most hard consequences of
this armed political conflict which maintains the Spanish State
against our people.

The systematic violation of the most basic human rights ( dispersal,
aggressions, beatings, insults, continuous transfers among prisons,
arbitrary isolations, lack of proper health care in the prison with
the result of deaths, constant threats, obstacles for the juridical
defence...) constitutes the repressive measures that the Spanish State
imposes to the Collective of the Basque Political Prisoners and it is
another instrument also used against the political struggle with the
Basque National Liberation Movement.

We also must denounce the actitude of the Penitentiary Authorities as
they maintain arbitrarily in prison (kidnapped) nearly a hundred
prisoners who should be already out applying the law, because they are
suffering incurable sicknesses or because they have already served
three quarters of their sentence.

Some of the Basque political parties, as the PNV, have play the role
of the collaborators, helping in the design and improvement of the
machinery of repression, adding special punishments to the relatives
or friends of the prisoners who are forced to drive hundrends and even
thousands of kilometres in order to make a visit, with the risk of
traffic accidents which unfortunately have happened, sometimes even
dying some of them.

The situation of anguish which the Basque political prisoners are
enduring becomes more insulting when the responsibles and murderers of
the GAL and other paramilitary groups, responsibles for the death of
nearly 30 refugees and two political representatives of the Basque
popular will, are in the streets with impunity.

We know that the regrouping in the Basque Country of the Basque
Political Prisoners is another step towards the amnesty and the
freedom of the Basque Country, which tries its legitimate right to
self-determination to be respected. A basic democratic right in order
to decide in peace its own future.

We also know that this right is not going to come easily, only with
the effort of all of us. Before ending, we want to ask you for your
support in order to make this message public in your own organisations
and in order to organise some actions in solidarity with the
Collective of Basque Political Prisoners who are in unlimited hunger
strike since 9 September to demand the respect of their rights and
their regrouping in the prisons of the Basque Country.

Internationalist greetings.



INFORMATION ABOUT THE BASQUE POLITICAL PRISONERS AND SOME CONCRETE
PROTESTS

Nowadays, in the Basque Country, we have around 550 political
prisoners serving sentences in the prisons of the Spanish and French
States, around ten people deported for political reasons and thousands
of refugees in other countries.

We are dealing with a political conflict, the one between the Basque
Country and the Spanish and French States, as the Basque Country is
fighting for the right of its people to Self-Determination, to be
recognized by both states. And, perhaps, the clearest and strongest
consequence of that conflict is the political repression that our
country and people are enduring.

At this time, the 550 political prisoners are dispersed in more than a
hundred prisons in both states. Their relatives and friends must drive
sometimes more than a thousand kilometres every week in order to visit
them. Illegally, they are taken far away from their homes, against
what the Spanish and French laws state (the Spanish and French laws
state clear that the prisoners must serve their sentences near from
their cultural and social environment), and against the international
law adopted in both states. But, this is a punishment added to the
sentence of the prisoners and carried out also against the relatives
and friends of the prisoners.

This illegal policy is not something isolated but the most important
measure linked to other ones as the violation of the human rights in
the prisons (tortures, bad treatments...). The Basque society has
demanded the respect for the civil rights of the Basque Political
Prisoners many times and during the last year it has stressed the
necessity of taking them back to the Basque Country, their country.
This would be the best step if we want to secure their rights and
physical and psychological integrity.

In spite of the efforts of the Basque people, in spite of the popular
demands for the compliance of the law, nowadays our prisoners are
still dispersed all around the Spanish State and dispersed and
isolated in the French prisons, enduring some imprisonment conditions
which are against the minimal rights of the human being, and also the
laws of both states.

Anyway, we are also conscious that the solidarity which the Basque
population has always maintained with the political repressed and the
constant support is a unique and fundamental strength which can make
possible a solution for this situation, being abandoned the strategy
of prison dispersal, which is based in the pressure and blackmail
against the prisoners and their families. A good sign of all this are
the mobilizations, but also the thousands of initiatives of the
citizens in the different villages, towns and neighbourhoods all
around the Basque Country (demonstration, hunger strikes, sit-ins,
sabotages against the institutions and economical interests, motions
approved in more than a hundred council halls...), which, in spite of
the silence of the majority of the mass media, to make the situation
of the Basque Political Prisoners a central issue in the Basque and
Spanish politics.


Among these initiatives,  we have to stress the rotate hunger strike,
in periods of a week- which groups of 15 people are carrying out in
the Buen Pastor Cathedral in Donostia (San Sebastian) since 18
December 1995. If, at the beginning, the relatives and the pro-amnesty
popular organizations were the driving force and the contributors of
the initiative, it became a people=92s initiative immediately. Many
people and organizations from different parts of the Basque Country
have taken part, but also intellectuals, artists, workers, young
people, feminists,.. and many others from different countries solidary
with the struggle of the Basque Country and the respect of the human
rights. This hunger strike will finish only when the objective, the
transfer to the Basque Country of all the Basque Political Prisoners
and the respect of their rights are achieved. The hunger strike in the
Buen Pastor Cathedral has become the symbol of the solidarity of the
Basque population and the popular organizations with the political
prisoners.

With the same aim, the Collective of the Basque political prisoners
started on 15 January this year a permanent and indefinite struggle, a
struggle carried out in different ways, and from 9 September they
decided to go on with an indefinite hunger strike. By this way, the
Collective of prisoners is expressing its determination and wish to
achieve its objectives, the regrouping and the respect of the human
rights, and in the same way, is expressing also what the power is
permanently rejecting that in spite of the imposed dispersal they
build up a collective, a political collective, and that the prison
dispersal policy has failed and that any strategy which tries to
capitalise them will also fail.

Due to this initiatives and their influence, some of the different
movements, institutions and even political and institutional leaders
who supported and even helped for the succeeding of the prison
dispersal policy recognise that this policy =93violates and is against
the human rights of the prisoners and their relatives=94. An example of
this is the new resolution adopted by the Human Rights Commission of
the Parliament in Gasteiz recently, which demanded to the Spanish Home
Office the immediate transfer of all the Basque prisoners to the
prisons in the Basque Country, along with other measures to secure
their rights.=20

>From 1st to 8th February 1997, ASKAPENA will be taking part in the
Hunger Strike being carried out in the Buen Pastor Cathedral in
Donostia for a week. Through this report we would like to inform you
about this one week-hunger and also about the situation of our
prisoners. Along with the hunger strike, we will try to denounce the
situation on this issue and we will be holding different meetings and
conferences on other issues in the Buen Pastor Cathedral.






NOTE- VERY IMPORTANT

While the members of ASKAPENA are on hunger strike, it would be really
interesting if you could send faxes denouncing the situation of our
prisoners to the following addresses:

=B7 Faxes of support during our week, from 1st to 8th February 1997. We
will get and use them in order to celebrate a press conference.
 Fax: 0/34/43/473627 or 0/34/45/280847
=20
=B7 Faxes or letters To the attention of the President of the Spanish
State;
 Sr. Jos=E9 Mar=EDa Aznar-Presidente del Estado Espa=F1ol.
 Complejo de la Moncloa, 28071 Madrid.
 Spanish State.
 Fax/phone: 034/1/3353535
=20
=B7 Faxes or letters To the attention of the President of the French
State;
 Mr. Jacques Chirac-Pr=E9sidence de la R=E9publique (Palais de L=92Elys=E9e)
 55, rue du Fg St honor=E9, 75008 Paris
 Fax: 0/33/1/47422465
=20
=B7 Faxes to the Spanish Embassies in your country, demanding the
respect of all the Basque Prisoners to stay in the Basque Country and
their regrouping.

All the activities that you could develop, would serve to the fair
struggle that we are carrying out as a People.

Well, receive solidary and internationalist greetings.

The Basque Country, 19 November 1996
ASKAPENA (Basque Solidarity with the Peoples)
Mikel Resa. Responsible for the Foreign Relations.


ASKAPENA=92s contact address:
Mikel Resa. Foreign Relations
Apto:728, Gasteiz, Alava, The Basque Country, Spanish State.
Phone/Fax: 0/34/45/280847
Email: askapena at eusnet.org


posted by:


      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          | =20
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-(0)171-2493624                     |
     /) email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   (\
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From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Sun Feb  2 16:22:26 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 02 Feb 1997 16:22:26 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Accion Internacionalista Urgente
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a152699.59a@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)

Compa=F1eros/as:

Reciban un saludo Solidario e Internacionalista de ASKAPENA
(Herriekiko Euskal Elkartasuna-Solidaridad Vasca con los Pueblos), en
nombre de todo el Pueblo Vasco.
Por medio de la presente carta, nos dirigimos a ustedes por dos
motivos:
El primero es informarles de la Huelga de Hambre que realizaremos
entre los d=EDas 1 al 8 de febrero de 1997, por la REAGRUPACI=D3N EN EL
PA=CDS VASCO DE LOS/AS PRES at S POL=CDTIC at S VASC at S (anexo informaci=F3n al
respecto), y el segundo es pedirles su apoyo en la difusi=F3n y env=EDo de
faxes a direcciones concretas como expresi=F3n de apoyo y exigencia para
que se cumplan los derechos de los/as Pres at s Pol=EDtic at s Vasc at s.
Agradeciendo de antemano todo lo que puedan realizar,

FRATERNALMENTE

=93SENTIR EN LO M=C1S HONDO CUALQUIER INJUSTICIA COMETIDA CONTRA
CUALQUIERA EN CUALQUIER PARTE DEL MUNDO=94


Euskal Herria a, 19 de noviembre de 1996.
ASKAPENA (Herriekiko Euskal Elkartasuna-Solidaridad Vasca con los
Pueblos)
Responsable de Relaciones Internacionales
Mikel Resa

* Si necesitan m=E1s informaci=F3n al respecto, no duden en solicitarla.



POR LA REUNIFICACION EN EUSKAL HERRIA DE PRESOS/AS POLITICAS VASCAS
Desde su nacimiento ASKAPENA  ha trabajado con el objetivo de
responder a la necesidad de construir una Solidaridad Vasca e
Internacionalista en nuestro pueblo, Euskal Herria; asumiendo nuestro
propio proceso de liberaci=F3n nacional y social como punto de partida
para promover la solidaridad con otros pueblos del mundo.
Esta necesidad tiene su origen en las relaciones pol=EDtico-econ=F3micas
impuestas por el modelo de desarrollo dominante, el capitalismo, y su
implantaci=F3n por todo el mundo.
Sus manifestaciones m=E1s dolorosas son perceptibles con solo echar un
vistazo sobre el desolador panorama internacional que nos rodea: la
concentraci=F3n de la inversi=F3n en los pa=EDses del Norte, el pago de la
deuda externa, la agudizaci=F3n las diferencias Norte-Sur, el desarrollo
dual de la econom=EDa, el aumento de las desigualdades sociales, las
bolsas de pobreza en los pa=EDses del Norte, las duras medidas de ajuste
impuestas por los centros de poder econ=F3mico, el continuo recorte de
los gastos sociales...
Todo esto hace que el 87% de los ingresos mundiales vayan a parar a
manos de tan s=F3lo el 20% de la poblaci=F3n. S=F3lo es un dato, pero detr=
=E1s
se esconde la dram=E1tica situaci=F3n de miles de millones de personas
condenadas a la muerte, el hambre, la enfermedad, la pobreza m=E1s
absoluta y la explotaci=F3n.
La l=F3gica de la acumulaci=F3n capitalista ha forzado un proceso de
globalizaci=F3n de la econom=EDa basado en el mercado-mundo y el
neoliberalismo es la aplicaci=F3n pr=E1ctica de nuevos instrumentos de
poder y explotaci=F3n con los que detener la tendencia negativa de la
tasa media de beneficio e iniciar una nueva fase de expansi=F3n al
servicio de intereses privados, con la consiguiente generalizaci=F3n de
la miseria.
Este proceso de mundializaci=F3n, generador de fuerzas
desnacionalizadoras y liquidadoras de las identidades populares, hace
que todos los pueblos nos veamos enfrentados hostil e
irreconciliablemente a un enemigo com=FAn y nos obliga a desarrollar una
pr=E1ctica de solidaridad radicalmente internacionalista y a luchar por
la libertad de nuestros propios pueblos.
Internacionalismo e independentismo son por tanto las dos caras de una
misma moneda que dan sentido a la Solidaridad Mutua que siempre hemos
reivindicado y la liberaci=F3n nacional el punto de convergencia hacia
el que tienen que confluir los pueblos que quieren ser solidarios.
Esta es la raz=F3n de nuestra carta, reclamar para Euskal Herria la
misma solidaridad que ASKAPENA ha demostrado para con tantos pueblos
del mundo. Asumimos as=ED, nuestro compromiso de difundir la realidad
que nos llega desde las c=E1rceles y nos sumamos al grito de libertad
que estos d=EDas recorre con m=E1s fuerza que nunca las calles de todos
los pueblos y ciudades de Euskal Herria.






Los presos y presas pol=EDtico/as vasco/as son la parte del Pueblo
Trabajador Vasco m=E1s comprometida con las libertades de Euskal Herria
y sufre las consecuencias m=E1s duras del conflicto pol=EDtico armado que
el Estado espa=F1ol mantiene contra nuestro pueblo.
Dispersi=F3n, agresiones, palizas, insultos, continuos traslados de
c=E1rcel, aislamientos arbitrarios, desasistencia m=E9dica con resultado
de muertes en prisi=F3n, constantes amenazas, trabas a la defensa
jur=EDdica ..., en definitiva la sistem=E1tica vulneraci=F3n de los derechos
humanos m=E1s elementales conforma el conjunto de medidas represivas que
el Estado espa=F1ol impone al Colectivo de preso/as pol=EDticas vascas y
es un instrumento m=E1s utilizado por el gobierno espa=F1ol contra la
lucha pol=EDtica del Movimiento de Liberaci=F3n Nacional Vasco.
De igual modo, es denunciable la actitud de Instituciones
Penitenciarias por mantener arbitrariamente en prisi=F3n (secuestrados)
a cerca de un centenar de presos y presas que deber=EDan estar ya en
libertad en aplicaci=F3n de la legalidad vigente, bien por padecer
enfermedades incurables o por haber cumplido las tres cuartas partes
de la condena.
Y no podemos pasar por alto el papel colaboracionista que han jugado
algunos partidos pol=EDticos vascos, como el PNV, participando en el
dise=F1o y profundizaci=F3n de esta m=E1quina de sufrimiento, que adem=E1s
supone un castigo a=F1adido para sus familiares y amigo/as que se ven
obligados a recorrer cientos e incluso miles de kil=F3metros para
realizar sus visitas, con el riesgo de accidentes de tr=E1fico que
desgraciadamente ya se han dado, incluso mortales.
La angustiosa situaci=F3n que  hoy viven los presos y presas pol=EDticas
vascas resulta todav=EDa m=E1s insultante cuando los responsables y
asesinos del GAL y otras bandas parapoliciales, culpables del
asesinato de casi 30 refugiados y dos representantes pol=EDticos de la
voluntad popular vasca, se pasean impunemente por la calle.
Sabemos que el reagrupamiento en Euskal Herria de presos y presas
pol=EDticas vascas es un paso m=E1s hacia la amnist=EDa y en definitiva
hacia la libertad de Euskal Herria, un pueblo que solo desea que se
respete su leg=EDtimo derecho de autodeterminaci=F3n. Un derecho
democr=E1tico y elemental para poder decidir por s=ED mismo su futuro en
paz.
Pero debemos ser conscientes de que esto no vendr=E1 dado por s=ED s=F3lo,
=FAnicamente lo conseguiremos gracias al esfuerzo de todos y todas. Por
eso, no queremos despedirnos sin antes animaros a hacer extensible
este mensaje en vuestras organizaciones y a desarrollar aquellas
iniciativas que consider=E9is m=E1s adecuadas en solidaridad con el
Colectivo de preso/as en huelga de hambre indefinida desde el 9 de
septiembre para exigir el respeto de sus derechos y su reagrupamiento
en c=E1rceles de Euskal Herria.
Un abrazo internacionalista.







INFORMACI=D3N SOBRE LA DISPERSI=D3N DE LOS/AS PRES at S POL=CDTIC at S VASC at S Y
ACCIONES CONCRETAS

Hoy en d=EDa, el pueblo vasco tiene alrededor de 550 presos pol=EDticos
vascos encarcelados en las prisiones de los estados franc=E9s y espa=F1ol,
alrededor de una docena de personas deportadas a otros estados como
castigo por razones pol=EDticas y miles de refugiados en otros pa=EDses.

Estamos hablando de un conflicto pol=EDtico, el existente entre Euskal
Herria (Pa=EDs Vasco) y los estados franc=E9s y espa=F1ol, ya que Euskal
Herria en estos momentos, al igual que a lo largo de su historia, est=E1
luchando para que su derecho a la autodeterminaci=F3n sea reconocido por
ambos estados, los que oprimen a nuestro pueblo. Y, quiz=E1s, la
consecuencia m=E1s clara y amarga del conflicto la tenemos en la
represi=F3n pol=EDtica que nuestro pa=EDs y pueblo est=E1 sufriendo.

Los 550 pres at s pol=EDtic at s que el pueblo vasco tiene  se encuentran
dispersados en cerca de un centenar de c=E1rceles en ambos estados. Sus
familiares y amigos/as deben por ello recorrer cientos de kil=F3metros
cada semana para visitarlos, poniendo en peligro su salud y asumiendo
un coste econ=F3mico muy alto. Han sido separados de sus hogares
ilegalmente, contraviniendo las leyes de ambos estados (las
legislaciones francesas y espa=F1olas dejan claro que los presos deben
estar encarcelados en las prisiones existentes m=E1s cercanas a su medio
cultural y social), y contra la legislaci=F3n internacional aprobada por
ambos estados. Esto claramente significa un castigo a=F1adido a la
prisi=F3n y dirigido tambi=E9n contra los familiares y amigos/as de los
pres at s.

Esta pol=EDtica ilegal no es algo aislado sino que es la medida
represiva marco donde se sit=FAan el resto de las vulneraciones de los
derechos humanos en las prisiones (torturas, malos tratos...). La
sociedad vasca ha exigido el respeto de los derechos humanos de los/as
pres at s pol=EDtic at s vasc at s multitud de veces y durante el =FAltimo a=F1o ha
subrayado la necesidad de que los traigan de vuelta a Euskal Herria,
su tierra, ya que este ser=EDa la mejor forma de asegurar sus derechos y
su integridad f=EDsica y psicol=F3gica.

A pesar de los esfuerzos del pueblo vasco, a pesar de la exigencia
popular para el cumplimiento de la ley, hoy en d=EDa los/as pres at s est=E1n
todav=EDa dispersados a lo largo y ancho del Estado Espa=F1ol y
dispersados y aislados en las prisiones francesas, haciendo frente a
unas condiciones carcelarias que van contra los m=EDnimos derechos
b=E1sicos, y contra el derecho en ambos estados.

De cualquier forma, somos conscientes de que la solidaridad del pueblo
vasco se ha situado siempre con los que sufren esta represi=F3n y que el
apoyo constante es la fuerza que har=E1 posible una soluci=F3n a esta
situaci=F3n, una vez de que se abandone la estrategia de la dispersi=F3n
penitenciaria, que se basa en la presi=F3n y el chantaje hacia los/as
pres at s y sus familiares. Una buena se=F1al son las movilizaciones pero
tambi=E9n los miles de iniciativas que los ciudadanos est=E1n llevando a
cabo en sus pueblos, ciudades y barrios a lo largo y ancho de Euskal
Herria (manifestaciones, huelgas de hambre, sentadas, encierros,
sabotajes contra las instituciones y los intereses econ=F3micos,
mociones aprobadas en cientos de ayuntamientos...), que , a pesar del
silencio de la mayor parte de los medios de =93comunicaci=F3n=94,  dan a
conocer la situaci=F3n de los/as pres at s pol=EDtic at s vasc at s, un tema
central de la pol=EDtica vasca y espa=F1ola.







Entre estas iniciativas tenemos que remarcar la huelga de hambre
rotativa, en la que grupos de 15 personas permanecen en huelga durante
una semana en la Catedral del Buen Pastor en Donostia (San Sebasti=E1n)
desde el 18 de Diciembre de 1995. Si, al principio, los familiares y
las organizaciones populares pro-amnist=EDa  eran los m=E1ximos participes
de la iniciativa, casi inmediatamente se convirti=F3 en una iniciativa
popular, en la cual muchas personas y organizaciones de diferentes
partes de Euskal Herria toman parte, a la vez que intelectuales,
artistas, trabajadores, j=F3venes, feministas,...y otras muchas personas
de pa=EDses solidarios con la lucha del pueblo vasco y la lucha por el
respeto a los derechos humanos. Esta huelga de hambre tan s=F3lo
finalizar=E1 cuando su objetivo se cumpla, el reagrupamiento de todos
los presos/as pol=EDtic at s vasc at s en Euskal Herria y el respeto de los
derechos de los presos/as . La huelga de hambre en la Catedral del
Buen Pastor se ha convertido en un s=EDmbolo de la solidaridad del
pueblo vasco y de las organizaciones populares para con los presos/as
vasc at s.

Con la misma intenci=F3n, el colectivo de presos/as pol=EDtic at s vasc at s
inici=F3 el 15 de Enero de este a=F1o una lucha permanente e indefinida,
una lucha que  se lleva a cabo de diferentes modos y a partir del 9 de
Septiembre mediante una huelga de hambre indefinida. As=ED, el colectivo
expresa su determinaci=F3n y deseo de conseguir sus objetivos: el
reagrupamiento y el respeto de los derechos humanos, y al mismo
tiempo, los que el poder trata de negar, que forman un colectivo, un
colectivo pol=EDtico, y que la dispersi=F3n penitenciaria ha fracasado y
que la estrategia que trata de capitalizarla tambi=E9n fracasar=E1.

Debido a estas iniciativas e influencia, algunos de los diferentes
movimientos, instituciones y incluso dirigentes institucionales y
pol=EDticos, que apoyaran y contribuyeran al =E9xito de la pol=EDtica
penitenciaria de dispersi=F3n, han reconocido que esta pol=EDtica =93vulnera
y est=E1 en contra de los derechos humanos de los presos y sus
familiares=94. Un ejemplo de esto es la nueva resoluci=F3n adoptada por la
Comisi=F3n de Derechos Humanos del Parlamento de Gasteiz recientemente,
en la que se exige al Ministerio de Interior el inmediato traslado de
l at s pres at s vasc at s a prisiones vascas, conjuntamente con otras medidas
que aseguren el cumplimiento de sus derechos.

Desde el 1 al 8 de Febrero de 1997, ASKAPENA tomar=E1 parte durante una
semana ,en la Huelga de Hambre que se llevar=E1 a cabo en la Catedral
del Buen Pastor en Donostia. A trav=E9s de esta carta os querr=EDamos
invitar a tomar parte en esta iniciativa mediante el envio de faxes de
denuncia a diferentes direcciones e informaros acerca de esta
situaci=F3n insostenible. Conjuntamente con la huelga de hambre,
trataremos de denunciar la situaci=F3n de los presos y mantendremos
diferentes encuentros y charlas relativas a otros temas en la Catedral
del Buen Pastor.






CONCRETAMENTE - MUY IMPORTANTE:

Les invitamos a que env=EDen faxes de denuncia por la situaci=F3n de l at s
pres at s y/o apoyo a nuestra iniciativa a las siguientes direcciones:

=B7 Env=EDo de faxes de apoyo durante los d=EDas de nuestra semana, del 1 de
febrero al 8 de febrero de 1997, con los cuales haremos una rueda de
prensa ante los medios de comunicaci=F3n.
Fax: 0/34/43/473627 =F3 0/34/45/280847

=B7 Env=EDo de faxes o cartas a la atenci=F3n del Presidente del Estado
Espa=F1ol;
Sr. Jos=E9 Mar=EDa Aznar - Presidente del Estado Espa=F1ol.
Complejo de la Moncloa, 28071 Madrid.=20
Tlfno/fax: 0/34/1/3353535

=B7 Env=EDo de faxes o cartas a la atenci=F3n del Presidente del Estado
Franc=E9s;
 Mr Jacques Chirac - Pr=E9sidence de la R=E9publique (Palais de L=B4 Elys=E9=
e)
55, rue du Fg St honor=E9, 75008 Par=EDs
Fax: 0/33/1/47422465

=B7 Env=EDos de faxes a la Embajada de =93Espa=F1a=94 en sus respectivos=
 pa=EDses,
exigi=E9ndoles el derecho de todos/as los/as pres at s Vasc at s a estar en el
Pa=EDs Vasco y su reagrupamiento.

Todo lo que este a su alcance y surja de su creatividad contribuir=E1,
t=E9ngalo por seguro, en la justa lucha que como Pueblo libramos.

Sin m=E1s, reciban un saludo Solidario e Internacionalista.

Euskal Herria a, 19 de noviembre de 1996.
ASKAPENA (Herriekiko Euskal Elkartasuna-Solidaridad Vasca con los
Pueblos)
Responsable de Relaciones Internacionales
Mikel Resa

Direcci=F3n de contacto con ASKAPENA:
Relaciones Internacionales - Mikel Resa
Apto: 728, Gasteiz, =C1lava, Euskal Herria, Estado Espa=F1ol.
Tlfno/fax: 0/34/45/280847
Email: askapena at eusnet.org

Si les es posible h=E1gannos saber las acciones que emprendan.


posted by:


      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          | =20
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-(0)171-2493624                     |
     /) email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   (\
    /                                                     \
  _( (+-------------------------------------------------+) )_
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 (\\\\ \_/ /                                      \ \_ / ////
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    |   |                                            |   |


From tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Feb  3 16:43:01 1997
From: tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 03 Feb 1997 16:43:01
Subject: StudentsinTurkey sentenced to 96 Yearsin Prison.
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vrSvt.000FlLC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: <tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Subject: StudentsinTurkey sentenced to 96 Yearsin Prison.


February 1997

ADVOCACY ALERT

EIGHT LEADING STUDENTS OF THE STUDENT MOVEMENT IN ANKARA WERE SENTENCED TO
A TOTAL OF 96 YEARS IN PRISON

TURKEY  MAHMUT YILMAZ           Student at Hacettepe University
        AHMET ASKIN DOGAN       Student at Ankara University
        OZGUR TUFEKCI           Student at Ankara University
        BULENT KARAKAS          Student at Ankara University
        METIN MURAT KALYONCUGIL Student at Hacettepe University
        NURDAN BAYSAHAN         Student at Ankara University
        DENIZ KARTAL            Student at Gazi University
        ELIF KAHYAOGLU          Student at Gazi University

were sentenced to imprisonment by the State Security Court, Mahmut
Yilmaz, A. Askin Dogan, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent Karakas, Metin Murat
Kalyoncugil among them are currently held in Ankara Central Closed Prison.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

University students in Turkey have been engaged in various efforts and
demonstrations in protest of the students' fee and privatization policies
of the universities since October 20, 1995. They set up the Coordination of
Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul with the participation of
student unions and organisations. The reactions of the students who are
fighting against the privatization of education and anti-democratic
practices in universities were organised by establishing the Coordination
of the Student Unions in Ankara and in Istanbul. Actions carried out by
these students after the establishment of the Coordination are as follows.

On October 20, 1995, three student representatives submitted petitions
demanding the abolishment of the rise in the students' fee to the Turkish
Grand National Assembly. One of these students was Mahmut Yilmaz, a student
at the Education Faculty at Hacettepe University.

On December 20, 1995, the students in Istanbul made a press release to
announce that they would follow up the petitions submitted on October 20.
In addition, many academics and non-govermental organisations had joined in
this protest action.

The Coordination of the Student Unions in Ankara organized a campaign to
help the people of Dinar township who lost their homes, relatives, and jobs
during an earthquake. Instead of paying the fees to the university budget,
a student delegation including Mahmut Yilmaz, Ozgur Tufekci, Bulent
Karakas conveyed the collected fees to the people in Dinar.

Eight students who were expelled from the universities they attended since
they could not pay student fees made a demonstration at the Turkish Grand
National Assembly and shouted slogans on the right to education. Mahmut
Yilmaz and Deniz Kartal were also among this group.

The university students gathered in front of the National Education
Ministry, interviewed by the Minister, and told that they could not
attend the university since they were unable to pay student fees. During
this interview the Minister promised to deal with their problems. One of
the students interviewing by the Minister was Deniz Kartal.

But promises were not fulfilled. The government cared neither the
abolishment of 350% rise in the student fees nor the enrollment of the
expelled students who could not pay university fees. The students all over
the country decided to make a demonstration on April 24, 1996.

The students' leaders were arbitrarily detained by the Anti-Terror Branch
of the Ankara Security Department from homes, streets, dormitories, and
universities between April 17-22, 1996. During fifteen days in custody, their
legal assistance was rejected. The Prosecutor of the SSC, Nuh Mete Yuksel,
directly participated in the interrogation of these student leaders. Even
if this conduct is not prohibited by the law, such a practice is not
usual during the pre-trial process. As it was claimed that they were
subjected to torture in custody, human rights organizations and Amnesty
International made urgent actions. The police officers allegedly put
molotov coctails in the students' homes by themselves. In this case,
police arranged the evidence to convict these student leaders. Students'
claim about the torture they were subjected to in custody and conspiracy
of the police officers were not taken into consideration before court.
Moreover, even witnesses were not listened by the Court. As a result,
these students were sentenced to heavy punishement not for committing a
crime. As many cases that were conducted at the State Secuirty Court, the
decision made by the court was based on political reasons.

RECOMMENDED ACTION

Participants in this action should write letters to the Turkish
authorities listed below. Letters should object to the unfair decision of
the State Security Court about these student leaders who have carried out
peaceful activities in Turkish universities.

Without being too late, please send your telegrams/telexes/faxes/airmail
letters in English or your own language:

- expressing your deep concern for these student leaders unfairly sentenced
to imprisonment by the State Security Court, which is not independent.

- condemning the interference of the police officers during the trial.

- pointing out that any statement taken under torture shall not constitute
evidence before a court.

- calling for the ouverturning of the convictions against these students
leaders.

- urging that these students should be immediately released.

Please send your massagges immediately!

TO TURKISH AUTHORITIES

Minister of Justice :
Mr. Sevket Kazan                ( salutation : Dear Minister )
Adalet Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312- 417 3954

Minister of Interior
Ms. Meral Aksener 	( salutation : Dear Minister )
Icisleri Bakanligi
Bakanliklar Ankara Turkey
Fax: 90- 312- 417 2390

Prime Minister
Mr. Necmettin Erbakan 	( salutation : Dear Prime Minister )
Basbakanlik
Bakanliklar Ankara, Turkey
Fax: 90-312-417 04 76

In addition please send copies of your letters to:

Address: Mesrutiyet Cad. Hatay Sk. 6/27 Kizilay-Ankara/TURKEY
Tel-Fax: 90-312-419 27 74
e-mail: ihd-ank at info-ist.comlink.de, ne02-k at servis2.net.tr


-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Feb  4 15:38:07 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Feb 1997 15:38:07
Subject: Don't Sell Weapons To Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970204091..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

Don't Sell Weapons To Turkey

By Jennifer Washburn

        It is highly unusual for the public to learn of a pending U.S.
weapons sale before formal Congressional notification. Recently, however,
unnamed administration officials leaked word of a proposal to sell the
Turkish government 10 AH-1W "Super Cobra" attack helicopters, which human
rights organizations and arms control advocates are preparing to oppose.
Given Turkey's abysmal human rights record, and the precarious economic and
political turmoil it finds itself in, this sale is sure to provoke a
serious debate over the Clinton administration's arms control policies, its
commitment to human rights and democracy, and its ability to nurture a
productive and positive relationship with an important regional ally.
        The administration is well aware that Turkey's brutal civil war
against its Kurdish minority has been made possible only with strong U.S.
military backing. Last June, the U.S. State Department issued a report to
Congress acknowledging for the first time that Turkey regularly uses U.S.
weapons in operations where gross violations of human rights occur. The
report specifically cites the Turkish military's use of the Bell-Textron
Cobra and Super Cobra attack helicopters, Lockheed-Martin F-16 fighter
planes, United Technologies-Sikorsky Black Hawk troop transports, and
other U.S. tanks, armored personnel carriers, and artillery systems to
attack and forcibly evacuate Kurdish villages suspected of supporting the
Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a militant Kurdish opposition group. In
recent years, the U,S, has supplied Turkey 85% of its arms imports and 90% of
its foreign military aid. Since 1980, this has amounted to the Turkish
military receiving $6.6 billion in U,S, taxpayer money.
        Despite extensive documentation by human rights groups and even the
U.S. State Department of U.S. weapons being used to commit severe human rights
abuses and violations of the rules of war, the Clinton administration has
consistently refused to link U.S. arms sales to improvements in Turkey's
human rights. Shortly after the State Department's report came out,
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General John Shalikashvili wrote a
letter specifically urging Congress not to cut military aid to Turkey based
on its human rights record. Heeding his advice, Congress approved $320
million in American credits in FY1996 to finish Turkish production of F-16
fighter planes under a U.S. co-production deal.
        But while the Clinton administration denies the role of U.S. military
support in perpetuating Turkey's civil war - which has already led to
countless cross-border invasions into Northern Iraq in pursuit of PKK
guerrillas - Turkey's political landscape continues to grow dangerously
unstable. To date, according to a Human Rights Watch report issued last
November, the war has caused an estimated 19,000 deaths (including some
2,000 death-squad killings of suspected PKK sympathizers), two million
internally displaced who have fled to overcrowded urban shantytowns, and
more than 2,200 villages destroyed, most of which were burned by Turkish
security forces who aim to eliminate all "logistical support" for the PKK
in the countryside.
        Beyond this devastating cost to human life, the civil war poses a
serious drain on Turkey's purse at a time when Turkey's economy is
plummeting and its political parties are in a stalemate, unable to form a
new coalition government. In 1994, State Minister Ali Sevki Erek estimated
that Turkey would spend $8.2 billion in its war against the PKK, roughly
20% of Turkey's $41 billion 1994 projected military budget. Given that
Turkey's counterinsurgency war has only escalated since 1994, with military
spending continuing to skyrocket, there can be little doubt that Turkey's
present day economic woes would be greatly eased if the country were not
trying to sustain such a bloated military.
        The obvious solution to Turkey's crisis is a political resolution
of the PKK conflict, but the Turkish government - led by former Prime
Minister Tansu Ciller - has adamantly refused to negotiate with what it
calls a terrorist organization. Recently, Turkey was allowed to join a
trading alliance with the European Union, after it made largely cosmetic
improvements to its Anti-Terror Law, long used to suppress free speech and
justify the imprisonment and torture of 170 writers, intellectuals, and
journalists. Shortly after joining the customs union, graphic photographs
appeared in the European press showing Turkish soldiers gloating over the
severed heads and mutilated bodies of their Kurdish victims. The pictures
drove home Europe's failure to stop Turkish abuses.
        Because Turkey is so reliant on U.S. military aid, the U.S. is in a
unique position to pressure Turkey to finally seek a political solution.
In a 1994 poll by the daily Milliyet, 86% of the Turks questioned favored a
political solution to the Kurdish conflict. In December, PKK leader
Abdullah Ocalan sent a letter to President Clinton once again offering to
participate in a unilateral cease-fire if Turkey would call off its own
attacks. The letter further clarified that the PKK does not insist on a
separate state, but would be "open to a federal solution", such as
"prevails in the United States of America".  Yet the Clinton administration
continues to bolster the military. In December, the Administration sold
Turkey 120 Army Tactical Missile Systems (ATACMS), the first foreign sale
of the U.S. Army's most advanced surface-to-surface missile. Approved just
two weeks before Turkish elections, the deal was specifically timed to
demonstrate U.S. support for Ciller's teetering government.
        If the Clinton administration approves the sale of 10 additional
Bell-Textron Super Cobra helicopters to Turkey, it plays directly into the
hands of a powerful arms industry lobby. Congressional letters in support
of the sale all reference the same Bell-Textron talking points. U.S. foreign
policy should not be dictated by the U.S. weapons industry. A recent CIA
study by the "State Failure Task Force" identified Turkey as one of the
world's states most at risk of collapsing. Every delivery of U.S. weapons to
Turkey's undemocratic government sends a clear and dangerous message:
Continue to pursue a costly civil war against the Kurds, prop up a
pro-Western government with sheer military might, ignore all indications of
economic decline. Instead, the administration should forcefully oppose
this sale, insisting that all future military aid be tied to verifiable
improvements in Turkey's human rights. Turkey's recovery depends on
finding an end to the bloodshed.

Jennifer Washburn is a research associate at the World Policy Institute at
the New School in New York City.

Note: a slightly editied version of this article first appeared in the
Journal of Commerce on Friday, February 23, 1996

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship


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From dhkc at dds.nl  Tue Feb  4 17:38:19 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 04 Feb 1997 17:38:19
Subject: THE COMMUNIST
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vrvuX.000FPAC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>

THE COMMUNIST

A Journal of Marxist-Leninist Politics Published by the Communist Action Group 
and the Revolutionary People's Liberation Front of Turkey (DHKC)

Issue 1
February 1997

Contents
Editorial: A New Voice For Communism
Communist Unity: Two Steps Forward
Communists, Elections and the Socialist Labour Party
Liverpool Dockers: Still Fighting
IRA: New Year Statement
Bloody Sunday: New Revelations Condemn British Cover-Up
For Revolutionary Unity: PKK & DHKP
Turkey: The Contra-Guerilla State
Armed Struggle in Mexico: Manifesto of the EPR
Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Peru: Interview With the MRTA and Reports 
on the PCP
History of the New People's Army of the Philippines
Anti-Stalinism and the World Situation
General Strike in South Korea


Editorial

A new voice for Communism

This is the first issue of the new magazine, The Communist, which is
published jointly by the Revolutionary People's Liberation Front
(DHKC) and the Communist Action Group.

The new magazine has been launched following a period of close
collaboration and discussions between comrades from the CAG and the
DHKC in London. It reflects a shared commitment to building communist
and anti-imperialist unity, and to the rebuilding of a genuine
communist party in this country.

There are many who talk of proletarian internationalism. Here is a
concrete example of what this can mean in practice. The comrades from
the DHKC and the CAG recognise that we face a common enemy, and that
the unity between communists from Britain and communists from other
countries who are living here can play a vital role in the
regeneration of communism in this country.

The Communist will not only cover events in Britain and Turkey, of
course. The first issue contains reports, analysis and documents on
the rising tide of revolutionary struggle which is in evidence across
the five continents. We will continue to reflect the struggles of the
working class and other progressive forces on a world scale.

As communists, we understand that to succeed we must unite all genuine
progressive forces into a revolutionary united front. Our enemies have
long recognised that our disunity is their greatest strength. By
combining our forces, by concentrating out blows on the enemy, we will
once again shake the world.

In Turkey and Kurdistan, the two major revolutionary forces have come
together, and are calling on others two join them (see the joint
statement from the PKK and the DHKP-C inthis issue). Communists in
Britain should do the same. Given the weakness of our forces at this
time and the enormity of the tasks we face, we really have no choice.

Let us unite to build the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party that our
class so badly needs.

Long Live Internationalism!


Communist Unity: Two Steps Forward

Len Holloway
Communist Action Group

In a very significant step, the Communist Action Group and the
comrades of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Front of Turkey
(DHKC) have formally agreed a framework for co-operation between the
two organisations in this country.  This includes joint propaganda and
joint contingents on demonstrations, joint meetings, and a joint
publication in Turkish and English, the first issue of which will
appear in the immediate future.

It has long been our position that the comrades from Turkey and
Kurdistan have a critical role to play in the reforging of a genuine
Communist movement in this country. The Turkish and Kurdish
communities here have strong, militant traditions. Their revolutionary
organisations, which are far stronger than the communist movement of
Britain, have led the way for many years now on May Day, keeping the
red flag flying with the annual May Day march in London, while the
British left has for the most part been content to let the tradition
die. Now, with this agreement, the comrades of the DHKC are lending
their forces to the struggle to build a Communist Party here as well
as waging their revolutionary struggle against their "own"
bourgeoisie.  

In the past, there have been many other waves of migration which have
brought substantial numbers of Communist militants to these shores. In
the 1950s, the migration of Italian workers brought thousands of
Communist militants. The vast majority retained their allegiance to
the CPI, and did not see themselves as a part of the British working
class so much as temporary visitors, certain the return when the time
arose. In towns with a substantial Italian community, branches of the
CPI were formed, usually many times larger than the local branch of
the CPGB. Though these workers stayed here for many years, bringing up
families who became fully integrated into the local working class,
their strength was not usually channelled into the task of building
Communism here.  

The same pattern was repeated with later migrations, most notably from
the Indian subcontinent.. These comrades, organised under the banner
of the Indian Workers Association, always played an important role in
the class struggle here, and yet the majority retained the perspective
of being Indian Communists. For them, it was the party "back home" (be
it the CPI, CPI-M or CPI-ML) which was their party. As with the
Italians before them, the Indian Communists were never fully
integrated into the Communist movement here.
	
The largest part of the blame for this lies with the local movement. Much 
could have been done to unite Communists from different national backgrounds. 
But the dominant trend within the Communist movement in this country 
throughout the post-WW2 period was revisionism. We should not be surprised 
that their commitment to genuine proletarian internationalism was lacking in 
this sphere as in all others. The very weakness of Communist forces here also 
played a significant role: compared to the movements in the countries of 
origin, Communism in Britain - and particularly the anti-revisionist movement 
- was extremely weak. As time went by, this was even more the case.
	
Now the situation has reached the point where Communism in Britain
badly needs the input of these comrades if it is to survive, let alone
face up to the challenges that lie ahead. They can make a very big
difference indeed at this stage. Their experience, their dedication,
and their numerical strength can help turn things around at this
critical juncture.
	
Capitalism is in crisis. The forces of genuine Communism are at an al
time low within the British working class. With social democracy
looking set to assume to reigns of government before too long on a
viciously anti-worker platform, the stage is set for a major upheaval
in the politics of this country. If the Communists are to mount a
realistic challenge from the left, they need from the outset a certain
minimum strength which is presently lacking. Only fighting unity can
overcome division and weakness, and the fighting unity of Communists
from Britain and Communists from Turkey and Kurdistan is a vital
aspect of this.
	
As reported in earlier issues of Communist Action, the Association of
Indian Communists have arrived at the conclusion that it is a burning
necessity for them to commit themselves to building a Communist Party
here. Together with the Association of Communist Workers they issued
an appeal to marxist-leninists to unite on a principled basis to build
the kind of party the working class needs of it is to carry out its
revolution. This appeal fell largely on deaf ears - apart from
individual militants, the CAG was almost alone in welcoming the call,
which we reprinted in full. The comrades of the AIC and ACW have now
formally founded a new organisation, and have agreed a constitution
which we hope to be able to reprint soon. This, too, is a very
significant development, and one which genuine marxist-leninists will
wholeheartedly welcome. Unity discussions are continuing between our
organisation and theirs, alongside a growing practical co-operation on
many fronts. It is to be hoped that this unity can be taken to a
higher level in the near future.
	
As marxist-leninists, we are not free agents. We are bound by our duty
to the working class. The interests of the working class are
everything to us, and those interests above all demand that we do all
that we can to create the kind of party that the working class
needs. We will not shirk our responsibility.  Indeed, with these two
important steps, we feel that Communism in Britain is starting 1997 in
a far stronger state than it started 1996. Let us build on this
excellent beginning. Seize the time!

	For Communist and Anti-Imperialist Unity!

	
Communists, Elections and the Socialist Labour Party

Ruari O'Leary
Communist Action Group

With the likelihood of a New Labour election victory, Communists must
seriously re-examine their view of social democracy and the threat it
poses when in power.

New Labour describe themselves as a radical alternative to Tory rule,
but when New Labour fails to come up with the goods, who will the
working class turn to for the alternative radicalism?

Already some sections of the working class believe that the fascists
of the British National Party represent this 'alternative
radicalism'. This is not the fault of the working class, it is the
fault of the left in failing to present themselves as a viable entity
and for constantly urging support for the Labour Party.

The time has come for those on the left to stop calling for a vote for
Labour, as this will only discredit the left in the advent of a Labour
victory.

So what is to be done?

This general election will see the BNP field up to 50 candidates,
their most serious effort yet. They will be contesting mostly working
class areas, as they quite rightly realise that the working class are
the ones who will rebel against Labour when they are in office. Of
late, they have beenable to count om there being no viable left
alternative to challenge them in these areas.  Anti-Fascist Action has
over the past decade managed to successfully physically challenge the
fascist presence on the streets with a host of impressive
victories. But now they realise that this is not enough, stating in a
recent document that "... in working class areas where they, the BNP,
have a real resonance, they must be challenged and exposed
politically."

Failure to do this willmean that to the working class only the BNP
will be seen to have a seemingly 'radical' anti-Labour stance. This
will benefit them in the form of recruits under a Labour
government. For them, the election is nothing more than an opportunity
to set out their stall so as to benefit later once Labouris in office.

Two recent developments on the left have the potential to put an end
to this drift towards fascism in some working class areas: the
emergence of the Independent Working Class Association (IWCA) and the
Socialist Labour Party (SLP). The iWCA, built on the back of AFA, has
rightly made the political exposure of the BNP a priority, knowing
thegains the BNP are set to make under social democracy. The IWCA's
anti-Labour stance is progressive and has set a demarcation line
forthe left. It has yet to make its debut, but intends to have a
series of activities leading up to the election.

AFA has always stated that it doesn't believe in maintaining the
status quo and that AFA's long-term objective is to "create space for
a political alternative to Labour in working class areas." Just as AFA
has created or maintained the space forthe IWCA, so too is the IWCA of
value to the anti-fascist struggle. Not all forces within AFA support
IWCA, of course. Some anarchists do not like the kind of alliances
thatit could imply, while individuals from the revisionist Communist
Party of Britain - and individual pro-Labour anti-fascist militants -
do not like the prospect of not calling for a vote for
Blair. Nonetheless, it is clear that the two projects are
complementary.

The SLP, while it is dismissed by some groups within AFA as being a
utopian attempt to resurrect 'real' Labour, still has a lot of
potential. What is more, it has proven in recent by-election results
that it can perform better than the fascists. In Newham, for example,
they polled 20 per cent. It is not so long ago that the BNP themselves
polled 30 per cent in a south Newham council vote. Though its appeal
is by definition much wider than that of the fascists within working
class areas, to a certain extent the SLP is contesting the same
constituency as the BNP: the disgruntled white working class ex-Labour
voter. It appears at this stage that they are able to do this more
effectively than the fascists, something which is verymuch to be
welcomed by communists just as it is to be feared by the fascists. The
truth is though, that pretty soon this is going to put the SLP and the
BNP in direct conflict with each other.

The SLP represents the radical Labourism of class conflict. As well as
being a problem for the BNP, this is also a worry to the revisionists
such as the leaders of the CPB, who for all their 'communist'
posturing have never managed to pose a threat to Labour or the
fascists. This is because they are social democrats themselves, with a
shameful record on anti-fascism and other issues such as the Irish
struggle. It is no accident that good communist militants such as the
Liverpool dockers leader Jimmy Nolan are moving over to the SLP.  The
effect on the CPB couldbe fatal. In any case, genuine communists
within their ranks should draw the conclusion, and quit the sinking
ship - not for the SLP, but to build a genuine communist party.

The SLP is not communists and despite all the positive points we must
not forget the task of building a communist party in this country.

The Communist Action Group would call on all militants to vote for the
SLP and would like to see AFA and the IWCA work with the SLP.

Social democracy in power creates fascism to divide the working
class. The fascists know they have more chance to grow under Labour
than under the Tories. It is time for the militants to unite in an
anti-Labour and anti-fascist front.

When Labour become national hate figures within the working class, we
must ensure that the left benefits from this rather than giving the
fascists an opportunity to grow. A pro-Labour stance canno longer be
justified. This line poses serious dangers in the present
situation. Thise, like the Trotskyists and the revisionists, who
continue to advocate such a vote, will continue to part of the
problem, not part of the solution.


Liverpool Dockers: Still Fighting

The Liverpool Dockers have stood firm now for fifteen months. They
have given us all a lesson in working class militancy, solidarity, and
struggle.

Their fight is the fight of all workers - in every aspect. It is a
struggle against privatisation, against casualisation, and for basic
trade unionism.  When Torside tried to push through 20 redundancies in
August last year, they were met with a united and militant response:
80 per cent in favour of strike action. Because of this, Torside
threatened to fold their company, with all 80 dockers they employ
being dismissed. Again, workers unity was the key, and Torside had to
back down. Then, when Torside illegally sacked five workers, the
dockers from all over the port refused to cross the picket line,
resulting in 500 sackings. Never once have the Liverpool dockers
wavered: they know better than anyone that an injury to one is an
injury to all.

What is at stake in this dispute? 

The Mersey Docks and Harbour Company, and the privatised companies
which it still largely controls, are imposing casual work contracts
which introduce 12 hour shifts, get rid of week-ends, and cut
wages. More work for less pay, and with less security. It amounts to a
massive increase in the rate of exploitation in order to boost
profits. This pattern is reproduced across the country, in countless
sections, and the dockers are leading the fight back, alongside
workers such as the Hillingdon Hospital workers. As with Hillingdon,
the casualisation and increased exploitation are bound up with
privatisation.  The struggle against casualisation is inseparable from
the struggle against privatisation.

The MDHC has de-recognised the docks shop stewards (in 1993), and has
victimised shop stweards and union militants. Again, this pattern is
to be seen across the country. It is a frontal assault on the right to
organise. The bosses need this attack on union rights in order to push
through their plans for increased exploitation.

Official inaction

The official union structures have labelled the dispute "unofficial"
and have shirked their responsibilities. They say to back the dockers
is simply not legal.

The problem is that the set up in the Liverpool docks is based on
divide and rule. The new, privatised companies are not really
independent of the MDHC, but are a legal convenience which has helped
push through the deterioration in conditions. When dockers are in
dispute against one of these companies, support from dockers in other
parts of the port is deemed "secondary action".  They cannot even
ballot on action because they do not share the same official
employer. Again, this is the pattern in other sectors.

Anyone can see that this is a scam. If the unions want to fight
casualisation then they have to fight against the union laws. In the
present conditions, you cannot break the resistance and the bosses
without breaking the law, even on basic issues like victimisation.

Solidarity

The Liverpool dockers have been forced to mount a rank and file
campaign.  Because they have not had official backing from the T&G,
TUC and Labour, they have had to build their own network of national
and international support.  Indeed, they have had terrific
international support from dockers and other workers across the world
- collecting money, moral support, and direct action.  They have also
built strong links with other militants like the workers at JJ Fast
Foods and Hillingdon Hospital.

We need a Communist Party

The Liverpool dockers have fought courageously to defend basic working
class rights. Labour and the official union movement have stood
by. The Liverpool dockers have shown the way forward for all workers
faced with casualisation, privatisation and derecognition.

But if we are to really move forward towards socialism, we need a
genuine, revolutionary Communist Party, a party made up of the best
class fighters and based on Marxism-Leninism.  A [arty in the
tradition of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. We have no need of a
talking shop, where windbags can dominate. We need a party of
proletarian action.

In the past, it was the Communist Party which provided the backbone of
the workers struggles on many fronts: the Hunger Marches of the 1930s,
the National Unemployed Workers Movement, the National Minority
Movement, the Battle of Cable Street, the International Brigades, and
of course the General Strike. Wherever the workers were in struggle,
the Communist Party was at the forefront.

Such a party no longer exists in this country. We need to rebuild
it. We can win these struggles if we stand together, and confront the
employers and the laws that have been passed to protect them. This is
the only way to victory.  And there is no higher form of workers unity
than a genuine Communist Party.


IRA "unified, confident and steadfast"

The full text of the IRA's new year statement.


The leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann extends New Year greetings to
our friends and our supporters at home and abroad.

We send solidarity greetings to our comrades imprisoned in Ireland,
England and the USA.

Our thoughts, at this particular time of year, are also with the
families of Volunteers Ed O'Brien and Diarmuid O'Neill who tragically
lost their lives in the past year.

As we move into the New Year we feel it appropriate to again reaffirm
our steadfast commitment to our republican objectives. Our primary
objective remains the reunification of our country. We reiterate also
our commitment to the establishment of a just and lasting peace in
Ireland.

Time and again in the past we have demonstrated clearly that we will
face up to our responsibilities, either in the direct pursuit of our
objectives or in assisting in the development of the conditions
necessary for the establishment of a meaningful process with the
potential for securing a lasting settlement to the conflict in
Ireland.

On 9 February last we announced, with reluctance, an end to our
complete cessation of military operations. Whilst we take full
responsibility for that decision we remind John Major and his
government that the opportunity for lasting peace, created by our
initiative of 31 August 1994, 18 months earlier, had been gradually
strangled to the point of extinction by himself and his cabinet long
before our decision to resume military operations.

We commend those who, despite British bad faith, continue to rise to
the challenge of attempting to put together a meaningful process aimed
at initiating inclusive negotiations with the goal of attaining a
lasting peace settlement.

In the 18 months prior to 9 February the British refused to do
this. Events since then have demonstrated a continuing lack of
political will, on their part, to do so. They remain both firmly
opposed to the development of the required process and also committed
to underpinning the Unionist agenda in whatever process takes root in
its place, nowhere better exemplified than at Drumcree, on the Ormeau
Road and in Derry in the summer months of last year.

Lasting peace requires an inclusive negotiated settlement. 

There can be no preconditions on participation in such negotiations.

We approach the year ahead unified, confident and steadfast in our
commitment to succeed. No amount of British obduracy will deflect us
from the task we have set ourselves. Beirigi bua.

New 'Bloody Sunday' evidence confirms British cover-up

On January 30th, 1972, British troops opened fire on a peaceful civil
rights demonstration in Derry, leaving 13 dead and many more wounded.

The British establishment tried to portray the Derry massacre as a
case of self-defence by British troops who had come under fire from
IRA gunmen. This tissue of lies could not be maintained for long in
theface of eye-witness reports and confessions from paratroopers
involved.

Now new revelations link other British regiments to the killings
besides the paras. This report, taken from the Irish Republican news
service, RM Distribution, looks into thenew facts that have surfaced,
and places them in context.

Relatives of 13 Catholics shot dead by British troops in 1972 called
for a fresh inquiry on Friday after reports that Britain covered up
key facts of what became known as "Bloody Sunday."

Britain's Channel 4 News last night televised evidence that successive
British governments have sustained a cover-up on Bloody Sunday for 25
years.  The evidence was confirmed by an Irish writer who has found
proof of previously undisclosed British Army gunfire against a
peaceful Irish civil-rights demonstration.

"I would like to see the case reopened, that is the first priority,"
said John Kelly, whose brother Michael was a victim of one of the
British region's most controversial episodes when paratroopers opened
fire at an Irish civil rights rally.

An official inquiry headed by Lord Widgery, Lord Chief Justice,
exonerated troops saying that they had come under fire.

But locals have long dismissed the findings as a white-wash and an
attempt to vilify the casualties who were unarmed victims of the
deliberate shootings on Sunday, January 30 1972.

There has never been a formal British government apology for the
Bloody Sunday killings, and no soldiers were ever charged in
connection with the deaths and injuries.

"Murder was committed that day in the name of the British government,"
Kelly, chairman of a families' Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign, told
Reuters.

A report on Channel 4 News based on audio tapes of military radio
messages "suppressed since the official inquiry," which refused to
accept them as evidence because they had been illegally obtained.

The programme was aired on Friday night ahead of the 25th anniversary
of Bloody Sunday and against a background of renewed conflict in
Ireland.

"Recorded by a radio ham, the tapes prove that soldiers other than the
Parachute Regiment were positioned along the old City Walls of
Londonderry [sic] and indicate that these men fired and hit
civilians," the television news organisation said.

"Channel 4 News has obtained post mortem evidence which shows that at
least three unarmed men were killed by bullets fired down through
their bodies from above.

"The City Walls are located high above the Bogside area where people
were killed and are in direct line of sight to where the three men
fell."

A separate investigation by an Irish human rights activist, Don
Mullan, who studied many of the original first-hand accounts, turned
up a similar finding.

He uncovered almost 50 statements from people who said soldiers were
positioned on the walls and many were "very clear that firing was
coming" from that vicinity, he said.

Mullan, whose "Eyewitness Bloody Sunday" is published on Saturday,
said: "Widgery confines himself to...the 108 rounds allegedly fired by
paratroopers at ground level. He did not deal with the role of the
British army on the walls."

Three of the victims had been hit from a 45 degree angle.  Mullan said
that from the statements and autopsy reports, an independent ballistic
expert, Robert Breglio, who had spent 25 years with the New York City
Police Department, had concluded that they were likely to have been
"hit by a single marksman using a telescopic sight operating from a
height."

"I think that the case must be reopened because we have always known
that these people wre murdered. We have raised enough suspicion... to
warrant an investigation, especially into these three, and preferably
into all 13 killed that day," Mullan said.

Corroborating evidence by a Derry GP, Dr Raymond McClean, who attended
the dead and wounded, indicated that the trajectory of the bullets
which killed these three was such that they could only have been fired
from the area of the walls.

Dr McClean told Channel 4: "I wrote a detailed submission to Widgery
and I was told my evidence would not be required . .  . I just could
not believe it."

Dr McClean's assessment was supported on last night's programme by a
former British army surgeon, Mr Hugh Thomas.

A compendium of hundreds of eyewitness statements, uncovered and
analysed by Mr Don Mullan in a book to be published next Tuesday,
reveals at least 45 separate claims by witnesses that shooting took
place from the Derry city walls as well as from Parachute Regiment
soldiers at ground level.

These statements were also made available to the Widgery Tribunal, but
were not explored in evidence.

And a hand-written note by a British official after the murders
discovered by Mr Mullan indicates that the outcome of the tribunal had
been pre-determined: "LCJ (the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery) will
pile up the case against the deceased . . . but will conclude that he
cannot find with certainty that any one of 13 was a gunman."

The British government, moving quickly to stem international interest
in the story, rejected the demands for a fresh investigation into the
Bloody Sunday killings.

"There are no plans to set up a further inquiry," a British official
said yesterday.

Last night Sinn Fein chairman Mitchel McLaughlin, who is from Derry,
called on all political parties in Ireland to demand an international
independent inquiry under the auspices of the European Court of Human
Rights.

He said: "The dead and injured were deliberately vilified in a
carefully orchestrated Government propaganda exercise to make the
world believe that what happened in Derry was not mass murder,
sanctioned at the highest level of the British cabinet."

Our Call To Form A Revolutionary Front!

Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) 
Revolutionary People's Liberation Party (DHKP)

Ever since the present stage in the struggle for freedom in Turkey and
Kurdistan began, the nightmare of the fascist oligarchy has been that
the PKK and the DHKP would form a revolutionary united front. That
nightmare became a reality on December 26, 1996, with the joint
declaration for revolutionary unity issued by these two
movements. This is a hugely important step towards the unification of
all the revolutionary forces in Turkey and Kurdistan, coming as it
does at a time when the reactionary forces are deeply divided.  Here
we reproduce the text of the joint statement.


We, the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) and the DHKP (Revolutionary
People's Liberation Party), would like to make the following statement
public:

As the result of the discussions and talks which we have been holding
for some time now, once again our parties are forming a united front,
which will be active on all levels in the interest of the liberation
of our peoples.

The preparation of such a revolutionary front is a fundamentally
significant expression of the process we are currently engaged in,
namely the cooperation and alliance of our parties.
     
The democratic and revolutionary struggle of our peoples and the
creation of a revolutionary front are important tasks. We are well
aware of how significant this task is, and that simply stating "we
have formed a front" is by no means enough.

The DHKP and the PKK will undertake, within their organizations, to
foster unity among cadre and supporters at all levels, and we call on
all progressive and democratic forces to join us in this task. The
first step towards this is this protocol, which we are now publishing.

The enemy's strength lies in the disorganization and disunity of the
people's forces. With each passing day, our responsibility to unify
our peoples and organize the popular forces becomes greater, and each
day we are called upon to take bigger steps.

The enemy is able to continue its war against the people and the
revolutionary and patriotic forces, even at a time when the system is
on edge and its dirty business has been exposed, and despite all of
its internal struggles, the system is able to sustain itself on the
basis of its own interests. So shouldn't we - revolutionary,
patriotic, and democratic organizations and institutions - unify
ourselves as well?

     There is no reason whatsoever not to.

     One of the most important factors in this seems to be the
negative tradition of unity here.

     But our duty for our peoples and our striving towards revolution and the 
seizure of power demands that we overcome this negative tradition.

     While the discontent and anger among the people is growing
everywhere - except among a handful of collaborators, who are enemies
of the people, and the members of the bourgeoisie - as a result of the
cover which was given to the murderous, fascistic, and destructive
face of the regime, it is important for the people's forces to become
united, to organize their solidarity, and to develop a common
struggle. But this has not yet become reality. That is the main reason
why, despite the perfect conditions, a massive popular movement has
not yet arisen.
     Our call is directed at all popular forces: those who demand
democracy and independence, those who demand freedom and justice,
those who demand freedom of worship and freedom of the press, those
who demand the right of self-determination for all peoples, those who
demand a end to the unjust war, all those who wish to live in a land
where there is no torture, no executions, to disappearances, no
murders by unknown assailants, a country where villages are not
burned, a country where there are no persons forced into exile, where
there is no prostitution, drugs, or mafia gangs. Our call goes out to
all those who don't want our country to be a satellite of imperialism
and to all those who are struggling against the exploitative and
repressive regime.
     All of these demands can only be realized if all those who are
making the demands are organized into one unit.
     It is our duty and our responsibility to our peoples to struggle
against this regime which is waging a war on our peoples. Our struggle
must be on all levels, legal and illegal, peaceful and armed,
military, political, cultural, economic, and democratic. We must
develop all forms of solidarity and a common struggle and take steps
forward in each of these areas.
     Our parties, who recognize the importance of this, are making
this call as allies, and we call on everyone to develop a
revolutionary front and unity between our peoples.
     The face of our country is a bloody picture of brutality. This
picture is ripe with the necessary conditions for revolution: The
regime is at its end.  It is trying to extend its existence by
oppressing the people and by increasing poverty and degeneration. This
has deepened the contradictions within the regime.
     Without hesitation, we can say that the preconditions for
revolution in our country have been fulfilled. The problem is to
organize and unite the revolutionaries, the peoples, and the
progressive forces.
     We must be united in our opposition to fascism, which is
responsible for the brutality, for depriving the people of their
rights and freedom, and for terrorizing those who stand up and demand
rights and freedoms. This unity is necessary at all levels. Only in
this way can the nations, peoples, and organizations fighting for the
liberation of the peoples achieve victory.
     All oppressed people, all nations and minorities, all workers,
and even individual persons, patriots, democrats, and progressives -
whom the regime seeks to oppress and destroy - all those who are
against this regime and who are against imperialism, yet who cannot
freely express their opinions, must become united.
     These alliances must seek to serve all of these
people. Exclusionary tactics only broaden the front of the enemy.
     The freedom of our peoples will be gained by overthrowing the
system. But this system can only be destroyed if the people struggle
together. It is always the same ruling class which exploits and
blackmails both the Turkish and Kurdish peoples. Both peoples have the
same enemy. This enemy is the central ruling authorities in Turkey and
Kurdistan.
     Although the Turkish and Kurdish ruling classes have propagated
numerous campaigns of chauvinistic and nationalistic hatred, they have
never been able to turn the two peoples against one another. They have
sought to suppress the strengthening national liberation struggle of
the Kurdish people by means of terror. When terror alone was not
enough, they turned to chauvinistic and nationalistic policies and
attempts to turn the Turkish and Kurdish peoples against one another
and thereby prevent the independence and freedom of the two
peoples. But despite all their attempts, they could not make enemies
out of the Turkish and Kurdish peoples.
     The future and destiny of both the Kurdish and the Turkish people
are mutually dependent upon one another.
     All forces which believe in revolution and socialism must accept
this fact. Now more than ever it is clear that no strategy or tactic
which ignores this fundamental truth has a chance of reaching its
goal.
     Because of this fact and necessity, the PKK and the DHKP see the
formation of a revolutionary front as a precursor to achieving and
building a free future for our peoples. We are proud and happy to have
taken this step of building an alliance.
     The task of building a revolutionary unity between our peoples
and their revolutionary, democratic, progressive, and fighting forces
can not be put off any longer.
     The unity of our peoples is a necessity. Without taking up this
great and historic responsibility, which necessity has forced upon us,
no unity can be achieved.
     We realize that an organization without answers to the goals,
hopes, and aspirations of the people has no chance of
survival. Recognizing that, an organization which does not address the
demands for organizing resulting from burning necessity will be
confronted with its own demise.
     Every step, every resulting organization must have answers to the
needs of the nation and the society. That is their very reason for
existence. Our peoples have sensed the desire for joint organizing and
common methods of struggle which have arisen from national and social
needs. Our people need a very broad front of organization. Since even
the smallest of demands have been crushed with violence, the thoughts
and languages of peoples banned outright, people wallowing in torture,
disappearing, being executed, villages burned to the ground and
forcibly evacuated, since murders by unknown assailants are now part
of daily life, the fight against our common enemy must be carried out
on the basis of unity, solidarity, and a joint struggle. No one can
flee from this urgent and historic task or fail to address it.

As the PKK and the DHKP, we declare:

Our Goal Is A United Front Between Our Peoples!  
The main goal of this unity is to join together our peoples in one
front and to link up and develop the struggles of our peoples on all
levels. This alliance, along with the necessary courage and commitment
from us, will allow us to create a revolutionary front between our
peoples and all legal and illegal groups, parties, and institutions
who are suffering under this system and who are struggling or who wish
to struggle against this system. We seeks to unite all of these people
under one roof.

Our Goal Is Common Resistance And A Joint Popular Power
Every where we live, we are mercilessly attacked by the enemy. The
central authorities are seeking to eliminate our struggle. The
division of our peoples is a serious setback to our struggle. For
independence, democracy, and the right of self-determination for all
peoples, our peoples must fight the enemy together and overthrow
it. Only an independent, democratic popular power can secure the
rights for all nations, national minorities, and classes of people.

Our Goal Is To Guarantee The Free Exercise Off All Rights For The Kurdish 
People, Including The Right To Form An Independent State 
A joint struggle for the shared liberation of our peoples is a means of 
increasing the brotherhood and unity of our peoples. We accept, without 
preconditions, the right to self-determination for the Kurdish people, 
including the right to form an independent state.

One Of The Foundations Of Our Unity Is To Oppose Imperialism And To
Defend Our Independence
Today, the imperialists are directly or indirectly responsible for all
the attacks being carried out against our peoples. The continuing
unjust war of the ruling classes in Turkey against our peoples is
being kept in motion with the support of imperialism. Imperialism is
primarily responsible for the picture which exists in our country
today. It is the enemy of independence, democracy, and the peoples'
right to self-determination. It is clear that we cannot achieve these
goals without struggling against imperialism. We state that we are
against imperialism and for the independence of our lands and for the
defense of our peoples, that we wish to drive out and remove all
military installations in our country which belong to the imperialist
states, and that we will not grant the imperialist powers the right or
privilege to establish military bases on our territory, and that all
of the united patriotic forces are prepared to enforce this. Our
alliance views our peoples as the true owners of all our natural
resources and all the fruits of our land, and our peoples and we see
that an end to exploitation and plunder is a precondition of
independence.

Our Goal Is To Unite All Popular 
Countless contradictions exist between the various classes of peoples
and the regime. We accept that one of the fundamentals, from the
perspective of power as our goal, is to broaden the revolutionary
front and to make more narrow the front of the enemy, and on the basis
of the contradictions we will unite all nations and nationalities, all
religions and faiths, and all occupations and classes of people.
     We view our alliance as a democratic undertaking and we aim to
create the conditions in which all national minorities and religious
groups and freely express and develop their cultures and faiths.

The Demand For Democracy And Independence Is The Actual And Concrete 
Foundation Of The Unity Of The Popular Forces
Bearing that in mind, we seek to undo all anti-democratic practices
and as well as the fascist Constitution of the September 12th putsch,
which ignores the will of the people, bans forms of organizing, and
robs the people of their right to free speech and decision making. A
new draft Constitution will be prepared by the broadest of popular
forces, with the goal being democracy and independence. All
anti-fascist and anti-imperialist groups and all those organizations,
parties, and persons on the side of freedom and justice will be
involved in this process.

Our Goal Is To Practice Unity In All Areas
In light of the concrete tasks which lie ahead, we have established
the following goals, namely to organize the democratic opposition of
our peoples, to develop a Parliament which represents all of the
popular forces, to give our people the right to speak and make
decisions by means of this Parliament, and to create the possibility
of establishing popular assemblies from every tiny settlement to the
largest of the metropoles so that people can put their destiny into
their own hands.
     Our alliance, which seeks to establish and extend a common front
between our peoples, requires both parties - in all legal
institutions, such as labor unions and various associations, in which
our parties are organized, in all democratic fields of struggle among
workers and bureaucrats, in the villages, in the press, on the
cultural front, among the students and youth, in the prisons, in the
factories and neighborhoods, and in countries abroad - to wage a joint
struggle against our common enemy, to increase shared organizing
efforts, and to give each other assistance and develop mutual
solidarity.
     All of this is necessary to build up the revolutionary front, at
the base, among the masses, step by step in the struggle. This is how
the revolutionary front of our peoples will come about. Our alliance
has decided to create unity in the democratic struggle in all areas of
life, and to take steps to build up the democratic front. Now is the
time to unite all forces on the basis of this unity into the
revolutionary front.
     We, the PKK and the DHKP, see this first step as a way to begin
bringing all revolutionary, democratic, and progressive organizations
and institutions together, on all levels and in every form, without
excluding any form of struggle or organization, and we call on all
peoples, organizations, and institutions to join us in this and
thereby make it stronger.


Turkey: The Contra-Guerrilla State

DHKP-C

For many years now, the Turkish state has been carrying out a dirty
war against the Communist movement and the Kurdish national liberation
movement.  This dirty war continues to this day, despite the
'democratic' facade of the government.

Some see the contra-guerilla as separate from the state. This is
wrong, say the DHKP-C: in Turkey the contra-guerilla IS the state.


     The contra-guerrilla needed and established a large number of
gangs, consisting of traitors, fascists and policemen, to carry out
all the "disappearances", the kidnappings and the massacres. And now
every gang is just interested in its own profits. The gangs are no
longer under control.
     A traffic accident has revealed what hundreds of murders by
"unknown perpetrators", hundreds of "disappearances", had not made
clear to a lot of people already, in a manner pamphlets and articles
could not. In the past years the existence of the contra-guerrilla was
much discussed. The oligarchy and the parties of the establishment
have tried for years to keep the existence of the contra-guerrilla a
secret, they denied everything. The provocations and activities of the
contra-guerrilla began to mount in the mid-seventies. This was not a
coincidence; those were the years in which the revolutionary movement
grew in strength. The provocation on MayDay 1977 was a first clue that
from now on, the contra-guerrilla would be employed more often. Then
we saw the bomb explosions in the Sirkeci station and in the terminal
of the Yesilkoy Airport, the arson attacks against the Ataturk
Cultural Centre and the ferry "Ankara" near the Golden Horn. The
contra-guerrilla activities had two goals: the "terror" demagogy had
to be strengthened, and the left, the revolutionaries, were to be
blamed. By accusing the revolutionaries, claiming the communists were
responsible, they tried to denounce the revolutionaries in the eyes of
the people, on the other hand they used these actions as a pretext for
operations. The massacre in Maras before 1980, and the attempted
massacres in Corum and Sivas showed the contra-guerrilla knew no more
limits in its attacks against the people.
     Since the eighties, the contra-guerrilla organisation (in its
military outfit) has been used all over Kurdistan, in accordance with
the policy of the oligarchy. With the expansion of the revolutionary
struggle, led by the revolutionary movement, the contra-guerrilla
accelerated its institutionalisation by expanding its terror, its
organisation, and its policy. The most striking contra-guerrilla
attacks in this period were the murders of Muammer Aksoy, Cetin Emec,
Bahriye Ucok and Turan Dursun.  These were attacks with a certain
goal. They tried to blame the Islamic organisations for these murders,
covering the role of the state. But this tactic has not been
successful. The knowledge of the people, based on the propaganda and
information by the revolutionaries since the seventies prevented the
state from reaching its goal. Although the state tried to blame the
Islamic organisations, once again, for the murder of Ugur Mumcu, the
demonstrations where tens of thousands yelled "the contra-guerrilla
murdered Mumcu" and "Damn the contra-guerrilla", showed that the
people did not believe these statements anymore.  Thereupon the
general staff stated: "....There is no such thing as a
contra-guerrilla. There is a Ozel Kuvvetler Komutanligi (Special Unit
Command), previously known as Ozel Harp Dairesi (Department for
Special Warfare), under the command of the general staff. With
indignation we condemn these contra-guerrilla accusations, aimed at
the Turkish Army..." Thus denying the existence of a contra-guerrilla
on the one hand, conceding on the other that is does exist under
another name. Nowadays nobody, neither the people, nor the oligarchy,
discuss the existence of the Ozel Harp Dairesi, the
contra-guerrilla. Discussed is the function of the contra-guerrilla
and its influence on the policy of the oligarchy. Since the nineties,
the contra-guerrilla is not just an organisation of gangs, committing
murders, it's a camp where policy is determined. It determines
politics, and these are put into practise by its gangs, by the police
and the army.
     With its declaration of war against the people, and because of
its brutality, the power of the contra-guerrilla increased from the
moment it started to determine politics. Apparently all, especially
many in parliament and the bourgeois press are baffled about this
network, revealed by the accident in Susurluk. But this is not the
case. These are connections, known by almost all circles in the
oligarchy, connections they must have known about.
     The power and the hegemony of the contra-guerrilla are quite
demonstrative. The connections are the source where the
contra-guerrilla takes the courage for its brutality from. And it is
this brutality which makes certain circles among the bourgeoisie say:
"This can not be true". Even though the state does not openly confess
to all the variations of murders and massacres, it now has practically
taken responsibility for it.  Since 1990, the contra-guerrilla
increasingly used the method of "disappearances". Now an estimated
4-500 people have "disappeared". The war has extended to such a level
that the contra-guerrilla is now acting quite openly, no longer
feeling the need to cover its activities. On the contrary, it speaks
quite openly about is existence and its dirty activities, trying to
give the impression it's everywhere and omnipotent, trying to
intimidate the people and the revolutionaries.
     The oligarchy has not been able to prevent the development of the
opposition among the people, it could not prevent the revolutionary
and the nationalist struggle. The more the oligarchy attacked the
people, the greater became the influence of the contra-guerrilla. This
development has caused several problems for the oligarchy. The
contra-guerrilla needed - and established - a whole range of gangs,
consisting of traitors, fascists and policemen, to carry out its
"disappearances" and its massacres. Nowadays these gangs are only
concerned about their own personal profits. The gangs are no longer
under control.  Those who are the enemies of the people have come even
closer together in their front against the people, against the
revolutionaries and the national people's movement, but they did not
succeed in fully solving their internal conflicts. The opposition
among the bourgeoisie has been silenced with similar methods as were
applied against the people. That's why nobody should be astonished
about the gangs, revealed in recent months, and their connection with
the contra-guerrilla. In reality, these connections are nothing new,
but the extension of the war influences and extends this network. At
present some circles still discuss whether the contra-guerrilla is a
body, autonomous from the state, which is nested inside the state
structures, or not. Some of those who do not deny and cover everything
in order to protect the state, hope - confronted with the seriousness
of the situation - the contra-guerrilla is independent from the
state. Some, certainly because they are afraid, try to assess the
situation like that, because they would otherwise risk the wrath of
the state. But some, especially in the circles of the reformists who
believe in the existence of a - albeit a defective - democracy and who
don't see through the state apparatus and its characteristics, can not
let go from their babbling about "secret structures" and "dark
forces".
     In essence everybody who has a functioning brain, and who says
"at present the MGK (Military Security Council) rules the state",
knows that this is actually the centre of the contra-guerrilla; the
MGK is in fact the contra-guerrilla. The contra-guerrilla has never
been independent from the state, because it was set up by the state
itself. What it has to do, and how, its strategy and its tactics are
determined by the state.  Maybe it could be argued that the parliament
did not have a clue and that it did not steer the activities of the
contra-guerrilla.  But this is hardly surprising in a system which is
a fascist one, and where the parliament, elections and delegates are
merely window dressing.

The Mexican Revolution Is Not Over!
Long Live The Popular Revolutionary Army!

Manifesto Of Aguas Blancas

While the Zapatista movement has gained widespread press coverage, the
Ejercito Popular Revolucionarion (EPR) remains largely unknown in this
country. A marxist-leninist organisation, the EPR has emerged over the
past year as a significant force on a national scale. We reprint this
important document from the armed resistance in Mexico, in order that
revolutionaries in Britain can find out more about the situation in
that country.

     Rights do not exist in Mexico! Our political constitution is dead
through the government's actions, individual rights are violated
daily, our people find themselves in the margin when it comes to
economic and political decisions, all power has been concentrated by
the federal executive, subordinating all other powers of the union and
disrespecting the sovereignty of the states. Actual power usurps the
sovereign will of the people turning that government into an illegal
and illegitimate one, fundamentally sustained by the arms of military
and political bodies.
     In the face of institutionalized violence armed struggle is a
legitimate and necessary resource for the people to regain their will
and sovereignty, and to reestablish their rights.
     We have sprung forth from the sorrow of orphans and widows, from
the absence of loved ones disappeared, from the pain of the tortured,
from the anger of those unjustly incarcerated, from those who suffer
from political and social persecution, from the situation which daily
kills with repression, misery, hunger and disease, such as the
abandoned children on the streets. We are a small part of the
thousands of Mexicanos who through roads and mountains, villages and
cities, forge a new consciousness of the necessity to construct a new
Mexican patriotism, with those whose sweat irrigates the fields of
Mexico and of foreign lands, with those whose strength moves the
machines and factories, those who survive daily on the streets of our
giant cities, those who in the classroom receive and plant the seed of
knowledge, those who in every home resist the lack of bread and work,
those people forgotten.
     Reason and justice are on our side. Because of this, as Mexicans
dissatisfied with this national reality and not allowing the
government any other road; we have decided to trade in our tools for
arms of liberation which will combat and contribute to the fall of big
money and the unpopular government. Today, inspired by the unjust
conditions of life and work, we have decided to struggle in an
organized fashion to contribute to the revolutionary democratic
transformation of our nation, and based on a conscious and voluntary
act we have created an instrument of struggle which we call the
Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR).
     The Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) is formed by men and women,
from the different exploited and oppressed sectors of the people, that
have comprehended the necessity of organization against the
reactionary violence of the exploiters and oppressors, that for
decades intended to drown in blood the struggle of the Mexican people
and their legitimate aspirations.  This gives it an essential popular
character because of the participation of simple men and women.
     Our army also struggles for the profound transformation of our
society through the path of armed revolution as one more form of
struggle that our people develop in defense of their interest and for
the continuity of their objective.
     The Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) is the sector of the people
who aspire to be a part of the achievements of liberation and combats
that our people have liberated from exploitation, injustice and
oppression throughout its history and which today manifest itself in
the struggle for democratic revolutionary transformation of the
country, that the people have developed against the repressive
politics of a state which is supported and financed economically and
militarily by imperialism, there is no lack of resources to oppress
and massacre the Mexican people and to continue to keep them down. We
are the results of the determination to struggle against political
demagogue of the anti-popular government who in defense of the
financial elite and of corporations, as well as the foreign interest
in Mexico, has always neglected to satisfy the demands for justice,
liberty, democracy of the people, and who has demonstrated that it
will never bow down to such demands as such we have decided to defeat
them with the strength of reason and arms.

     For them we prepare to struggle:

1) We struggle to overthrow the anti-popular, anti-democratic,
demagogic and illegitimate government which works in the interest
of national and international capital and those forces that
sustain that capital. We struggle for the establishment of a new
and distinct government from that which presently exists.

2) We struggle for the reinstatement of popular sovereignty and
reinstatement of the fundamental rights of man. We will achieve
this goal with the participation of the people and with the
establishment of a popular and democratic republic upholding the
legitimate right of the people to alter or modify their form of
government.

3) We struggle for resolution and fulfillment of the immediate
needs and demands of the people implementing the necessary
social, economic, and political modifications to bring about
these changes.

4) We struggle for the establishment of just international
relations with the international community.

5) We struggle for the punishment of those responsible for
political oppression, corruption, misery, hunger, and crimes
against humanity.

     The escalated repressive conditions that plagues the entire
country, the Revolutionary Popular Army (EPR) is making a call out to
all the organizations that are popular, democratic, armed and
revolutionary, to condemn aggressive action against the people, and to
come together to organize and form one political front and struggle
for liberty, democracy, justice and a life with dignity.
     To the people of Mexico lets raise the banner of struggle that
our brothers/sisters have carried until their death at the hands of
repression by the government.
     We struggle against oppression and injustice, against humiliation
and theft, in defense of the dignity of our children, women, working
class, farmworkers, indigenous, colonized, and students to reestablish
order and rights, to reinstate popular sovereignty.
     That indignation and profound pain are not left alone in our
memory and in our hearts, that the pain and nostalgia for our loved
one's who are disappeared, tortured and massacred, strengthen our
conviction with which we clutch our arms of liberation; that the pain
would transform into the spirit of struggle to confront the
anti-popular government and its oppressive forces, that the spilt
blood of the martyrs of Mexico were not in vain. No more massacres
against the people, no more crimes without punishment.
     Our struggle is just and legitimate, it is the expression of the
popular will to recuperate our nation and construct freedom and
sovereignty.
     We call on all the people to join our democratic revolutionary
struggle for the liberation of our nation from the chains of
capitalism and an oppressive state.
     We call on all democratic syndicalists, political, progressive,
and armed revolutionaries, on social activist and progressive
personalities to incorporate all forms of struggle into the democratic
revolutionary struggle for justice, democracy, liberty, and a
dignified life for all Mexicans.

Join The Ranks Of The Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR)!
Join Popular Tribunals To Condemn The Enemies Of The People!
Form Self-Determined Armed Formations!
In The Face Of Repression And Impunity, Exercise A Popular
Revolutionary Justice!
Respond With Organized Struggle To The Violence Of The
Government!
With Popular Struggle The EPR Shall Triumph!

General Command Of The Popular Revolutionary Army
Aguas Blancas, Gro., Mexico - June 28, 1996


Peru: Revolution and Counter-Revolution


The occupation of the Japanese ambassador's residence in the capital,
Lima, has brought international media attention on the situation in
Peru, where there has been a bitter armed struggle against the
reactionary bourgeois state for more than two decades now. The group
which organised the attack, the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement, is
less well known than the older, and larger Communist Party of Peru,
known in the bourgeois media as Sendero Luminoso, or Shining Path. In
this special feature, Communist Action is highlighting the struggle in
Peru, a struggle which we have not been able to cover inmuch detail up
until now. [For an analysis of the strategic situation from the point
of view of the PCP, see Communist Action 5]. As Communists in an
imperialist country, it is our proletarian internationalist duty to
support all genuine movements which are struggling against imperialism
and local reaction. Although we are not in complete ideological
agreement with either the PCP or the MRTA, we support their struggles
from the perspective of unwavering anti-iperialism.


Editorial Notes
The MRTA's seizure of the ambassador's residence was a bold move which
appears to have caused considerable problems for the Fujimori
regime. In order to shed some light on the origin and perspectives of
this group, we are reprinting here an interview with their European
representative, published in the German left paper, Junge Welt, in
December.
	We do not see it as our job to criticise any movementwhich is
fighting against imperialism. However, two comments have to be made
about the following interview.
	Firstly, and fundamentally, the MRTA has a perspective of
forcing a negotiated settlement along the lines of the agreement
recently brokered in Guatemala, or those of the recent past in El
Salvador and Colombia. In all these examples, former armed
marxist-leninist organisations have traded in their weapons in
exchange for participation in the political system. In each of these
cases, the movements have abandoned their commitment to
marxism-leninism andhave begun operating as a left social democratic
opposition, usually with some success. The CAG is not in favour of
anyone abandoning marxism-leninism, and we are opposed to social
democracy, though we recognise that negotiated settlements do not
necessarily mean abandonment of a revolutionary perspective. At
present, the MRTA is still fighting with guns in hand, and we continue
to give our support to the extent that they deliver their blows
against imperialism and local reaction. But we must stress that we are
not in favour of social democratic liquidationism, be it in Britain,
the former Soviet Union or anywhere else, including Latin America.
	Secondly, it is a negative feature of the MRTA that they adopt
such an anti-PCP political line. In this interview, the MRTA
representative condemns the PCP. In its public statements since the
state of the residence occupation, the MRTA has repeatedly distanced
itself from the PCP, condemning the latter as terrorists in the same
tones as the imperialist media. In this interview, the MRTA
specifically accuses the PCP of liquidating MRTA units and cadres, an
accusation which the PCP supporters will be answering in the enxt
edition of Communist Action. In the meantime, the CAG would like to
stress its commitment to unity of the revolutionary forces, and its
opposition the splittism and sectarianism, from whatever quarter.
	Thirdly, and importantly, the MRTA reproduce here the slander
that PCP leader Gonzalo has capitulated and signed a peace
accord. There is no evidence for this, and plenty of evidence against
it. Shortly after his arrest by the fascist regime, Gonzalo was
paraded on TV in a video which purported to show that he was in favour
of a peaceful settlement and the abandonment of the armed
struggle. The PCP immediately denounced it as a SIN (Peru's CIA) hoax
aimed at splitting the PCPand confusing the people. If the peace
accord were genuine, the Peruvian authorities wouldhave had Gonzalo on
the TV all the time. The truth is thathehas not reappeared since the
video was first put together. And far from abandoning its armed
struggle, or collapsing after its leader was arrested asmany thought,
the PCP has regrouped and is delivering heavy blows against the
enemy. The MRTA admit as much in this interview, which makes it all
the more lamentable that they should choose to repeat the regime's
propaganda about Gonzalo's supposed capitulation. For our part, the
CAG has not doubt that the peace accord was a SIN hoax.  Is The MRTA's
Action Weakening Fujimori?

Interview With Isaac Velazco, European Representative Of The Tupac
Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA)

Translators note: Isaac Velazco has been active in the Peruvian
Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru, whose commando "Oscar Torre
Condesu" is presently occupying the Japanese ambassador's residence in
Lima, since 1984. In February 1988, Velazco was arrested and
tortured. Had he not been able to escape, he most likely would have
died in prison. When statements by a traitor led to a raid on his
family's home in 1993, the MRTA decided to send Velazco to Germany. In
November 1994, he was granted political asylum. Following a decision
by the National Leadership of the MRTA, Isaac Velazco was chosen to
act as the European Representative of the MRTA.

According to mainstream media reports, the MRTA commando, which is
still occupying the Japanese ambassador's residence in Lima, has
proposed a dialogue concerning a lasting and comprehensive peace. It
seems the MRTA is no longer demanding the release of all political
prisoners, rather just that prison conditions be improved. Have the
goals of the action been changed?

Not at all. The goal remains to discuss and to negotiate. The MRTA
will enter into these negotiations with the same demands it made at
the beginning of the standoff. In the confrontation with the
government concerning these demands, including the release of
political prisoners, we will see which points we can agree on. That's
how a process of negotiation works.


The Peruvian government has declared a state of emergency..

Yes, these measures are designed to retain control over all
information and people. Since Sunday, the military has taken over the
duties of the police and can arrest anyone without a reason. All
members of the opposition are threatened with arrest. This is being
done to create the necessary climate either for negotiations or a
storming of the compound by force. Both options could be behind this.

Why did the MRTA choose the Japanese ambassador's residence as the target of 
its action?

Japan today is a major economic power, which has the luxury to be able
to afford to purchase parts of Wall Street. Many major
U.S. corporations are made up largely of Japanese capital. That's why
Japan will play an increasingly important role in Latin America, and
Japan regards President Fujimori as its primary supporting
figure. Now, there is a conflict of interests in Peru between the
U.S. and Japan. Japan, in order to strengthen its position there, has
financed the dirty war. The Japanese government was even partially to
blame for the fact that two of its own citizens, who worked for an aid
agency, were murdered by a paramilitary group. Japan is deeply
involved in supporting this murderous regime. That's why the National
Leadership of the MRTA decided to attack this location - a place which
would deeply hurt the dictatorship.

To what degree will this occupation affect Fujimori's future role?
Will it help Fujimori to consolidate his base, under the motto of
"joining ranks", or will it lead to splits within the government?

The Fujimori government has its back against the wall. All those who
collaborate with the government - businessmen, politicians, and
military figures - know very well that their integrity is in
danger. If one day they, too, should become prisoners of war of the
MRTA, the government won't do anything to help them. That's very
extraordinary within the context of Latin American history. On three
occasions, the comrades of the FSLN in Nicaragua captured politicians
and businessmen with ties to the Samoza regime. Each of these
incidents ended with their demands fulfilled. Fujimori, on the other
hand, has a complete disregard for human life, even for the lives of
his partners. Businessmen who support the government ought to think
about that.


What about the relationship between the military and the Fujimori
regime?

The support which both have given to one another in the past has only
served to act as a cover for state terrorism and corruption. The
government and high-ranking military officials are very corrupt. It's
no coincidence that, for example, Mr. Montesino, a lawyer for the drug
mafia with ties to the military, was not charged despite evidence from
a convicted drug dealer. The government did everything in its power to
prevent an investigation, and the state prosecutor aided in this
cover-up by publicly backing Mr. Montesino.  That would be unthinkable
in most formal democracies. But such favors are granted to the
military by the Fujimori regime. But there is a struggle for drug
profits taking place between the military and the intelligence agency.
Sometimes they work against each other. That's why the transport of
170kg of cocaine in the President's plane was publicized, as was the
discovery of navy ships being used to transport coca paste. But all of
this goes unpunished. And the government never talks about the dirty
war, the torture, the violations of human rights, the murder of
elderly persons, women, and children.

Why did the MRTA take up armed struggle?

The MRTA formed in the early 1980s as an alliance of various political
groups.  In the 1970s, there were 60 or 70 political organizations
which approached one another towards the end of the decade. Two
tendencies developed within this.  One sought solutions to the
nation's problems through the democratic process.  The other felt that
the path of political dialogue was blocked and the time was right to
resort to other means. This development continued into the 1980s, and
the MRTA became an important crystallization point for many armed
organizations.

How many activists did the MRTA have at that time?

During the First Conference of the MRTA as a political-military
organization, which was still legal at that time, 300 activists took
part. Of course the total membership was much higher than
that. Following this conference, the organization took its work
underground and the first units were formed to carry out armed
propaganda actions. For example, they occupied radio stations,
attacked arms depots, confiscated trucks full of food and distributed
these goods in poor neighborhoods, in addition to a series of actions
designed to provide funds for the organization. The first military
clashes were in the south of the country in 1984. The military
surrounded one MRTA unit which was in the area to help establish a
rural guerrilla. Following a long battle, 12 of our activists were
arrested and many weapons were confiscated. They were then thrown into
prison and tortured. Another unit was able to break through the
military's lines and link up with other MRTA forces elsewhere in the
country. The deployment of the Peruvian military was marked by massive
attacks on the civilian population.


And how strong is the MRTA today?

For security reasons, I cannot say. But our forces are present
throughout the country. The MRTA is present at many levels and is
organized in various fields. There are rural units, special units,
commandos, and militias. In accordance with our outlook, our members
are active in a variety of fields, such as propaganda, union
organizing, social movements, and the guerrilla.

The Peruvian government and President Fujimori in particular have
declared victory over the guerrilla. That doesn't seem to be true. In
1996, the MRTA carried out several attacks on military and police
targets.

Yes, the Fujimori government claimed a great victory over the armed
movement.  Two factors played a role in this. First of all, the leader
of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), Abimael Guzman, signed a peace
agreement with the government. Secondly, there was tactical retreat by
the MRTA. As a result of several military offensives by the Peruvian
military, the repression against the population, and the neo-liberal
policies of the government, out social base was narrowed. We decided
to concentrate our political and military structures in the rural
areas of central Peru, in Selva Central. In the rest of the country we
only had commando and militia structures, which carried out intensive
political and organizational work in city neighborhoods, with farmers,
and with workers. The government lied to itself and even made itself
believe that the guerrilla, in particular the MRTA, had been
defeated. Now the government is faced with a new situation. We have
continued our political work over the past few years and given
political-military training to a new generation of fighters and
cadre. We were never as weak as the government supposed. The number of
actions carried out by the MRTA across the country, which dealt heavy
blows to the army, are evidence of this. The government has tried to
cover all this up, but they have failed. The people know that the
government has not defeated the guerrilla and they know that the
government's neo-liberal policies are making poverty worse. That is
evidenced by the large participation of the population in recent
riots.

A few weeks ago, there were three days of riots in Lima's historic
district, because the police tried to force all vendors off the
streets. Hundreds of people and police were injured. Have protests
against the government increased?

Yes. Since the end of 1995, the people are slowly rebuilding their
organizational and mobilizational capacities. There are more riots,
where the people defend their right to existence. But the repression
has changed as well. Before, police and soldiers were everywhere in
Lima. Today, you don't see as many. They have been replaced by secret
police and plain-clothes forces. A German friend of mine recently had
his briefcase stolen on the street in Lima. Within seconds, at least
20 plain-clothes police officers were on the scene and brutally beat
up the thief.

Sendero Luminoso has also reorganized, is active militarily, and seems
to have altered its line...

The peace deal with the government signed by a large part of the group
led to deep divisions within Sendero. That faction which wished to
continue the armed struggle has carried out armed propaganda and has
taken to interacting with the people in a way which Sendero used to
criticize the MRTA for doing. But despite some corrections in its
political methods, Sendero is still the same.  For example, in March
of this year, labor activist Pascual Arozda was murdered. They have
continued to attack all those who stand in their way or don't share
their views.

How would you describe the relationship between Sendero and the MRTA?
In the past, Sendero has attacked the MRTA.

Sendero is a very domineering force. They claim to be the sole
possessors of the truth and the only standard bearers of revolution in
Peru. That's why they have never accepted the existence of other
revolutionary organizations in Peru. At the least, they have described
us as "armed reformists" and "traitors". But Sendero has also, in the
past, described us as their main enemy and murdered many MRTA
activists. They have even ambushed MRTA units.  These are crimes which
cannot be justified in any way; they contradict the values of
revolutionaries.

How do you envision the MRTA's future?

The MRTA arose as a movement. Many social sectors are represented
within the MRTA: men and women from the cities and rural areas,
intellectuals, religious people, indeed the whole society. Of course,
to transform society we must tear down the old state and build a new
one. That means we must seize power. But seize power for whom? For
what? And to what end? That is the central question.  The answer is:
Power must be in the hands of the workers in the cities and the
countryside. There must be a participatory democracy. Mechanisms for
people's power must be advanced. And we have been doing that for
years.

(Interview by Darrio Azzellini, junge Welt, December 30, 1996)
Translated by Arm the Spirit, an autonomist/anti-imperialist inform-
ation collective based in Toronto, Canada. To contact ATS, write to:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada


MAOIST GUERILLAS: FIGHTING ALONG THE LENGTH AND WIDTH OF PERU

Reports on the Communist Party of Peru (PCP)'s ongoing was against the
old Peruvian state. Reprinted from El Diario Internacional 37.

Speaking the Language of Armed Actions

Mixed Army-Paramilitary Patrol Ambushed

Just before dawn on September 24 a guerilla column ambushed a mixed
counter-insurgency patrol of soldiers and paramilitary.  The attack
took place in the countryside of the district of
Rapaz-Huancahuasi. For this engagement the guerillas chose a defile
between two mountains, a place where powerful dynamite charges easily
caused the destruction of the vanguard vehicles of this military
convoy with its first explosions.
	The battle was resolved very rapidly with the regime's forces
suffering serious casualties, including 3 soldiers and several
paramilitary wounded.  The government and its media tried to minimise
this "news" by restricting their media to laconic 3 line reports.
	On the same date (September 24), in the Tingo Maria region of
Angasyacu a guerilla column fought off one of the powerful army
helicopter gun-ships that the regime uses in its counter-insurgency
operations.  Even the regime's press was forced to admit that the
Russian manufactured airship suffered impacts from rockets launched by
the People's Liberation Army which nearly brought it down.
	Around 10.00 am. September 30, three large columns of the
People's Liberation Army (PLA) launched synchronised attacks on three
government counter-insurgency bases located in the central Amazon
region.  Each guerilla column was composed of over 100 combatants,
many of them young regional women with typical ethnic features.
	The lightning attack took the paramilitary look-outs by
surprise and the guerillas of the Communist Party of Peru rapidly
seized control of the towns of Matireni, Shimapango and Chikireni in
Satipo province, a zone populated by Ashaninka communities.
	It is a well known fact that in the majority of native
communities in the central Amazon region the army has been organising
paramilitary counter-insurgency bases under their direct control.  As
a result of these engagements around a dozen members of the regime's
paramilitary gangs were killed in action. The government, applying
methods of mis-information corresponding to its psychological warfare
plans, infamously alleged that the rebels had attacked "Ashaninka
refugee camps".


GUERILLAS CONTINUE TO LAY SEIGE TO THE CAPITAL

On 28 October a guerilla commando unit made up of around 50 fighters
carried out a spectacular political and military action in the very
centre of the urban township of Mi-Peru, in Ventanilla, a city located
barely twenty minutes from the military garrisons in Lima and its port
of Callao.
	It was at 7 a.m sharp while thousands of men and women were
setting out to go to work when the Maoists began their propaganda
action calling for support for the armed struggle and for the
overthrow of the Fujimori regime.  The guerillas - using big character
posters, leaflets and speeches - gathered the masses and encouraged
them to give support to the armed struggle by fighting against the
tyrannical regime in every terrain.  One of the posters left behind by
the rebels carried a warning directed against the regime's township
authority, threatening the execution of the Fujimori appointed mayor.
	"Mi-Peru" is a town of 45.000 people considered a "red zone"
by the repressive regime.  This is due to the acute and courageous
struggle by the masses of that locality against the current
government.  Up to last year, the army had around 1.000 soldiers
garrisoned at a base within the township.
	That military base was evacuated in order to give credence to
the regime's propaganda, alleging the "defeat of Shining Path".
Following the raid of October 28, both the Fujimori media, as well as
the "theoreticians" of its counter-insurgency policy, have began
demanding that the soldiery be send back to re-occupy "Mi-Peru".


TOWNS SEIZED AND PARAMILITARY THUGS EXECUTED

In Tingo Maria, where the government has concentrated an important
part of its elite troops, matters are no less serious for the regime.
	At daybreak on November 2, a column of over 100 guerillas made
a lighting raid on the town of Supte San Jorge (Tingo Maria province).
The rebels entered the town from three different directions and were
supported by guerrillas who had already infiltrated the city through
various other key places.
	The rebel column was well armed with modern weapons
confiscated from the regime's troops and retained control of the town
for over three hours. During this time the rebels achieved their
objectives, including the destruction of the headquarters of the
army's paramilitary "self-defence corps", razing the building to the
ground.  Before their withdrawal, the rebels confiscated weapons and
other war materials abandoned by the regime's troops in their flight.


FUJIMORI'S MAYORS RESIGN "EN MASSE"

The rebels' advance all over Peru is not only a smashing blow to the
regime's propaganda about "Defeat of the Maoist Guerillas".  This
advance is also bringing about in practice the breakdown of the
political infrastructure so laboriously woven by the Fujimori
government.
	This objective fact can be clearly observed from the news
	released by the Peruvian media itself. For example, according
to reports in the Lima press, during the last 4 months in the Leoncio
Prado province alone, more than 30 mayors have presented their
resignations.
	This is the result of warnings that these authorities have
received from the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) commanding them to
give up their posts immediately.  All these "mayors" were fraudulently
appointed by the military forces which occupy the region.  It is
obvious that the phenomenon known in politics as a "power vacuum" is
growing and expanding in Peru. That is, however, a "power vacuum" only
for the official regime.


A SAMPLE LIST OF RECENT GUERILLA ACTIONS FROM THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU

24/09	Rapaz-Huancahuasi		Patrol ambushed: 4
	soldiers, 3 paramilitary 	
	thugs killed/wounded.
24/09	Tingo Maria			Rockets fired against
	 helicopter gun-ship
25/09	San Jose - Ayacucho	
	80 guerillas destroy
	 paramilitary base.
					2 regime's thugs killed.
29/09	S.J. Miraflores (Lima)	
	House of Fujimori
	 appointee bombed.
29/09	P. Santamaria (Ucayali)
	 Commandos execute
	 army appointed
	 vice-governor
29/09	Minasal (Ucayali)		
	Battle between regime's
	 marines and rebels
30/09	Satipo - Central Amazon	
	Numerous guerilla units
	 attack counter-insurgency
	 bases. 
04/10 	 S.Martin Pongos (Junin)
	 Several towns seized by
	 guerilla units.
06/10	 Pachakia- Ene Valley	
	3 paramilitary killed in
	 guerilla ambush
08/10 	Satipo-Ene River Front	
	Army/guerillas battle. 3
	soldiers killed.
17/10 	Ccarhuancho-Ayacucho 	
	Town seized. Two army
	 informers executed.
28/10 	Mi-Peru (Callao)		
	Armed propaganda and
	guerilla actions. 
OPERATION CAPITULATE: THE ZOMBIES SPEAK OUT

A Report from El Diario Internacional on the peace letters hoax.

In April 1994 in El Diario Internacional we wrote a lengthy piece
entitled "Operation Capitulate, The Secret History of the Peace
Letters".  In that document - translated and published in several
languages in at least a dozen international press organs - we have put
forward an approximate idea explaining how the National Intelligence
Service (SIN) had fabricated the plot known as "The Peace Letters".
	Nearly two years have gone by since the publication of that
article.  What then appeared as something confusing and difficult to
understand for the layman, can no longer be said to be so mysterious.
The Fujimori regime itself has revealed new elements permitting a
better understanding of this farce and tearing up the veil of secrecy
surrounding this "Peace Agreement" plot.

THE LABORATORY AT THE NAVAL BASE

Firstly, the fact that in the very military prison (Naval Base of
Callao) where Chairman Gonzalo is kept in an underground cell, a SIN
torture laboratory exists where prisoners are subjected to chemical
and psychological experiments aimed at manipulating their minds,
breaking their will and turning them into pliable zombies.
	This fact was confirmed by the public revelations of the well
known drug baron Demetrio Chavez Penaherrera (a.k.a. "El
Vaticano"). "Vaticano" took advantage of a careless moment on the part
of his brutal jailers to loudly denounce the inhuman experiments he
had undergone in the Callao Naval Base.  The Peruvian magazine Caretas
(August 29, 1996) gives the following version of this event:
	"On the afternoon of Thursday 22, Demetrio Chavez, in
conversation with Jose Castro Mora, his attorney, reiterated his
accusations against (Fujimori's PA) Vladimiro Montesinos.  On Friday
23, the numerous people attending the trial in the Court Room of the
Naval Base were able to witness a savage spectacle.  "Vaticano" -
looking like a Zombie - was even unable to recognise his employee and
accomplice Abel Seijas".
	Caretas asks: "What took place in the Naval Base between
Thursday in the afternoon and Friday morning".  Caretas consulted with
several psychiatrists, neurologists and other specialists.  All of
them were unanimous in saying that the "Vatican" of Friday was not the
same person who had spoken at the hearing the previous day.  It was
evident that the drug Baron who held sway over Campanilla for so many
years cut an even more unlikely figure in the state he appeared. No
one could believe that the wane and wasted man who so incoherently
spoke on Friday August 23 1996 was the same man who had been arrested
in Cali on january 1994.  Something had happened to him in the
meantime......".
	Caretas continues reporting the views of one of the experts
they consulted: "According to the psychiatrist Teobaldo Llosa, it was
evident that Demetrio Chavez had partially lost his memory, showing a
totally different behaviour from previous days. There are several
methods to induce loss of memory in a person".  The psychiatrist went
on to describe a series of neuroleptic and anti-psychotic drugs and
electric-shock methods which were likely to have been used on
"Vaticano".
	It is well to bear in mind that Demetrio Chavez is one of the
most powerful drug lords in Peru. From the mid 80s he had established
himself in the Alto Huallaga region where, with the support of the
High Command of the armed forces he organised his "drug cartel" with
tentacles reaching into Colombia and the USA. He also got involved in
the counter-insurgency efforts of the regime.  In January 1994 he was
arrested in Cali, Colombia and later delivered into the hands of the
anti-terrorist police in Peru.
	As soon as Demetrio Chavez set foot in Lima he revealed that
his principal accomplices were Vladimiro Montesinos - Fujimori's
Personal Assistant and high ranking SIN officer - and the head honcho
in Fujimori's armed forces, General Nicolas Hermoza Rios. Vaticano
described in great detail how he paid monthly bribes of $50.000
directly to Montesinos, itemising the large amounts of money he paid
for the use of military airfields for his drug shipments.  He even
described how a part of his drug transport fleet was made up of
helicopters belonging to the Peruvian army.
	It was a scandal when Vaticano, a confirmed drug baron, was
indicted as a "terrorist" and sequestered into a military prison under
the absolute control of SIN.  He was condemned to life imprisonment by
military judges and denied a public trial in open civilian courts.
	
THE SIN'S BOOK AND THE "PEACE LETTERS"

Another important element recently revealed comes from a 600 page book
recently published by the National Intelligence Service (SIN) in
conjunction with the High Command of the Armed forces. This book
entitled "Peru: 13 Years of Shame", admits, among other things, that
the "peace letters" have played an important role in the psychological
warfare waged by the regime.  The book also recognises that the
"letters" were cooked up "Inside the prisons" and claims that their
political effects meant "a victory for democracy against subversion".
	The authors of the book ask themselves: "What objectives was
the President able to achieve with this gambit of the letters?".  The
answer to this question makes it clear that the authors of this
concoction of "peace letters" were indeed the National Intelligence
Service in cahoots with the American CIA and that their main aim was
to undermine and try to destroy the revolutionary prestige of Chairman
Gonzalo.
	This revealing book summarises in 6 points the successes they
think they have achieved with the "peace letters" plot.  Here is a
synthesis of those six points:

1.	To destroy the mythical figure of Chairman Gonzalo.

2.	Achieving international repercussion and obtaining the support
 	of the big powers. That is why the first "peace letter" was
 	presented at the 48th Ordinary Session of the United Nations
 	(UN).

3.	To "show the capacity for victory" of the Police and Armed
  	Forces of Peru.

4.	"Political exploitation of the Peace Letters", particularly to
  	win the 1993 Referendum organised by the Fujimori dictatorship.

5. 	To present before public opinion a victorious image for the
   	Police and Armed Forces.

6.	Manipulating the figure of Chairman Gonzalo in order to
  	attempt "to split the organisational structure of Shining Path
  	by fostering a two line struggle within its ranks".  All
translations from EDI from comite Sol Peru, London History Of The New
People's Army (NPA)

(From Liberation International, March-April 1994)

Soon after its own reestablishment on Dec. 26, 1968, the Communist
Party of the Philippines organized the New People's Army (NPA) on
March 29, 1969. The NPA started with 60 Red fighters armed with only
nine automatic rifles and 26 inferior arms (single-shot rifles and
handguns).

It had an initial mass base of some 80,000 peasants in the second
district of Tarlac province, which it inherited from the old
revolutionary movement. This rural mass base was immediately put into
coordination with the legal democratic forces and an urban mass base
of no more than 15,000 people.

The Party established the NPA under the guidance of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and along the general line of the
new-democratic revolution. Under the absolute leadership of the Party,
the NPA wages a protracted people's war, made possible and dictated by
the chronically crisis-ridden semicolonial and semifeudal conditions
of the Philippines.

As the advance detachment of the working class, the Communist Party of
the Philippines is determined to carry out the new-democratic and
socialist stages of the revolution. By building the New People's Army,
the Party answers the central question of the revolution, which is
that of seizing political power, and builds in the most effective
manner the basic alliance of the working class and the peasantry.

To advance the people's war, the Party wields and coordinates the
revolutionary armed struggle, the urban-based legal democratic
movement and the revolutionary united front encompassing the local
organs of political power, the National Democratic Front and various
legal alliances. The revolutionary armed struggle is the main form of
struggle for seizing political power and is waged according to the
strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside and
accumulating strength until it becomes possible to wage nationwide
offensives and seize the cities.

The national united front musters the basic exploited classes of
workers and peasants, wins over the urban petty bourgeoisie and the
middle bourgeoisie and takes advantage of the splits among the big
comprador and landlord reactionaries in order to isolate and defeat
the worst reactionaries and their imperialist masters at every given
time.

Within the framework of the new-democratic revolution against foreign
monopoly capitalism and the local reactionaries, the Party and the NPA
pursue the antifeudal line in order to fulfill land reform as the main
content of the democratic revolution.  They rely mainly on the poor
and middle peasants and farm workers, win over the middle peasants,
neutralize the rich peasants, take advantage of the split between the
enlightened and evil gentry in order to isolate and destroy the power
of the latter.

The New People's Army has won great victories under the leadership of
the Party by carrying out extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare,
carrying out land reform and building the mass base. These three
factors are integral. When one factor is absent or done excessively at
the expense of others, there are adverse consequences to the people's
war as a whole.

However, armed revolution has its twists and turns. There are
tremendous odds arising from the ruling system, especially its
propensity for terrorism under the sponsorship of U.S.  imperialism,
as well as from subjectivist errors of "Left" and Right opportunism
that violate the proletarian revolutionary line.

The victories of the New People's Army would have been greater had it
not been for certain major errors long unrectified in the period of
1980-91. These included such "Left" opportunist errors as premature
"regularization", urban insurrectionism and military adventurism and
such Right opportunist errors as reformism and parliamentarism that
reduced the number of cadres going to the countryside.

A comprehensive and thoroughgoing rectification movement has been
carried out since 1992. It has won resounding success. The major
errors and shortcomings have been rectified and overcome. This has
raised the fighting will and capabilities of all revolutionary forces
and the people against the enemy.

Through years of successful revolutionary armed struggle, the NPA has
become a mighty force. It is battle-tested and has a wealth of
revolutionary experience. It grew strong and was tempered in the
crucible of struggle against the long fascist rule of the U.S.-Marcos
regime and against the subsequent pseudo-democratic rule of the
U.S.-Aquino regime. It continues to frustrate the U.S.-supported Ramos
regime and win victories in the battlefield.  The NPA has thousands of
full-time guerrilla fighters with automatic rifles, excluding the more
numerous forces of local guerrillas, militia and self-defense units
with inferior weapons.  They operate in guerrilla fronts which cover
25 percent of the villages (more than 10,000 out of 40,000 villages)
or substantial portions of more than 60 of the 73 provinces.

The rural mass base runs into millions administered by local organs of
political power and includes peasants, workers, women, youth, cultural
activists and children. The local organs of political power are
committees of people's government, assisted by various types of
working committees in charge of mass organizations, education, health,
land reform, production, finance, defense, cultural activities,
arbitration and other functions.

The NPA had exceedingly small and modest beginnings and has reached
its current level of development self-reliantly. Its victories are due
to the inexhaustible participation and support of the people who
cherish their own revolutionary army and fight for their own national
and social liberation.

The heroic fighters of the New People's Army fear neither hardship nor
death in fighting for the national and democratic rights and interests
of the Filipino people against foreign monopoly capitalism and the
local exploiting classes. They are ever confident of winning greater
victories. Moreover, they are conscious of performing an
internationalist duty and contributing to the common revolutionary
struggle of the proletariat and people of the world for their
liberation from imperialism and for the realization of socialism and
communism.


Theory and Practice

"Anti-Stalinism" and the Current World Situation

In the present situation, anti-Communism above all takes the form of
anti-Stalinism. In this article written by the Revolutionary People's
Liberation Party of Turkey [DHKP], it is argued that it is impossible
to defend socialism without defending Stalin.

Prior to the collapse of the socialist system, the fight for markets
and competitiveness between imperialist powers was focused on new
areas for exploitation. Now, however, in addition to these conflicts,
the main area of imperialist competition and struggle for super
profits has become the countries and regions which have broken away
from the socialist system, and which have recently opened up to the
capitalist-imperialist market. They represent new, virgin lands for
the imperialist monopolies.
	In order to gain control of these markets, the imperialists
have above all been fostering nationalism, and on this basis have
created regional wars. On the one hand, this secures bourgeois control
over class consciousness, while on the other hand, by getting people
to kill each other and use up their financial resources, they have
made them dependent on imperialism economically, politically in every
other way, thus securing their own domination.
	After imperialism brought about the collapse of the socialist
system, the New World Order demagogy had an ideological influence over
some national liberation movements which, although they had launched
liberation struggles and had even developed them to the point of
revolution, had remained dependent on the strength of the revisionist
system. They signed peace agreements with imperialism and spread the
process of disarmament. Many countries which are not under the control
of imperialism, and do not want to under such control, are continuing
to resist surrender to imperialism, while others are trying to stand
on their own feet, and to at least retain hold on their reins of
power, and thus are succumbing to the politics of surrender.
	In short, this is the picture of the world today. The question
is, how did this negative situation come about? After WW2, socialism
went from being one country to become a socialist system covering a
third of the world. As a result of the struggles for national and
social liberation, many of the newly independent countries withdrew
from the capitalist-imperialist market. In many of them, the
revolutionary struggle had intensified, and they were at the point of
progressing towards socialism with massive strides. This was a period
when the capitalist system was being turned upside down by new
revolutions, and when a socialist system was being formed. The
imperialist system was entering a stage where it was being wiped out
step by step. The compelling question we must find an answer to is how
was this situation reversed?
	To answer this question, we must begin first of all by
discussing "anti-Stalinism."
	Today, when its results can be clearly and openly seen, this
"anti-Stalinism" has become totally bankrupt. Under the guise of
"anti-Stalinism", those who collaborated with imperialism have brought
great harm to socialism; they caused the collapse of the socialist
system, and their own downfall into the bargain.

The Ideological and Historical Roots of "Anti-Stalinism"

"The bourgeoisie and its ideology, its oppression upon the proletariat
and its party, mean that the bourgeoisie's thoughts, its traditions,
its habits ...  this way or that way pass through the sections
connecting the proletariat to the bourgeoisie, and penetrates within
the proletariat and its party."  [Stalin, The Source of the Conflicts
Within the Party]
	The concrete truth which Stalin was trying to explain, is
confirmed particularly today in the efforts to intervene in the
proletariat's revolutionary struggle under the guise of
"anti-Stalinism."
	Anti-Stalinism has existed in the international Communist
movement throughout the period since the mid 1920s, when it first
appeared in the form of a turn-coat faction called Trotskyism. Up
until the mid 1920s, Trotskyism was an anti-Bolshevik and anti-Marxist
opposition. After that, it changed its appearance completely, and went
from being anti-Leninist to being anti-Stalinist.  But Trotskyism has
not been able to play any other role than that of permanent
opposition, and its history is one of broken illusions..
	As a result of the successes in building socialism and in the
struggle against fascism, Trotskyism gained no particular benefits
from its change in form. After WW2, this anti-Marxist-Leninist
opposition dressed up in the form of anti-Stalinism, had effectively
fallen silent, having been reduced to the point where it was not taken
seriously in the international movement.
	Stalin was the target of propaganda, because it was under his
name that socialist politics were becoming concrete, and because his
policy of not making concessions was making further progress all the
time. The world proletariat was progressing rapidly, as was the move
towards socialism among those fighting for national liberation. With
every passing day, the anti-imperialist camp was getting
stronger. Imperialism had to block this advance.
	This is why a sustained anti-socialist campaign was launched
against Stalin personally.
	To be able to stand up against these attacks (which have been
waged world wide on every terrain - militarily, politically,
diplomatically, and ideologically through propaganda), to be able to
successfully win new victories and impose further setbacks on
imperialism, what is required is a leadership which has a consistent
and correct line, along with a strong organisation under the direction
of this leadership. This is particularly the case for the socialist
countries, but holds also for the entire world. Until the death of
Stalin, this fight was being waged successfully, and socialism was
making new gains world-wide.


The Resolutions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU were the Start of the 
Disintegration of the Socialist System

In terms of this question, the death of Stalin created a huge
vacuum. The weakening of the country and the party structure, the
damage caused by the war, the great loss of cadres whose places were
not filled for a long time - these and other reasons resulted in
Stalin's gap remaining unfilled. This was part of the price that the
Soviet Union had to pay on behalf of the people of the world for its
struggle against Hitler fascism, which had aimed to enslave the people
of the world.
	As for the collective leadership which replaced Stalin, its
capacity and understanding were very far from being up to the
task. The political line which was followed was not clear, and against
the backdrop of the confusion which stemmed from the attacks of
imperialism, self-doubt emerged. Through exaggerating the situation of
the CPSU, they were unable to see the level of revolutionary struggle
on a global scale. For those who are unable to perceive the true level
of revolutionary struggle through the bombardments of imperialism, the
situation was genuinely fearful. Not being able to see how the world
had changed from the days when the task was to defend the only
socialist country in existence, the revisionists begun to take control
of the leadership through expulsions.
	Modern revisionism, having put forward its defeatist views,
incriminated Stalin and rejected armed revolution, then began to
follow policies which benefited imperialism. The fact is that
socialist liberation struggles were left without support, and the path
they were following condemned through the mouths of "socialists". But
this is not the most important thing. This revisionism created an
opportunity for the revival of many tendencies which were waiting to
pounce. Trotskyism, which had never laid down the flag of
anti-socialism, became even more excited by this development. To this
chorus were added the voices of the defeated Communist Parties of
Europe, including the Communist Party of Italy and the Communist Party
of France, who in one way or another had held power in their hands
only to surrender it to the bourgeoisie.
	It became a matter of prestige to defend Stalin, who was at
the centre of the propaganda war between revolution and
counter-revolution. Imperialism made this leader the target. As if it
was not enough that these [revisionists] had given up, they wanted to
erase him from the ranks of socialists, through attacks from within
the party he had led for years. They wanted to erase him from history.
	What Stalin had achieved and his understanding were swept away in one blow. 
He was then portrayed as a "dictator". Revisionism took strength from the 
attacks of imperialism, and in turn objectively these imperialist attacks were 
strengthened as a result of the revisionists.
	The first thing that the founders of Eurocommunism did was to
condemn Stalin, to cut of all ties to him, and in order to "disprove"
the imperialist propaganda they changed everything, even their
names. By rejecting the dictatorship of the proletariat (very
important for the bourgeoisie), armed uprising and other similar
terms, they acted in the interests of the bourgeoisie. The ideology of
the 2nd International and nationalism grew in strength.
	As a result of the reformist-pacifist left taking on board the
"anti-Stalinist" campaign, which had been started by the bourgeoisie
in order to destroy the massive development of socialist, not only was
Eurocommunism brought into the open, not only did it foster the
revival of currents which had been buried by history like Trotskyism
and anarchism, and the emergence of numerous anti-Stalin writers, but
in addition secured the conditions for many bourgeois and petit
bourgeois sections to enter "left" platforms.
	A further result which has emerged is that anti-Stalinist
writers have served to strengthen class collaboration by the left. The
tradition of revolutionary politics, free of concessions, which came
to the fore after WW2 when the politics of the 2nd International were
thrown into the rubbish bin of history, suddenly disappeared.
	The bluff and exaggeration of the bourgeoisie have once again
became an effective method. The bourgeoisie is once again sure that
when it raises its voice a little, when it steps up the threats, when
it intensifies the demagogy, it will be able to divide a few left
currents which were ready to retreat. To give an example of this, take
a look at the situation of the PDS in Germany. Today every current can
be found within the ranks of the PDS. The leadership of this party
launched a campaign to remove the last "Stalinist" elements from their
ranks. By making it a principle to sever all ties with Stalinism, they
then moved to cut off all ties to organisations they knew were
Stalinist.
	There is no need to look very far to see what the ideological
roots of "Anti-Stalinism" are. The essence of "Anti-Stalinism" is
anti-Marxism and anti-Leninism. When Lenin summed up the history of
Marxism in Marxism and Revisionism, he wrote that "In the first half
century of its existence, Marxism was engaged in combating theories
fundamentally hostile to it. ... But after Marxism had ousted all the
more or less integral doctrines hostile to it, the tendencies
expressed in those doctrines began to seek other channels.  The forms
and motives of the struggle changed, but the struggle continued. and
the second half century of the existence of Marxism began with the
struggle of a trend hostile to Marxism within Marxism."
"Anti-Stalinism" is precisely such a trend hostile to Marxism within
Marxism.

Gorbachovism is an Attack on Leninism under the Guise of an Attack of Stalin.

	The Soviet Union's policy of collaboration with imperialism
evolved over a period of time and arrived at the final stage which was
counter-revolutionary Gorbachovism. This line did not emerge
suddenly. It began with the resolutions of the 20th Congress of the
CPSU, and was formulated in the term, "peaceful co-existence,"
peaceful competition, and peaceful transition and reform of
capitalism, which found its final development with Gorbachov and which
culminated in counter-revolution. The policies which were given
Gorbachov's name were only a continuation of the earlier developments
- the split in the socialist camp and the move to the right.
	Gorbachov traced his ideological roots to Khrushchov and
Bukharin. Gorbachov rehabilitated the counter-revolutionaries, which
even Khrushchov had not been able to achieve, and made his views of
both Khrushchov and Stalin known. It is clear today that Gorbachov,
who very soon recognised as a traitor, was from the start an enemy of
Stalin.
	
One Cannot Defend Socialism Without Defending Stalin

We oppose the criticisms that have been made against Stalin which do
not take into consideration the internal and external historical and
objective conditions, the imperialist blockade, the threat of
intensified attacks from fascism which was on the rise, the moves
towards imperialist war, the peasants' resistance against socialist
co-operatives and the attempts by petit bourgeois currents to destroy
the unity of the party. Contrary to the accusations - that Stalin
abused his power, infringed socialist legality, concentrated the
leadership of the party and the state into his own hands, and
oppressed the masses - the period in question was one when the party's
ties with the masses was at its height. This was the most progressive
level that the party reached in the entire 70 years of socialism. It
was a time when the Stakhanov movement created extraordinary work
rates and levels of self-sacrifice, a time when the people had become
socialist.
	To take a period which is full of successes and achievements,
a time when political methods were used to realise these gains, and to
evaluate this in a way which puts these methods in opposition to and
separate from the party's historical leadership is not consistent with
the materialist conception of history.
	In conclusion, the criteria of political success for
Marxist-Leninists is to raise the level of the struggles of the
world's proletariat, and to strengthen them with the successes of
socialist and internationalist politics. It is to develop the national
liberation movements and to strike new blows against imperialism.
	Those who have not learnt the lesson from the practical
developments of the CPSU and the Soviet Union have been thrown from
left to right, and have experienced confusion, above all in political
and ideological terms.
	The period has clearly shown that socialism cannot be built on
the basis of dogmatic, economistic, nationalist or pragmatic
analysis. Such analysis turns Marxism-Leninism into revisionism,
internationalism into nationalism, practical revolution into
opportunism, and as a whole socialism moves towards the restoration of
capitalism.
	Marxist-Leninists who have understood this for over 20 years
have for this reason been justified in their struggles. It is because
of the consistency and the faith shown in defending the purity of
Marxism-Leninism that Turkey today has a revolutionary mission.
	To not rely on external forces, but to think, to learn, to
make revolution and develop how to defend that revolution by totally
depending upon and relying upon one's own strength will secure the
development of a far healthier socialism, one which will not collapse.
	We have now entered a period where all over the world the
struggle of organisations who refuse to surrender to imperialism and
who have confidence in the strength of the people, is on the rise.

General Strike in South Korea

Faced with a new anti-labour law, trade unions in South Korea have
gone on an all-out offensive, staging a general strike which is
enterring its third week as we go to press.

The Korean bosses want more 'flexibility' from the workforce, and are
looking to introduce greater casual labour while making it easier to
lay workers off.  The same fight that the Liverpool Dockers, the
Hillingdon Hospital workers and many others here are facing.

It will have come as a shock to many workers in Britain to see the
degree of militancy of their South Korean brothers and sisters. But
the biggest shock will have been to find out that South Korean
workers, prior to the introduction of the new law, enjoyed better
legal protection than their counterparts here.

Indeed, it is a feature of the New World Order that certain monopolies
have been looking to set up production inSouth Wales and Scotland in
preference to Korea. Weaker unions and a strong anti-union legal
framework (which the Labour Party is to keep intact should they get
into office) have led to a situation where labour costs here can
undercut those in Korea.

This edited report is from the KCTU, the Korean TUC, in Seoul. The
KCTU is outlawed, but unbowed. The articles reflect their political
line, not necessarily that of The Communist.

The full textx of all KCTU reports to dat eare available from
Communist Action.


FIRST day of the General Strike in THE THIRD WAVE 

The Greatest Demonstration All Over The Country!

Yesterday, January 15, over 200,000 people including laborers,
students, and citizens poured out and filled the streets in 15 cities,
including Seoul, Pusan, Kwangju, Daeku and others, crying out the
slogan "retraction or the detrimental revisions of the Labor Law and
National Security Planning Agency Act". They held rallies by regions
and marched through the streets with flags and banners to demonstrate
against the evil laws. In some regions like Seoul, as riot police
fired tear gas on demonstrators, ordinary citizens who kept watched
over the sights booed the violent police. The nationwide rallies of
this day are the largest since the 'June-struggle' in 1987.

The KCTU, however, said on the same day that the overall and
indefinite strikes of public sectors including subway, hospital, and
cargo workers would go on until the 15th and 16th, and be converted
into partial strikes after that. They decided to control the level of
strikes with the consideration of public opinion, the confrontation of
the government, and others. They also warned that "in case that the
government authorities commit police forces to the Myongdong
Cathedral, we'll again launch overall general strikes".

The Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) held a great rally of
laborers at Yoido Plaza in Seoul. At that rally, Park In-Sang,
president of the FKTU, said "the FKTU will fight to the day that the
evil laws are nullified", insisting that "we will go on struggling
until the Presidential election".  The FKTU finished the general
strike of the second phase and plans to start political struggles that
can be aided by popular support.

Government To Try All Means To End Strikes

The government yesterday held a special cabinet meeting of
labor-related ministers and decided to seek "every possible means" for
an early settlement of labor unrest.

During the meeting presided over by Prime Minister Lee Soo-Sung in the
morning, the ministers agreed that the situation has now reached an
intolerable level. As the collective actions of union members have
been prolonged and are spreading to the public sector, they are
inconveniencing the public and damaging the national economy, they
said.

The ministers also shared the view that "stern and swift legal actions
are necessary to bring the current labor unrest to an end," said the
Prime Minister's Office after the meeting. The office added that the
ministers said the ongoing labor strikes have been turning from
political struggles to ideological ones and have decided to seek
measures to cope with the situation. The participants reaffirmed the
government's position that the arrest of union leaders who are leading
the illegal strikes should not be delayed further, even considering
the repercussions.

After the cabinet meeting, the prosecution sent a tough warning to
unions that the use of police force is imminent to arrest leaders of
the labor strikes. Prosecutor Choi Byong-Kuk, head of the Public
Security Department warned unless union leaders stop the "illegal"
strikes immediately, they will be dealt with in a "stern and resolute"
manner. Though he didn't detail when and how legal actions will be
taken, the senior prosecutor strongly implied that his warning was the
ultimatum before the use of force.

In the statement read in a press conference, senior prosecutor Choi
said the strike has become a "serious threat" to the nation's
security. "In recent days, North Korea has increasingly made an ill
use of the labor crisis by instigating workers to enter even longer
strikes," he said.


Strike Urgent Report #16 
Edited On January 18, 1997
SECOND Day Of The General Strike In THE THIRD WAVE 

Court Doubts Constitutionality Of Labor Law Under Hot Debate 

A district court yesterday decided to ask the Constitutional Court to
review the constitutionality of the majority party's railroading of
new labor bills early in the morning at the end of last year. Civil
Department No. 1 of the Chang-Won District Court made the decision in
connection with a request by the Hyundai Precision Co. that the court
order unionized workers on strike to return to work because their
strike is illegal.

The trial will be delayed until the Constitutional Court delivers a
final judgement on whether or not the Assembly action violated the
Constitution.

The Supreme Court will convey the district court's request to the
Constitutional Court, which is expected to act on it early next month
at the earliest.

The civil panel, led by Senior Judge Mun Hung-Su, raised questions
about the legality of opening the plenary session during which the
labor bills were passed at 6 a.m. instead of the legally set 2 p.m. An
amendment to the Law on the Establishment of the Agency for National
Security Planning was also passed by the New Korea Party (NKP) during
the session.

It suspected it might violate Paragraph Two, Article 7 of the National
Assembly Law, which stipulates that plenary sessions shall open at 2
p.m.

The panel said that the starting time may be changed through
agreements by floor negotiating groups, but that there was no prior
consultation for that time. The National Assembly Speaker notified the
changed opening time only to ruling party lawmakers.

The civil panel said, "Since the country is in crisis with national
opinion split and the economy heading toward catastrophe due to the
workers' waves of strikes, the Constitutionaly Court has the grave
duty to make a decision as soon as possible. If the Constitutional
Court rules that the passage of the laws is unconstitutional,
unionized workers will end their strikes for they will have attained
their goal. If it is judged constitutional, the workers will have to
seek change of the laws through legal means such as elections, not by
means of strikes." (From The Korea Times, January 17, 1997)

The Violent Gale Of Timeworn McCarthyism Blows Hard Again! 

The government plots to link the struggles of laborers with "impure"
left-wing powers. Prosecutor Choi Byong-Kuk, head of the Public
Security Departement said, on the 15th, "The general strikes are
degenerating to class struggle", insisting that "the evidence is that
North Korean propaganda broadcasts are instigating the working class
to destroy the government and that "communist" fliers were found at
the scene of labor rallies".

Kim Chul, spokeman of New Korea Party (NKP), in reference to the
subversive printed materials, said that prosecution, police and the
National Security Planning Agency must ferret out the entity and
wirepullers of the impure factors", denouncing that "the powers that
are distributing the fliers carrying slogans such as 'Down with
capitalist government!' tries to overturn the nation by switching the
strikes from a struggle against labor laws to one against the system".

Those signs that the government intends to connect the strikes with a
left-wing force, seem to be followed by the designs of separating ordinary
citizens from laborers.

An official said "burdens imposed with the authorities are the
resistances of people in general, rather than the strikes of labors'
side. So, if ordinary citizens and laborers are separated, it will not
be so difficult to suppress the strikes." He hinted that the in-secret
damage of McCarthyism was one of the strategies for putting down
strikes, adding that "it is important to disjoin the middle classes
from the workers', political authority from labor powers, the FKTU
from the KCTU, and the KCTU's leader groups from workplaces."

This kind of maneuvering is the same timeworn trick that the past
military dictatorship regimes took advantage of. Those governments had
oppressed anti-government activities by imputing them with the
accusation of being pro-communist.

The main opposition party dismissed the NKP's statement as a throwback to
Cold War rhetoric. 

"These practices of the government are in an chain of dirty political
maneuverings and too, the evidences that Kim's government loses the
ability to cope with the existing situations rationally", a response
from the National Congress for New Politics (NCNP) says.

-- 
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KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Feb  4 18:52:24 1997
From: tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 04 Feb 1997 18:52:24
Subject: Turkey/TDN: The coup will be a dissaster...
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vrxA7.000FfzC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: <tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Subject: Turkey/TDN: The coup will be a dissaster...

5 February 1997,
 Copyright ?
 Turkish Daily News 


 We used the NATO card
 in 1978 successfully 

 From a Feb. 4 article by Sabah's
 Mehmet Ali Birand: The European
 Union is to finalize during the
 coming months its expansion plan.
 Turkey's name has not been
 included in the candidate list.
 Meanwhile, NATO, of which Turkey
 is a member, has a quite dangerous
 expansion plan which has drawn
 strong reaction from Russia. A
 heavy price may have to be paid for
 NATO's expansion. In case of an
 escalation of tension, Turkey will
 have to pay its own share of that
 price since it will, as in the past, find
 itself in the role of a border
 gendarme. In other words, Turkey
 will share Europe's burden but will
 be kept outside Europe. Quite
 rightly, Ankara finds this
 unacceptable. So Turkey has said
 that it would veto NATO's
 expansion unless it is placed on
 the list of candidates likely to join
 the EU as full members. This has
 drawn objections from many,
 including NATO Secretary-General
 Javier Solana. 

 In 1978, the "Russians are coming!"
 wind was blowing inNATO.
 President Jimmy Carter had
 prepared a new armament program
 for NATO members called the
 Long-Term Strategy. At that time,
 Bulent Ecevit was Turkey's prime
 minister and Turkey was that year's
 NATO honorary chairman. At that
 time we were burdened by the
 Cyprus crisis. The U.S. arms
 embargo was pushing Turkey into a
 tight spot. Hiding behind the
 Congress, the Carter administration
 was saying that Turkey should take
 certain steps regarding Cyprus and
 improve its relations with Greece
 sothe Carter administration officials
 could convince the Congress to lift
 the arms embargo imposed on
 Turkey. Seeing Turkey was in a
 difficult position, Greece was
 obstructing all peace initiatives.
 Ecevit's peace package was
 rejected. At that time, Ecevit made
 his remark which boiled down to, "If
 you push Turkey too close to the
 wall we will go to the other side of
 the wall." He adopted a tough
 stance, saying that Turkey would
 reject the NATO communique
 unless it obtained a definite pledge
 to the effect that the arms embargo
 would be lifted. Ecevit came under
 great pressure from NATO leaders
 at a summit meeting in Washington,
 but he did not budge. In the end,
 President Carter accepted that. 

 Pursuing such policies to the end
 require balanced, multifaceted,
 fine-tuned policies. Turkey can get
 out of this spot unscathed if it tidies
 up its own home, fulfilling its
 responsibilities in such areas as
 human rights, and if it establishes
 close cooperation with Russia and
 explains well the Turkish views
 concerning the East European
 countries waiting for NATO's
 expansion. 


 Verbal protest crisis with
 Iran 

 RADIKAL said when Turkish
 officials issued a verbal protest to
 Iranian Ambassador to Turkey,
 Mohammed Reza Bagheri, following
 his call for a Shariah-based
 system, Bagheri immediately
 denounced the protest to
 journalists. This was contrary to
 diplomatic tradition, according to
 which diplomats make
 denouncements only behind closed
 doors. MILLIYET's Yalcin Dogan
 said this was not the first incident
 caused by the Iranian diplomat. He
 had earlier been expelled from
 Kuwait. Bagheri was declared
 persona non grata because of his
 efforts aimed at "exporting Iran's
 Islamic revolution" to Kuwait. 


 The dangerous escalation

 SABAH said that Interstar
 correspondent Isin Gurel was
 punched on the face and hurled to
 the ground by a fundamentalist who
 grabbed her hair, and had to be
 hospitalized. The attack came while
 she was covering the opposition
 Republican People's Party (CHP)
 demonstration in Sincan-Ankara in
 protest against the "Al Quds
 (Jerusalem) Day" events staged by
 the Welfare Party (RP) mayor of
 Sincan. During the event, Mayor
 Bekir Yildiz and Iranian
 Ambassador Mohammed Reza
 Bagheri had made pro-Shariah
 speeches under the posters of
 Hamas and Hezbollah leaders. A
 YENIYUZYIL headline said,
 "Pro-Shariah attack in Sincan,
 female journalist beaten." RADIKAL
 said, "RP terror in Sincan, first
 Erbakan raps the media, then a
 municipal official of the RP beats up
 a journalist." 


 Prosecutor taken off the
 case 

 RADIKAL reported that Ankara
 State Security Court Prosecutor
 Nuh Mete Yuksel who had started
 investigating the events of the Al
 Quds night in Sincan, has been
 taken off the case. In line with an
 order given by the prosecutor
 general, another prosecutor, Nuh
 Cetinkaya, will deal with the case.
 Yuksel said the dismissal might
 have been due "to my working
 against the anti-secular forces." He
 stressed that those who had made
 speeches onAl Quds day, including
 the Sincan mayor, should be put on
 trial for "praising acts considered
 criminal by the law." 


 A dangerous course 

 MILLIYET said that on top of the
 mosque-headscarf-pilgrimage
 controversy creating political
 tension in the country, the local
 head of the Nationalist Movement
 Party (MHP) organization in
 Istanbul's Kartal district had been
 assassinated by unidentified
 people, increasing the tension.
 HURRIYET said, "No end to
 provocations. RP escalates the
 headscarf, pilgrimage by highway,
 sheepskin donations and mosque
 for Taksim-Istanbul crisis by
 creating yet another incident in
 Sincan." Provocatively, Mayor Bekir
 Yildiz set up a tent in the heart of
 Sincan opposite Ataturk's bust,
 which looked like an elaborate
 replica of the Al Aqsa Mosque in
 Jerusalem. It was in this tent that
 the controversial speeches were
 made on Al Quds Day under the
 posters of Hamas and Hezbollah
 leaders. Late on Monday
 municipality officials quickly
 dismantled the tent-mosque.
 ZAMAN said no one would benefit
 from an escalation of tensions. 


 The headscarf formula 

 MILLIYET said that RP leader and
 Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan
 was seeking a formula to lift the
 headscarf ban at universities.
 Adamant on sending a message to
 the RP grassroots prior to the
 Ramadan Feast, he is planning to
 "bypass" the True Path Party (DYP)
 ministers opposing the plan. The
 headscarf decree will be issued
 with the signatures of Erbakan and
 Ciller alone on behalf of their fellow
 ministers. Meanwhile, it has been
 rumored that Erbakan wants to
 replace two members of the DYP
 wing of the government -- Health
 Minister Yildirim Aktuna and
 Defense Minister Turhan Tayan --
 for publicly opposing the lifting of
 the ban. YENIYUZYIL said Ciller
 had ordered the DYP ministers not
 to make public statements against
 the latest controversial RP moves
 so as not to shake the coalition. To
 those who called for an end to the
 coalition, she said Turkey needed
 the RP-DYP government. 


 Quest for RP-free
 government gains
 momentum 

 YENIYUZYIL said new government
 scenarios were being prepared in
 the political halls of Ankara. Main
 opposition Motherland Party
 (ANAP) leader Mesut Yilmaz said,
 "We are open to all alternatives.
 Turkey will not become another
 Iran." Ecevit and Baykal have given
 the green light for an RP-free
 government. RADIKAL said
 meanwhile, Ciller is preoccupied
 with her own fate rather than with
 the fate of the DYP. The party
 leadership has sent letters to DYP
 deputies, telling them to be present
 in Parliament on Feb. 18 when a
 vote will be taken on whether to
 start an investigation into Ciller's
 alleged role in Tourism Company
 (TURBAN) irregularities. SABAH
 reported that opposition Nationalist
 Movement Party (MHP) leader
 Alparslan Turkes has been
 mediating between the DYP and the
 opposition ANAP now that the
 RP-DYP government sees
 increased tension between the
 coalition partners. Turkes phoned
 DYP Deputy Sedat Aloglu, who is
 close to Ciller. Turkes and Aloglu
 are to meet today, and Turkes will
 suggest an "RP-free" government
 formula. 


 RP's colonel an
 intelligence man 

 HURRIYET said that retired colonel
 Ali Riza Zivkara, who recently
 joined Islamist Prime Minister
 Necmettin Erbakan's RP at a
 ceremony, had worked for a long
 time for the intelligence department
 of the Chief of General Staff's Office,
 preparing files on "suspect and
 hazardous personnel" to be
 presented to the Supreme Military
 Council each year. Intelligence
 officers who have been
 investigating the religious
 extremists now worry that their
 names will be disclosed by Zivkara.


 'There was an ASALA file'

 YENIYUZYIL referred to the
 testimony given to the
 parliamentary Susurluk Commission
 by Meral Catli, widow of Abdullah
 Catli, the "right wing mafia chief" and
 prime massacre suspect who died
 in a traffic incident in Susurluk on
 Nov. 3, 1996 while traveling with a
 top police official and a Member of
 Parliament. Meral Catli maintained
 that her husband had been working
 for the state, staging undercover
 operations abroad. She said, "The
 French police had arrived to
 search our house. Abdullah told me
 quietly to get the file in the closet
 and hide it. I hid it under my
 sweater. My husband told me we
 would have been lost if the file had
 been found because it contained
 the plan to assassinate an
 Armenian, a man with white hair, in
 Switzerland." 


 The Hezbollah army 

 CUMHURIYET said Hizbullah, a
 fundamentalist terror
 organization,had caused a
 bloodbath in the Southeast, killing
 225 people in the past five years,
 mostly by a single bullet fired point
 blank or by a butcher's knife,
 though in some instances
 Kalashnikovs and hand grenades
 have also been used. It mostly
 uses boys aged 15-18 as hit men.
 The killers get away from the crime
 scene on foot and they reportedly
 hide the murder weapons in
 mosques. Up until now 1,578
 Hizbullah militants have been
 caught, 444 of whom are in custody
 pending the outcome of their trials.
 Assessing that the organization
 has some 3,000 hitherto
 unidentified militants, security
 forces have intensified their raids
 on Hizbullah strongholds in the
 region, especially in Batman and its
 environs. There are reports to the
 effect that the end of Hizbullah is
 near. 

 Commentaries 



 TDN's Editorial
 by Ilnur Cevik 



 As the tanks roll
 through Sincan township 

      General Karadayi and his
      colleagues are acting to
      subdue the military anger and
      this needs a very sensitive
      balancing act. Gen. Karadayi
      is joined by President
      Suleyman Demirel in this act
      which could be called
      "operation democracy" 

 The Islamists made a show of force
 at the township of Sincan near
 Ankara which not only created an
 uproar among the secularists of
 Turkey but also irked the
 pro-Islamic Welfare Party (Refah),
 the junior partner of the coalition... 

 Refah had strong words for some
 party supporters who staged a
 fundamentalist rally recently during
 the celebration of Jerusalem Day... 

 But the military was visibly annoyed
 with the fundamentalist display. The
 commanders had a top-level
 meeting at the general staff
 headquarters in Ankara to "review"
 the situation and this spread
 rumors once again that Turkey
 could be on its way to a new
 intervention... 

 We feel the time has come to spell
 out certain realities. The military has
 no intention of staging a coup and
 wants democracy to produce its
 own solutions. General Ismail Hakki
 Karadayi, the chief of staff, is the
 key figure here who along with
 some of his colleagues cherishes
 real democratic values and is the
 main obstacle to any such
 intervention. 

 Gen. Karadayi, through his silent
 but forceful style, has brought the
 office of the chief of staff to a highly
 respectable place in the Turkish
 hierarchy. He makes few
 statements but when he talks he
 makes an impact. 

 We know well that the lower
 echelons of the military are unhappy
 with some of the recent events
 which they consider anti-secularist
 and want the commanders to act.
 Gen. Karadayi and his colleagues
 are acting to subdue the military
 anger and this needs a very
 sensitive balancing act. Gen.
 Karadayi is joined by President
 Suleyman Demirel in this act which
 could be called "operation
 democracy." 

 The commanders have met in
 Golcuk and then in Ankara. On
 Tuesday tanks rolled through the
 streets on Sincan on their way to a
 military exercise. This should well
 be taken as a mini warning to those
 who have certain designs about a
 fundamentalist system. 

 These days we see Prime Minister
 Necmettin Erbakan as the key figure
 to keep the fundamentalists at bay
 while we see Gen. Karadayi and
 President Demirel as the two
 leading state officials subduing the
 military and even those so-called
 intellectuals who are trying to
 provoke a coup... 

 Refah and Prime Minister Erbakan
 should realize that not everything is
 bright and beautiful and that they
 have to keep some party people
 under control. Every wrong action is
 turning into a provocation which is
 only serving those who call for a
 military takeover in our country... 

 Gen. Karadayi and Demirel are well
 aware that such a coup would only
 spell disaster for Turkey. If only
 some civilians could act as
 responsibly as Gen. Karadayi. 

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From greenscreen at gn.apc.org  Thu Feb  6 00:00:24 1997
From: greenscreen at gn.apc.org (greenscreen at gn.apc.org)
Date: 06 Feb 1997 00:00:24 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Turkish State Attacks Med-TV Sateli
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269a.018@gn.apc.org>

From: greenscreen (Umit OZTURK)
Subject: Turkish State Attacks Med-TV Satelite Dish Owners

LONDON: 5 February 1997




   Turkish State Attacks Med-TV Satellite Dish Owners

The Turkish authorities have stepped up harassment of  viewers of Med-TV,
the  Kurdish language satellite broadcaster, which broadcasts under licence
from London.  Med-TV calls on the European Union to condemn this violation
of freedom of expression.

Blocking the reception of Med-TV within Turkey reportedly led the agenda at
the 27 January  meeting of Turkey's National Security Council. On 30
January, the Ankara Security Directorate demanded the names of the buyers
of satellite dishes from electronic equipment shop owners. Police are now
checking the direction of dishes to identify the audience of Med-TV. This
follows weeks of increasing intimidation of Med viewers in Kurdish-speaking
areas such as the Suruc District in Urfa.

Leading Turkish intellectuals expressed outrage. The lawyer of the Istanbul
Human Rights Association, Ercan Kanar, said that Turkey's actions had no
justification under international law. 

Med -TV's Director, Hikmet Tabak, said, "The right to receive information
and opinions freely, in all media, and without regard to borders, is laid
out in the International  Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR),
to which Turkey is a signatory. It is sad to see Turkey's renewed efforts
to join the European Union coincide with this attack on key European
values: freedom of the press and cultural diversity."

Scandals concerning high-level government involvement in death squads and
drug dealing have rocked Turkey in recent months. Med's London office
commented, "The government mistakenly believes that it can deal with a
crisis of public confidence by silencing the media. We urge Turkey's
friends in the European Union to point out  the uselessness of this tactic.
This new departure from the human rights commitments which Turkey undertook
at the time of accession to customs union with Europe is a disaster." 

Med-TV is aKurdish language TV satellite station. It is privately owned and
funded and its goal is the promotion and preservation of the Kurdish
language and culture.


Med-TV's website is: http:/ www. med-tv.be/med

posted by:
      --------------------------------------------------
     |  Umit Ozturk, Editor, Green Screen News          |  
     |  PO Box 10386, London N16 8RQ, United Kingdom    |
     |  tel/fax: +44-(0)171-2493624                     |
     /) email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org                   (\
    /                                                     \
  _( (+-------------------------------------------------+) )_
 (((\ \   /_)                                     /^)   / /)))
 (\\\\ \_/ /                                      \ \_ / ////
  \       /                                        \       /
   \   __/                                          \__   /
    |   |                                            |   |


From dhkc at dds.nl  Mon Feb 10 05:32:13 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 10 Feb 1997 05:32:13
Subject: AP: Turkey's Moms Seek Lost Children
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vtvfR.000FjfC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>
Subject: AP: Turkey's Moms Seek Lost Children 

Turkey's Moms Seek Lost Children 

By YALMAN ONARAN 
Associated Press Writer 
Saturday, February 8, 1997 12:43 pm EST 

ISTANBUL, Turkey (AP) -- Ismail Sahin left for his job as a garbage
collector on Jan. 18, 1996, and never returned. Witnesses say a group of
men hustled him away during a shift change. 

On Saturday, his mother, wife and two small children took their place with
hundreds of others at a rally in downtown Istanbul, as they have every
week since his disappearance. 

``If we could find his body, we'd be relieved -- at least we'd know he's
dead,'' said Hatice Sahin, Ismail's mother. 

Saturday mothers, as they are known, have become an institution over
the past two years. They gather Saturdays on Istanbul's Istiklal Street
and hold pictures of their lost loved ones, whom they say were taken into
custody by police. 

Sitting in the freezing rain or sweltering sun, they demand that the
government find their sons and daughters -- or account for their deaths. 

Their plight is played out on television screens and newspaper pages
every week. 

A U.S. State Department report on human rights, made public last month,
said the Turkish police violate regulations requiring the immediate
registration of detainees and the notification of their families. 

Turkey's Human Rights Association counts more than 800 disappeared
people -- and suspects that they disappeared after security forces
detained them. 

Most of the cases cited by the association occurred in southeastern
Turkey, where a 12-year-old war between Kurdish rebels and the
Turkish army has claimed more than 21,000 lives. 

The war is ruthless, and democratic rules allegedly are swept aside under
the claim of ``fighting terrorism.'' The security forces are accused of
hundreds of summary executions and torture. 

But even in Istanbul, Turkey's largest city with 10 million people, people
can disappear. 

Sahin, then 31, was last seen as he got off his garbage truck on a busy
street. The family believes he was taken by plainclothes police. They say
he had leftist leanings, but don't believe he was connected to any
particular group. 

``I come here every week with the hope that someone sees his pictures
and calls us with some tip,'' Mrs. Sahin said. 

Authorities deny they are holding any of the missing people. 

Alaaddin Yuksel, Turkey's police chief, told reporters 10 days ago that
most of the people on the missing list were in the mountains of the
southeast, among the Kurdish guerrillas. 

Others were in prison, Yuksel said. ``We'll illuminate the Saturday mothers
this weekend.'' 

Two Saturdays have passed since that statement, with no further
explanation from police. 

One mother, whose son's corpse was found three months after he
disappeared in 1995, still comes to the Saturday rally. 

``My son is dead, but I shout every week so young people like you don't
disappear any more,'' Emine Ocak told a reporter, her eyes filling with
tears. 

           ? Copyright 1997 The Associated Press

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind
Turkey Mailinglist Mirror: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From dhkc at dds.nl  Thu Feb 13 06:55:02 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 13 Feb 1997 06:55:02
Subject: Protests and injustice in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vv1vl.000FONC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>


Turkey,
02.13.96

Until this day, the protests against the filthy connections between
the Contra-Guerrilla, State and Mafia continue.  After the
initialization by the "Platform for Freedom and Rights" from the
campaign "Susurluk is the State", many democratic organizations have
joined this campaign and started several protest-actions.

On the firsts of February, intellectuals, artists, journalists and
writers started a campaign under the slogan "A minute of darkness for
eternal light". Every day at 21.00Hrs, all over the country, the
lights are turned of for one minute. Every day more and more people
join this action. Exactly at 21.00Hrs. the lights go out and the
people go on the streets to protest against the state and the
contra-gurrilla.

Except the governing parties DYP (Founded with Mafia-drugsmony) and
the Refah-Party and of course the fascist MHP,all political parties are
involved in this campaign. The deputy chairman of the DYP accused the
participating people and organization of being traitors.  

On Feb.12 the RADIKAL reported that Justice Minister Sevket Kazan had
said, "They are playing the game of blowing out the candle," This
remark has particularly angered the members of the Alawite sect
because "blowing out the candle" is a derisive phrase used against
Alawis by certain members of the Sunni sect, implying that Alawis
could be having incestuous relationships in the dark.

The policemen's lawyer is a torturer

02-13-97

CUMHURIYET said Nejdet Kucuktaskiner, "a self-confessed torturer," has
now surfaced as the lawyer for the policemen accused of the torture
death of journalist Metin Goktepe. Daily Evrensel correspondent
Goktepe was beaten to death in Istanbul in 1996 while he was in
custody.  Kucuktaskiner was a National Intelligence Organization (MIT)
official. He had taken part in the torture-interrogations in the wake
of the military's "coup by ultimatum" which toppled the government in
1971. In 1978 some members of the press who had been his victims
identified and challenged him.  Speaking with them he admitted that he
had operated as a torturer. On Aug. 17, 1978 the Istanbul Bar
Association disbarred him. It is not clear why he is now being
permitted to act as the legal counsel for the policemen on trial in
the Goktepe case.


-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind
Turkey Mailinglist Mirror: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Feb 14 05:06:50 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 14 Feb 1997 05:06:50
Subject: Turkey Signs Deal For New Military
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970214000..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Turkey Signs Deal For New Military Helicopters

Turkey Signs Helicopter Deals With German-French; U.S.

Associated Press, 02/13/97

ANKARA, Turkey (AP) - Turkey signed a
$113 million deal Thursday to buy four Sea
Hawk helicopters from Sikorsky Aircraft and,
separately, reached a $430 million dollar
agreement with the German-French Eurocopter
consortium. 

Turkey would co-produce 28 Cougar transport
helicopters with Eurocopter and buy two others.

Turkey's use of helicopters in its war against
Kurdish rebels seeking autonomy and its tense
relations with neighboring Greece have delayed
past arms transfers from the United States. 

Last November, angered by the U.S. delays,
Turkey canceled the purchase of 10 Cobra
attack helicopters. The delivery of three former
U.S. frigates also has been held up by
Congress. 

Sea Hawks and Cougars cannot be be used as
attack helicopters. Sikorsky is based in
Stratford, Conn.


From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Tue Feb 18 14:59:44 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Feb 1997 14:59:44
Subject: Urgent Action: Save the Live of Kemal Alev!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2t1enuc.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Urgent Action: Save the Live of Kemal Alev!
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

URGENT APPEAL

SAVE THE LIFE OF KEMAL ALEV!

The French authorities want to send Kemal Alev into a certain death by
extraditing him to the Turkish murder regime. Kemal Alev was arrested
in Paris on February 16, 1995, suspected of being responsible for the
escape of Dursun Karatas, the chairman of the Revolutionary People's
Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) from Turkey. He was furthermore
accused of leading illegal activities in France. He spent two years in
custody. The trial against him lasted for three days and was held on
January 14-16, 1997. On February 6, 1997, he was sentenced to a time
in jail, equal to the time he already spent in custody. He was then
released on February 15. However, he was immediately arrested again,
waiting for his extradition to Turkey. His plane ticket has already
been booked for February 20. This factually means an extra punishment
in the form of a unofficial death sentence! As is widely known, the
murderers who govern Turkey know only one way to deal with the
political opposition: trying to crush the resistance against their
inhuman practices by means of murder, torture and
disappearances. Those who kill opponents and members of the opposition
press are set free, 15 year old children are sentenced to long prison
terms, based on "confessions", obtained after torture. These facts are
common knowledge. It is astounding that the French government, those
who rule the land of "Freedom, Equality and Fraternity" and who must
be very well aware of the abominable situation in Turkey, still
decides to extradite somebody to such a regime. It becomes even more
peculiar when one realises that this person possesses a permanent
permit to stay in a European country. Kemal Alev has such a permit to
stay in Austria already for 15 years, his family - wife and children -
possess the Austrian nationality.

Kemal Alev has become very known in Turkey because of the trial in
Paris. His picture has been in several Turkish papers. An uncle of his
was murdered by the Turkish military a couple of years ago, the
village he comes from does not exist anymore. This village was
confronted with the same fate as hundreds of other villages in Turkish
Kurdistan: the inhabitants were driven away with force, and the houses
were destroyed.

THE LIFE OF KEMAL ALEV IS SERIOUSLY IN DANGER IN CASE HE IS EXPELLED
TO TURKEY!

PROTEST HIS EXTRADITION, DEMAND THAT HE WILL BE EXPELLED TO AUSTRIA!

We call upon the public to send their protest messages and faxes to
the following addresses:

The Home Office:  Tel: 0033-1-40 07 60 60
                             Fax: 0033-1-43 59 89 50
The Justice Department: Tel: 0033-1-44 77 60 60
                                      Fax: 0033-1-44 77 70 60
Tribunale de Grande Instance de Paris:  Fax: 0033-1-44 32 78 54

Please do not forget the French Embassy and consulates in your own country!		


Please inform us about any action that you take.

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl


From itusc at gn.apc.org  Mon Feb 17 01:22:23 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 17 Feb 1997 01:22:23 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: IRANIAN OIL-WORKERS ARRESTED
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269b.597@gn.apc.org>

This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
_____________________________________________________________________
This message has been requested by the:-
 COMMITEE FOR THE DEFENCE AND SUPPORT OF THE IRANIAN OIL WORKERS

Today (16 February), hundreds of oil workers and their elected
representatives from the petroleum refineries in Iran (of the cities of
Shiraz, Isfahan, Tabriz and Tehran), together with workers of the oil
distribution sector, the oil pipelines and the national gas company, were
arrested at a picket in front of the Tehran oil ministry. The Islamic
Republic of Iran has also declared all oil workers' organisations as
illegal, banned the formation of a national organisation and refused their
demand for collective bargaining.
As we previously informed you, the oil workers are involved in a direct
confrontation with the Iranian regime. They are protesting against their
working conditions, the level of wages and for the right to form a workers'
organisation. Up to now the regime which governs Iran has refused to accept
these basic and just demands.The oil workers had previously threatened to go
on an all-out national, unlimited strike if their legitimate demands are not
met.
On 5 and 6 February, they elected representatives who then went to Tehran to
form a national organisation. This organisation met there on 7 February, but
the Iranian government intervened and dissolved the meeting. It then forced
the representatives to return to their respective cities and prohibited them
from leavingthem, putting them under 'city' arrest.A week later, the
government demanded that each city send representatives to Tehran for
negotiations. These negotiations were fruitless.
Today, 16 February, around 2,000 oil workers and their representatives,
acxcompanied by many other workers of associated industries, held a picket
in front of the Tehran oil ministry and demanded to speak to the oil minister.
Iranian 'Revolutionary' Guards were called and quickly surrounded the area.
They gave warning shots into the air to deter others from joining the oil
workers' protest.
Later, the government and the Revolutionary Guards brought many buses to the
scene, arrested several hundreds of oil workers and their representatives
and others.Tonight, at least until2100hrs. (Tehran time) , they went to
workers homes and made arrests. They wre taken to a prison, but it is not
known which one.
The government has declared all oil workers' organsations illegal,
prohibited the formation of a national organisation and refused the
collctive bargaining demand.
Today, in a radio interview, the Iranian oil minister claimed that
negotiations with oil workers had taken place and that an agreement had been
reached.
According to our sources in Iran, which are 100% reliable, this is a
complete fabrication; there is no element of truth in this statement.
Today, all workers in all four refineries including the Tehran oil
distribution department, oil pipeline workers and the national gas company
have joined the strike to free their colleagues.
WE URGE ALL TRADE UNIONS, POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE MEDIA TO PUBLICISE THIS
NEWS AND TO PUT PRESSURE ON THE IRANIAN GOVERNMENT TO FREE ALL OIL WORKERS
AND THEIR SUPPORTERS WHO HAVE BEEN ARRESTED, IMMEDIATELY AND UNCONDITIONALLY.
Please send faxes to the Iranian Embassy in your country and let us have a
copy of your response for relating your message to the Iranian oil workers
and their representatives (through publications and broadcasts).

Iranian Refugee Workers' Association,
PO Box 3646,
London. 
SW11 5YT
Britain
Tel/Fax 0044 (0) 1372 817 778
e-mail: itusc at gn.apc.org

Communist Party of Iran,
C.D.R.T.,
PO Box 70445,
107 25 Stockholm,
Sweden.
Fax: (46) 08 86 80 54
Fax: 0044 (0) 181 248 2658

Iranian Workers' Left Unity,
PO Box 22634,
1100 DC Amsterdam,
The Netherlands. 


From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Feb 19 06:33:33 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 19 Feb 1997 06:33:33
Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrila State (the planning of a war against the peop
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2t0hoeo.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrila State (the planning of a war against the people) PART I
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

The following internal strategy paper was translated by the Kurdistan
Informationcentre Amsterdam


Internal discussionpaper from the National Security Council from
Turkey.

PROPOSALS FOR SOLUTIONS

PROBLEMS IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST TERRORISM AND PROPOSALS FOR SOLUTIONS

1. GENERAL:

Terrorism and the fight against terrorism has occupied the country's
agenda for a substantial period and great resources are expended in
the struggle with terrorism. However, despite the widespread and
effective manner of the security forces continuation of the struggle
with terrorism, which needs to be waged all-out, it is observed that
they are faced with a number of problems in the political, social and
economic dimensions and that shortcomings and hitches have arisen in
the solution of these problems. Since terrorist activities in our
country are carried out on a broad platform it is considered that the
struggle to be conducted in this field should also be carried out with
multi-faceted organisation.

As well as the continuation of the struggle on a military dimension, a
number of problems arise due to the requirements of security resources
and the hitches in the activities of certain state institutions and
establishments.

2. DOMESTIC SECURITY REQUIREMENTS OF THE TURKISH ARMED FORCES AND
   RELATED PROBLEMS:

The importance must be stressed of prioritising meeting the needs of
the Turkish Armed Forces, in order that this struggle be waged in an
uninterrupted and effective manner.  The problems faced in the
Domestic Security Operation are listed below.

CONFIDENTIAL

a. There has been an interruption in activities for the arrangement of
   the borders with Iraq, started between 1983-1989, due to the Gulf
   crisis.

b. The Physical Border Security System is inadequate.

c. The means of identification and determination of targets in the
   Physical Border Security System on the Iranian and Armenian borders
   are inadequate.

d. There is a need for helicopter pads in the region*, and the
military units do not have any means of communication in the military
station and military bass areas.  
(* the region is a euphemism for the Kurdish region within Turkey in
particular, and the state of emergency region in particular
(translator))


e. The projects of modernisation of the Turkish Armed Forces must be continued.

3. DRYING UP FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF THE TERRORIST ORGANISATION(S):

The necessary precautions to be taken in the matter of measures to be
applied in order to deprive the PKK terrorist organisation of
financial resources have been determined by joint activities of the
relevant Ministries, Institutions and Establishments, co-ordinated by
the General Secretariat of the National Security Council.

The Inter-Ministry "PURSUANCE AND DIRECTION COMMITTEE" was formed with
a Prime Ministerial Directive dated 15 September 1994 with the aim of
determining the necessary procedures, putting them into practice and
continuously following up and co-ordinating their application in order
to apply these measures.

Appointment of Ministries, Institutions and Establishments relevant to
the matter was secured by the publication of two Prime Ministerial
Circulars dated 14 March 1995 containing the legislative and
administrative measures of terrorist organisations. 
The first meeting of the Pursuance and Direction Committee relating to
the procedures conducted was held on 3 July 1995, and the second and
last on 20 November 1996. There was a period of 18 months between the
two meetings. If the committee had met every month, it could have been
possible to secure more productive work and direction in the
activities carried out.
The conclusion was reached that although the procedures relating to
the precautions taken were generally fulfilled, there were
shortcomings and hitches in the matters of inter-institutional
co-ordination and intelligence.

4.  PROBLEMS FACED FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF SECURITY:

a. The co-ordination and Direction of Intelligence:
The military units intelligence branches face difficulties in
obtaining domestic security intelligence, the dimensions of which are
far greater. There is no arrangement of activities or hierarchy
between state intelligence organisations like MIT (National
Intelligence Establishment), SECURITY and JITEM (Gendarme Intelligence
Struggle with Terrorism). Intelligence obtained becomes delayed
intelligence by reason of bureaucratic and hierarchic
practices. Difficulties are experienced in the combination of
intelligence and the intelligence organisations work independently of
each other and without co-ordination.

b. The Temporary Village Guard System:
The Temporary Village Guard System, which has been highly beneficial
in the matter of achieving security and public order, is in the
position of being a target of the PKK terrorist organisation. Problems
with the activities and with rehabilitation in the Temporary Village
Guard System, which is made up of people of the region, continue.
There is a need for Temporary Village Guards in some areas. The
Temporary Village Guards and the Voluntary Village Guards, who do the
same job, do not benefit from the same rights. Law number 442, the
Village Law, has not yet been enacted (sic).

c. Special Police Action Teams:
The expected result has not been achieved form the Special Police
Action Teams formed with the approval of the Ministry of the Interior
on 15 April 1994 within the Provincial Security Directorates for
employment in operations against armed terrorists in the hills, by
reason of erroneous employment and bad practice. A large  proportion
of the personnel, who were suitable in the beginning from the point of
view of physical condition, have lost their attributes with time die
to lack of training and employment outside their actual duties. It has
been determined in addition that they have been cause for breakdown of
discipline by behaviour such as talking and making noise and lighting
fires during night ambush duties, that they have been involved in
harsh attitudes and behaviour against citizens (Offices of the Chief
of General Staff, 22 November 1996).

d. Special Security Organisations in Public Institutions and Establishments:
Units engaged in the protection of buildings and roads are unable to
act according to the requirements of their actual duties. Law number
2495, the Law Regarding the Foundation of Special Security
Organisations in Public Institutions and Establishments, has not yet
proved functional.

e. Prisons and their Problems:
Legal and administrative problems relating to the prisons
continue. The prisons in their existing state virtually act as schools
and training, organisation and communication centres for the
organisations.

In addition, the Administration of the prisons has been divided into
internal and external administration, and there is no certainty of
collaboration between them. There are training and cultural weaknesses
among prison officers. The percentage of wardens from the people of
the region is over 80 %. There are insufficient female wardens for the
numbers of problems such as the lack of modern equipment and
apparatus, and errors in the design of prisons and the dormitory
system.

5. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS OF THE REGION:

It is inevitable that the waging of the struggle against terrorism by
the effective use of security forces will also be supported by
elements of a number of national forces. Just as the intervention of
these elements may meet, albeit to a limited degree, the reasons for
the rise of terrorism, they ill also secure new local structures.
Terrorist movements starting with the appearance of trying to obtain
political, social and cultural rights gain strength by the
exploitation of backwardness form the cultural, economic and social
point of view as well as of the geographical conditions of the region,
and the part of this strength relating to armed action groups is
broken by the effective struggle of the security forces. However,
along with this first dimension of the struggle with terrorism, that
of the removal of support secured for terrorism and the conditions for
this support, conducted by security forces, it is also possible to
realise the its second dimension:

a. In the field of politics:

Provision for the organisation of militants domestically is secured by
means of HADEP (People's Democracy Party). The voting potential for
HADEP in the last elections was noteworthy. This legal party is
virtually in a position of recruiting soldiers. The activities of this
party, particularly in Diyarbakir, have become clear from the
statements of terrorists seized wounded or uninjured in operations
conducted in the region, and complaints have been filed with the
necessary offices (Offices of the Chief of General Staff, 22 November
1996).
Certain human rights associations and other associations with a legal
appearance are also evaluated to have an attitude other than
impartial. People carrying out certain activities (within these) as
organisation sympathisers later join terrorist organisations through
these associations.
In addition, there are two types of countries which afford support to
terrorism. One type is made up of counties like Greece, which give
support to terrorism and the organisation and use it as politics
against Turkey, and the other, like Germany, France and the UK, are
those which do not evaluate the terrorist incidents in our country in
a political manner, but see them (sic) as unfortunate local people. It
is deemed important to explain the damage the terrorist organisations
in our country do to the European Community (drugs and arms smuggling
etc.).
Terrorist organisations also used against the state the reactions
against the existing regime of unemployed, troubled young people
unable from a social point of view to adjust to the environment in
large centres of population.
It is necessary to educate young people along the lines that they are
under the guarantee of the state, by aiming at education and
activities and the realisation of their potentials within the circles
in which they live.

b. In the field of administration: ..

c. It is not possible to transfer all the resources of the state to
   the backward regions. Otherwise the working of the machinery which
   secures the balance of development may falter. The state should
   direct its incitements and investments by planning along the lines
   of the geographical structure and natural sources of the
   region. And while taking investments and incitements to the region,
   it is necessary to take into account a number of shortcomings
   arising from the geographical and climatic conditions as well as
   balancing elements, and to consider as a whole the policies which
   will direct the people of the region towards production, meet their
   education, health and housing needs and tie the people to their
   land and their regions.

The principle must be understood that it is the people of the region
who have the capacity for production and that it is also the people of
the region who will be able to develop the region.
When payments relating to investment programmes planned for the region
are made, they must be properly designated and the fortification of
the local administrations must be taken into account on points such as
initiatives of metropolitan infrastructure, health, environment and
economics. In this manner the participation of the people of the
region in decisions relating to their own welfare and an increase of
political awareness may be secured.
The economic depression in the traditional economic activity of the
region, animal husbandry, has made itself obvious as a result of the
livestock sector being unable to keep up with competition in the
country and of its subsequent collapse. Terrorism and the struggle
with terrorism have dealt blows on this sector.
There have been migrations and a breakdown in the pastoral system as a
result of panic caused by terrorism.
A pilot region to be determined and state supported regions should be
dealt with as a whole. It is not possible to support the many
provinces in the region to the same degree.

(1) Population Planning:..

(2) Investment in Education:

There are important weaknesses in the number of schools which are
closed and the amount of teachers working in the region. Of around
14.000 schools, 5.000, 1s 36%, are closed. Out of 53.000 teachers,
there is a shortage of 17.000, is 40% of teachers. In addition, 43% of
the numbers of teachers are people of the region. With the aim of
removing this shortage, 63 reserve officers and 76 NCOs, a total of
139 military personnel, have been assigned by the 2nd and 3rd army
commands as teachers in schools without teachers.
It is a known fact that a large majority of participation in terrorist
organisations comes from sections of society with a low level of
education.

(3) Investment in Health:

Health services are not at an adequate or desirable level. There are
things which effect citizens negatively, such as the lack of doctors,
midwives and health personnel in general, the shortage of killed
personnel, the price of drugs and the shortcomings in the application
of the green card system*.
(*The green card system was a system whereby people living below the
poverty line were issued with green cards which were supposed to
facilitate their entry into health facilities.)

(4) Investment in Employment:

There are important investments, starting in recent years and still
continuing, which will create broad work opportunities in the fields
of agriculture, livestock and industry in the region. It is necessary
to complete these investments and bring them to a state of being
establishments which will create employment. Initiatives to secure
that as well as protection and observation from state forces of the
investments and establishments, the people of the region protect and
observe and take these establishments, which will create fields of
employment, in hand. People should not be expected to stand up for
something to which they make no contribution. If the state prepares
everything and places it before these people, this serves no purpose
other than to waste resources and to encourage the people of the
region to sloth. It is possible to get the people to stand up for and
protect these establishments by encouraging them to work and creating
the necessary positive atmosphere, educating them and giving them the
opportunity to expend labour in the establishments in their own
region.

(5) Investment in Infrastructure:

The existing roads in the region are inadequate. Transport is
restricted to the main roads. Travel opportunities are thoroughly
reduced, especially in bad weather conditions, and the means of
transport of large numbers of villages and hamlets are completely cut
off. This situation hinders and delays the timely intervention of
security forces in the face of probable terrorist actions.
In addition, Yuksekova runway, from which 32 sorties were effected in
1995, is no longer in its current condition, suitable for planes to
land and take off. 


d. In the Psycho-Social Field:

The biggest influence deemed important form the point of view of
psycho-social power is "national unity". The achievement of national
unity requires that people think and act together. The state should
take urgent measures to secure this togetherness and create an
atmosphere of trust.

External forces desirous of weakening the Republic of Turkey,
rendering it dependent on themselves or causing its collapse and their
collaborationists inside of internal of external forces desirous of
drawing the state to systems and ideologies outside the raison-d etne
of the state are primarily working to direct the public onto their
side and influence the psycho-social and cultural force. Activities
which display their influence in the East and Southeast turn into
psychological pressure with the influence of armed terrorism, and the
lack of knowledge and awareness of the people of the region of the
genuine community values belonging to the essence of the state broaden
the exploitable fields for the terrorist organisations and facilitate
them.

This force, which is at least as important in the struggle with
terrorism as armed force, and possibly more so, has so far been
conducted though the limited means of the Turkish Armed Forces with
great sacrifice. But in order to achieve the desired results,
psychological operations and propaganda should be run by all state
institutions and establishments in an organised, co-ordinated and
planned manner. The state has not conducted adequate activities or
contributed enough to this since 1984.


(1) Media Activities:

The most important aim of the terrorist organisation is to remain on
the agenda. The tactics and strategies of the media generally support
this aim of the organisation, which does not even hesitate to use its
people in suicide-type actions in order to achieve this. By these
practices it is knowingly or unknowingly being used as a tool by the
organisation, and even making a contribution to it.

(2) NGO (International Aid Organisations) Activities:

Large numbers of delegations come to the region with human rights as
an excuse, these delegations meet previously specified people and draw
up reports. These reports are later used internally and externally as
means of propaganda against the state. Another aspect of this business
is that these reports are evaluated as if they were the reports of
parliamentary delegations and/or various international organisations.
The damaging activities of non-governmental aid organisations (NGO),
which carry out activities to our detriment in N. Iraq almost like
missionaries are another aspect of this matter.

(3) Activities in the creation of public opinion:..

6. CONCLUSION AND PROPOSALS FOR SOLUTIONS:

a. Conclusion:

Terrorist organisations, and in particular the PKK terrorist
organisation, carry out destructive activities targeting the basic
qualities of our country for the sake of their aims and cherishing the
objective of wearing down the Republic of Turkey.  It is not deemed
possible to run the struggle against these organisations with state
security forces alone. The struggle with terrorism will only be able
to achieve success as the result of the joint struggle of all state
institutions and establishments and the Turkish nation as a whole. For
this reason the struggle with terrorism must be dealt with as a state
problem.  
Governments may change in Turkey, but the strategy for the struggle
with terrorism should not change from one government to another. To
this end, the state should formulate a "struggle with terrorism
policy" and it should be applied without leave for the slightest
deviation.  A state minister and headquarters to be assigned with this
in mind should be based on the region, and their activities directed
from here.

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Feb 19 06:35:13 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 19 Feb 1997 06:35:13
Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrila State (the planning of a war against the peop
References: <bac1c849.m3n2t0hoeo.fsf@xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3lo8khoai.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrila State (the planning of a war against the people) PART II
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>


b. Proposals for Solutions:

(1) In relation to the Requirements of the Turkish Armed Forces
    Domestic Security Operation:

(a) The activities for the arrangement of the borders with Iraq,
started between 1983-1989, and interrupted due to the Gulf crisis,
should be restarted, and the necessary "Border Arrangements" be made
for the controls of the common border, which passes through severely
rough and restrictive land, to be placed in the more easily
controllable sections of land, in a manner beneficial to both sides.
Subsequent to this, it is imperative that the "Physical Border
Security System" be set up, and an asphalt road should be completed.

(b) The means of identification and determination of targets in the
    physical border security system on the Iranian and Armenia borders
    should be reinforced with rubber-tyred armoured vehicles,
    observation apparatus and lighting equipment.

(c) 44 helicopter pads for which there is a need in the region should
    be constructed.

(d) The need of military station and military base areas whose
    military units do not have any means of communication for
    telephones, mobile telephones and car phones, should be met.

(e) The modernisation projects of the Turkish Armed Forces should be
    continued.

(f) The vehicles and equipment presented in APPENDIX A. ADDENDUM 1, in
    particular those for target identification and determination,
    should be procured.

(g) The necessary payment should be designated for reconstruction of
    around 600 km of used by the security forces in a total of around
    3.200 km of route as explained in APPENDIX A, ADDENDUM 2.

(h) The maintenance and repair of about 1500 km of road should be
    conducted, APPENDIX A, ADDENDUM 2.

(i) 1200 km of road be asphalted according to a plan with the aim of
    preventing the terrorists from easily laying mines, APPENDIX A,
    ADDENDUM 2.

(j) The necessary payment should be designated for construction of a
    road bridge and 15 km of approach road with the aim of opening a
    second customs point in the Silopi region.

(k) The appropriate sum should be set aside for the construction of a
    3 km runway to respond to the existing needs of military planes on
    the 15 km road in question, and 15 billion TL resources should be
    designated for the General Roads Directorate for this purpose.

(2) In Relation to Activities to Dry Up the Financial Resources of the
    Terrorist Organisations(s):

(a) In order for the Pursuance and Direction Committee to be able to
    work effectively, follow developments and if necessary, direct, it
    should meet every month.

(b) Among the activities of the Pursuance and Direction Committee,
    decisiveness should be achieved in particular in dealing with the
    Mafia who secure great finances for the terrorist organisations
    with their illegal activities at home and abroad and are in the
    positions of being a focus point of black money.

(3) In Relation to Co-ordination and Direction of Intelligence between
    the Ministries, Institutions and Establishments:

(a) It is imperative that the intelligence sector, which has reached
    the state of being a means of making money in the region by reason
    of the independent and uncoordinated manner of working of the
    intelligence organisations, be unified at one centre. For the
    success of the "domestic security operation", which must be
    constructed upon correct, constant, timely and effective
    intelligence starting from this point, intelligence elements of
    MIT and Security Organisations should be instructed by circular to
    participation in meetings and activities at intelligence
    co-ordination centres formed on the level of provincial bases and
    security commands.

(b) The payment designated to these intelligence organisations for the
    struggle with terrorism should be spent on the co-ordination of
    this centre.

(c) Following this construction, the strategic intelligence of the state
should, as in other countries, concentrate on the removal of high
level director cadres of the terrorist organisation/

(d) It is deemed imperative that a "protection office" be created
    within the framework of MIT with the aim of safeguarding and
    protection of local agents (including confessors) to secure the
    continual flow of intelligence, that all precautions necessary be
    taken within a protection programme and that the state make its
    strength felt.

(4) In Relation to the Temporary Village Guard System:

(a) This establishment, which has produced successful results in the
    struggle with terrorism should be continued even if the State of
    Emergency is lifted.

(b) Additional GKK (Temporary Village Guard) members should be created
    in areas there is a need, and adjustments made between regions
    (APPENDIX B).

(c) "Voluntary Village Guards", who struggle in the same manner as
    GKKs
should benefit from compensation in cases when they fall as martyr or
are injured.

(d) Temporary village guards and their families should benefit from
    health and retirement rights.

(e) The legal arrangements covering the above points in Law Number
    442, the Village Law, should be secured.

(5) In Relation to the Special Police Action Teams:

(a) As a general principle, their action orders should be given by
    security commanderships in order that all special police action
    teams may be effectively used in operations.

(b) They should be subject to refresher courses by military units
    according to a plan, and they should be raised to the position
    demanded by their physical conditions.

(c) The special police actions teams should be employed according to the
requirements of Law Number 3152 and used in road security placements.

(d) In the matter of public relations, activities should be initiated
    to ascertain that they are subject to training and that they
    participate in psychological operations conducted to win over the
    people.

(6) In Relation to the Creation by Public Institutions and Foundations
    of Special Security Establishments:

(a) Special Security Units should be set up by the relevant
    institutions and the weaknesses in the matter of the continuing
    shortage of firearms in certain security units already formed
    should be removed.

(b) Military units engaged in the security of buildings and roads
    should be removed from this job and it should be ensured that
    institutions and establishments set up "Special Security
    Organisations" according to the requirements of law number 2495,
    with the aim of increasing operational force.

(7) In Relation to Prisons and their Problems:

(a) The hitches in the prisons should be removed and the joint
    leadership in the administration created by the Ministry of
    Justice and the Ministry of the Interior should be abolished.

(b) There should be progress towards a cell system.

(c) Political remand prisoners and criminal remand prisoners should
    not be held under one roof, even those taking advantage of the
    remorse law.

(d) Those guilty of terrorist offences in closed prisons should not be
    allowed open visits.

(e) Those taking advantage of the remorse law should be brought onto
    the confessors protection programme.

(f) Directors expert in the matter of terrorism should work in prisons
    where those guilty of terrorism are held and psychological
    operations should be conducted against remand prisoners and
    convicts.

(g) The prisons being built for terrorist offenders should be finished
    as soon as possible and the necessary supplementary payment should
    be designated to this end.

(h) The construction of Special Prisons to European standards for
    terrorist offenders should be started without delay.

(i) Prisons in city centres should be pulled outside the cities,
    existing prisons should be reformed and the X-RAY system should be
    set up in all prisons.

(j) All employees in the prisons form representative prosecutors to
    wardens should be checked and any lack in training redressed.

(k) Health workers in the prisons should be strengthened, the number
    of teachers should be increased cultural programmes directed at
    reform should be organised and treatment should be increased.

(l) The sentence execution system should be rearranged in a manner
    genuinely aiming at the reform of the convicts.

(m) A judicial police establishment should be set up both in order
    that inquiries be conducted with speed and efficiency and that the
    external protection of the prisons and transfer of prisoners may
    be carried out with complete guarantees.

(n) The geographical and communication situations and the quantities
    and qualities of offences committed in these places should be
    noted and re-specified in a manner to secure opportunities so that
    the situations of provinces failing into the jurisdiction of the
    State Security Courts, where terrorist offenders are tried, become
    more secure, and trial becomes more secure and regular.

(o) From the point of view of public order, security and the speed of
    trial, it should be ensured that the promises of State Security
    Courts be built in places near to the prisons.

(8) In relation to the Economic and Social Problems of the Region:

(a) In the Political Field:

(I) HADEP should be kept under surveillance and control with the aim
    of passifying its activities.

(II) The necessary measures should be taken to cut off HADEP's foreign
relations.

(III) Overt and covert and persistent pressure should be placed on
HADEP by means of the state , civilian community organisations and
universities, and it should be dropped from the agenda.

(IV) Atrush camp, a source of militants for the organisation abroad,
should be evacuated.

(V) The resources in foreign countries giving support to terrorism, in
    particular Greece, Iraq, Syria, Armenia, the Russian Federation,
    Iran and European countries, should be dried up.

(VI) At home, the gathering and organisation of groups supporting the
organisation in the ghettos of large centres of population like
Istanbul, Izmir, Manisa, Adana and Mersin should be prevented.

(VII) The fact that the associations which support HADEP have taken
sides is their greatest weakness. This weakness should be used and
they should be dropped form the agenda by the use of public opinion.

(VIII) The drugs and weapons smuggling activities of the PKK terrorist
organisation and HADEP, which has the appearance of being its legal
extension, should frequently be processed from the point of view of
the damage it does to European countries and domestic and foreign
public opinion should be created in this matter.

(b) In the Field of Administration:

(I) People to be appointed to the region should be patriots, attached
    to the state, informed and experienced.

(II) The employment of people from the region should be kept at an
acceptable level.

(III) Personnel appointed to the region should work there for
substantial periods, mix with the local people and win their hearts
through service.

(IV) The retirement of people, in particular administration personnel,
appointed to the region, should be suspended for a minimum of two
years.

(V) It is imperative that people with a chance of success or promotion
    be given the opportunity to serve in the region , and their
    success should be tested in the region.

(VI) People to be employed in the region should be cleansed of
political influence and pressure.

(VII) Personnel working for public institutions and establishments in
the region but who harm to the struggle with terrorism should be
ejected from the region.

(VIII) Administrators and public servants to be employed in the region
should be selected from among authoritative and experienced people,
the image that the East and the Southeast are places of internal exile
should be erased and it should be ensured that meticulous measures are
taken with this aim.

(c) In the Field of Economics:

(I) Attractive centres with a high potential for development should be
    specified, these centres should be speedily developed with intense
    state assistance and thus acceptance of responsibility for the
    motor of the economic development of these centres and the region
    around should be ensured.

(II) All investments including private sector investments should be
directed to this region, the state should take on the investment into
the infrastructure, and private sector investment should be built upon
this.

(III) The development of the region should be planned, the plan should
concentrate on certain places and activities be defined by it.

(IV) Apart from state supported assistance, the private sector should
be encouraged to invest in the region with tax exemptions and other
incentives.

(V) The education, health, housing and transport problems of the
    region should be solved concurrently with the struggle with
    terrorism.

(VI) Unemployment should be restrained and employment opportunities
increased.

(VII) The soup kitchens being run in some provincial capitals in the
region should be extended to the district capitals and other towns.

(VIII) Priority should be given to providing state-supporting
villagers with electricity, roads, water, telephones and other
services.

(IX) The application of unemployment welfare should be started in the
region.

(X) Citizens suffering damages as a result of terrorism should be
    compensated.

(XI) Industrial foundations based on agriculture should be set up,
animal husbandry should be encouraged and reorganised, organised
industrial regions should be formed and emphasis must be placed on the
construction of housing, schools and hospitals.

(XII) Animal husbandry should be re-established in places where
terrorism has no influence and a labour-intensive livestock system
should be developed appropriate to the conditions of the region.

(XIII) Along with the South East Anatolian Project (GAP), a Regional
and Subregional Development Plan co-ordinated and integrated with the
whole region and all sectors should be drawn up and put into practice.

(XIV) By reason of the serious depletion in the stocks of the Turkish
Armed Forces in the struggle, which has so far been waged by
stretching the resources and stocks of the Turkish Armed Forces alone,
and the negative experiences from the running of other projects, the
payment designated to the struggle with terrorism from the national
budget should be spent with the co-ordination of the offices of the
Chief of General Staff.

(XV) The payment designated to the Turkish Armed Forces from the
general budget should be increased and an additional payment
designated.

(XVI) It should be ensured that the payment designated to the General
Gendarme Command, which carries out the duties of the police in many
districts where the security establishment has not been set up, be
increased.

(1) In Relation to Activities in Population Planning:

(a) A census should be conducted now as the basis for investments for
    problems likely to arise.

(b) A population planning campaign should be started under the
    co-ordination of the Ministry of Health.

(c) The local people should be informed through education.

(d) It should be ensured that radical measures be taken such as
    bonuses for few children and taxes for many children.

(2) In Relation to Investment in Education:

(a) An education campaign should be announced, and special measures
    taken for the education and teaching of in particular women and
    children who do not know Turkish.

(b) The construction of boarding schools in district capitals, other
    towns and subdistricts should be accelerated, education conducted
    centrally and thus the safety of teachers secured.

(c) The people should be made to adopt the struggle by methods such as
    the inclusion of the "Struggle with Terrorism" subject within the
    scope of national security lessons and compulsory study at
    universities across the whole country.

(d) Special measures should be put into practice and measures be taken
    in the matter of private education in order to deal with the lack
    of teachers.

(e) Teachers to be appointed to the region should be selected from
    among those who wish to serve in the region and subjected to
    detailed orientation training in the matter of the struggle with
    terrorism.

(f) Higher wages should be paid to teachers appointed to the region.

(g) Activities should be started aimed at incentives like holidays and
    seminars for teachers working in the region.

(h) Since 90% of the imams working in the region are local people, it
    should be ensured by the Ministry for Religious Affairs that men
    of religion with the same qualifications be appointed from outside
    the region.

(3) In Relation to Investment in Health:

A mass health check-up should be conducted and a "health campaign"
started by the Ministry of Health, and plans should be made for
contributions of the Red Crescent and similar institutions (The Red
Crescent should assist in the region as much as they did in N.Iraq).
A subregion health policy aimed at the State of Emergency Region
should be specified in the framework of the national health policy,
available drugs should be determined, and the infrastructure of health
institutions, consultants and support personnel, equipment and
apparatus in the region should be made adequate and sufficient, the
practice of mobile health teams should be continued and the second
7-years health plan directed at the 23 provinces in the Southeast
Anatolia region* should be followed up and applied with sensitivity.

(* Exact details unknown to translator, but know to be a plan
concerning population control in the specified (predominantly Kurdish)
provinces).  The importance from the point of view of the region of
family planning and mother and child health services should be taken
into account, these services should be reinforced along the lines of
the BUKK*(2) decisions and the Prime Ministerial Circulars, importance
should be placed on their extension within the region and it should be
ensured that this matter is accepted and applied as a permanent state
policy.

*(2) The full form of the acronym is unknown to the translator,
research continues and an amended version of this translation will be
produced when appropriate).

(4) In Relation to Investments in Employment:

(a) Employment investments to be made in the region should be selected
    from labour-intensive investments.

(b) At the same time, these investments should be investments with a
    high capacity for employing unskilled workers.

(c) It should be ensured that preference is given to investments to be
    made in fields such as housing, forestry and mining, evaluating
    the resources of the region.

(5) In Relation to Investments in the Infrastructure:

(a) In order for the development steps to be initiated against the
    increase of population in the region to be successful, the State
    Planning Department, the Development Bank and the Provinces Bank
    should conduct feasibility studies and the establishment of the
    infrastructure should be completed according to a plan.

(b) Care should be taken that competitive tenders for investment in
    the region should not be granted to contractors sympathetic to the
    organisation.

(c) Those migrating form evacuated villages and hamlets and scattered
    centres of population should be combined and the "Koy-Kent"
    (Village-City*) projects put into practice. (* The Koy-Kent or
    "Village-cities" project is the resettlement of people from
    evacuated villages and hamlets in centralised new tons closer to
    the cities, justified by reason of security.)  In order to
    encourage this, people should be convinced that all kinds of
    services, like roads, education, security and health will be
    provided by the state in the "Village-Cities" to be set up.

(d) Because of the negative influence of the land problems in the
    infrastructure in the OHAL region on the struggle with terrorism,
    it should be ensured that cadastral activities in this region are
    completed.

d. In Relation to the Psycho-Social Situation of the Region:

(1) Media Activities:

(a) The publication of general or local press supporting the
    organisation and broadcasts of TV and radio channels praising the
    organisation, and in particular MED TV, should be obstructed by
    the state.

(b) The opportunities and attractions of watching television and
    listening to radio broadcasts in the region should be increased.

(c) Broadcasts like MED TV which support the organisation should be
    suppressed and interfered with by the use of technological
    equipment.

(d) Bearing in mind the effect it has on the people it should be
    ensured that the media is used, and effectively, along the lines
    of our own aims.

(e) In order to bring an end to the confusion of audio and visual
    broadcasting in the country, the National Frequency Plan should be
    put into immediate practice, taking into account the existing
    situation in the realities of the country.

(f) Administrative and technical measures to be taken against illegal
    destructive and separatist electromagnetic broadcast should be
    determined and it should be ensured that they are put into
    practice.

(2) On NGO Activities:

(a) The activities of non-government institutions (NGO), who carry out
    activities against the state in matter of Human Rights, should be
    closely monitored and obstructed.

(b) The activities of the Human Rights Enquiries lower and higher
    committees, set up in order to render the accusations directed at
    this country in the matter of Human Rights ineffectual and to
    clarify the necessary corrective measures, should be continued in
    a more effective manner.

(c) Units should be formed in institutions relating to Human Rights
    and an active co-ordination should be set up between these
    institutions and establishments.

(d) It should be ensured that legal arrangements appropriate to the
    European Convention on Human Rights be set up without delay.

(3) On Activities of Shaping Public Opinion:

(a) A psychological action group should be set up within the framework
    of each state ministry, organisation should be conducted in the
    region and psychological action should be taken on a systematic
    basis.

(b) Programmes directed at the securance of national and moral values
    and unity and wholeness should be rearranged in all the schools.

(c) The media should be used and the people given anti-terrorist
    information.

(d) Public institutions and establishments and civil service chiefs
    should be held responsible in the first degree for the
    psychological operation.

(e) Conferences, small business institutions and discussion meeting in
    cafes should be organised by civil service chiefs, teachers and
    religious officers.

(f) The application of KOY*, which has had an important effect on the
people, should be run under the co-ordination of civil service chiefs.
(* The full form of the acronym is unknown to the translator, research
continues and an amended version of this translation will be produces
when appropriate)

(g) Experts who will act as advisors in public relations should be
    appointed to the civil service chiefs.

(h) The psychological operation should take women and children into
    account primarily as its target group.

(i) The psychological operation should be run by the Ministry of
    Culture as priority business of the state.

(j) Delegations coming should be very well evaluated and those
    delegations supporting the organisation or of whom there are
    suspicions or false companies and institutions should be
    obstructed.

(k) Tours should be arranged of the region for parliamentarians and
    high level authorities.

(l) All possible political measures should be taken against the
    attempts to have the state tried under the concepts of human
    rights and democracy because of our international obligations.

(m) It should be ensured that tours of and visits to the region, other
    than for investment, service or duty, be kept to a minimum.

e. Legal Arrangements Felt to be Needed and Other Matters:

(a) The bill of law securing opportunities for the gendarmes to
    conduct intelligence activities against threats directed from home
    and abroad should be enacted.

(b) The existence of small centres of population on the borders or in
    the near vicinity facilitate the passage of terrorists across
    borders and the provision of logistic support by means of
    collaborationists in these centres. For this reason, a border
    strip should be evacuated and buffer zones formed, and following
    the evacuation of a 5-10 km strip in this manner, it should be
    announced as a dangerous and prohibited region.

(c) Legal limitations should be introduced for the provision of guns
    to personnel other than special security officers and soldiers and
    the police, other than hunting rifles carried by hunters for sport
    (except pump action rifles).

(d) Permission should only be granted to retired security personnel to
    carry and be in possession of firearms, their sale and transfer
    should be prohibited and the firearms should be placed in the
    treasury as income in the case of the decease of the security
    officers.

(e) The penalties for gun smuggling in the Turkish Penal Code should
    be brought up to deterrent level.

(f) The rewards given to those informing about unlicensed firearms
    should be increased in order to seize and determine unlicensed,
    illegal firearms.

(g) The connections in organised gun running occurring in Turkey often
    go as far as politicians and arms smugglers are taking advantage
    of the immunity of parliamentarians in return for various
    interests. For this reason, the law of parliamentary immunity
    should be rearranged so that offences committed by
    parliamentarians outside the Assembly remain outside the scope of
    immunity.

(h) On condition that the membership of the Mehmetcik Foundation* and
    the Turkish Armed Forces Reinforcement Foundation should be set up
    for gendarmerie under the name of "Public Order Foundation" by
    creating new resources, separate from the resources of these
    foundations, or else the name of the police foundation should be
    changed to "Public Order Foundation" and the foundation made into
    a joint police and gendarme foundation. (*The Mehmetcik Foundation
    is a foundation which supports and collects donations from the
    public for the Turkish Army)

(i) It should be ensured that the upper limit for compensation for the
    operation indicated at paragraph A of article 28 of Decree Number
    375 in the Rule of Law be lifted.

(2) In Relation to Other Matters:

(a) There are districts in the State of Emergency, neighbouring and
    sensitive provinces where there is no police
    establishment. Security and public order in the town centres in
    these districts are ensured by gendarme members. Gendarme units
    concentrating on town centres are unable to prioritise their
    operational activities in the hills. Police establishments should
    be set up in the towns which do not have them and the influence of
    the state should be established.

(b) It should be ensured that the Prime Ministerial State of Emergency
    Coordination Committee carry out effective activities.

(c) Activities directed at controlling the migration movement should
    be continued with the aim of obstructing the PKK terrorist
    organisation taking advantage of the migration movements by
    activities of taking shelter, forming bases, training, preparing
    for actions and securing logistic support.

(d) Lower and higher committees should immediately be set up the
    struggle with drugs and the functionality of these committees
    should be ensured.

(e) Activities in the matter of the prevention of the hijacking of
    transport vehicles should be accelerated.

(f) With the aim of preventing the PKK holing up in Northern Iraq and
    ensuring that their hit and run attacks directed at Turkey are
    rendered ineffective, cross-border operations should be conducted
    by our Armed Forces through the initiative of the Offices of the
    Chief of General Staff on the Iraq side of the Turkey-Iraq border
    in the settled region by the name of the Green Line. The
    operations in question, which will be conducted against the
    territory of Northern Iraq outside the Green Line should be
    continued with the approval of the government and the
    co-ordination of the civil service offices.

(g) The activities being carried out to fill the power vacuum in
    Northern Iraq within the framework of the territorial integrity of
    Iraq should be continued more actively.

(h) It should be ensured that a central unit is set up to provide
    opportunities for more effective help to be given to Turkish
    citizens living abroad with their problems and for better
    organisation and direction along the lines of our national
    interests.

(i) There should be settlement of the people form vacated and
    evacuated villages and hamlets in settlement regions to be formed
    in attractive centres to be created in the region.

(j) Importance should be placed at border points such as Habur and Dil
    Ucu at Nahcivan, on border trade which will rejuvenate trade in
    the region, the necessary arrangements should be made at these
    points and a part of the income to be secured from here should be
    turned into service for the local people.

(k) A series of dams should be built, following a study of the
    subsidiaries of the Hezil, Habur, Zap and Semdinli rivers, in
    appropriate places in a manner to present a physical obstruction,
    which the aim of increasing security on the Iraqi border.

(l) Southeast and Eastern Anatolia and the region of N. Iraq adjoining
    to our borders are tribal land by their nature. The tribes in
    question play an important role in drawing people to the side of
    the state and winning over the local people. The necessary warmth
    and assistance should be displayed to the tribes.

(m) The fact that the press prosecution, which is the decision-making
    (sic) body in the struggle with damaging publications, is based in
    Istanbul, is a cause of delay. For this reason, a press
    prosecution should also be created in Diyarbakir.

(n) Modern, meticulous and co-ordinated measures should be taken at
    all customs points, especially the Gurbulak border point through
    which entry is effected form Iran, directed at the prevention of
    the entry of arms and drugs.

(o) The proposed measures should be transferred to the field of
    practice in order to prevent passage by illegal methods through
    the borders (including the coasts) and the border points.

(o) In connection with this, all possible support should be afforded
    to the trial bodies, and the trial procedures should display at
    least as much sensitivity to the struggle with terrorism as the
    security forces.

(p) The Turkish Armed Forces should continue to benefit from the
    practice of reduced fares with Turkish Airlines even in the case
    that the State of Emergency is lifted.

(r) The pensions of martyrs and veterans should be increased.

(s) The families of martyrs should be housed and the children of
    martyrs given the right to enter university without passing the
    university entrance examinations.

(t) It should be ensured that the mothers and fathers of martyrs
    receive pensions without being subject to the 85 year age limit.

ENCLOSURES:

APPENDIX-A

(Military Requirements, ADDENDUM 1, Means and Equipment of Target
Determination/ Identification, ADDENDUM 2, Plans for Roads to be
Constructed and Maintained, New Road Construction and the Need to
increase Capacity)

APPENDIX-B 

(The Education, Teaching and Health Situation, The GKK
Teams and their Current Situation, Vacated Villages and Hamlets)


-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From dhkc at dds.nl  Thu Feb 20 13:16:43 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 20 Feb 1997 13:16:43
Subject: France is attacking Turkish/Kurdish revolutionaries
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vxfXh.000FSAC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>
Subject: France is attacking Turkish/Kurdish revolutionaries


To The Peoples Of The World

France is attacking revolutionaries in order to support
the Turkish fascist contra-guerrilla and Mafia State


The history of the economical and political relations between
imperialist France and the Turkish fascist State is very old. The
military and the economical, political, cultural policies of Turkey
are deeply effected by the relations with the imperialist
countries. France is one of them.  The French understanding of justice
and the law of has been formed according to these imperialist
policies. Even though democracy, justice and human rights are defended
by them when their interests are concerned, these can easily be
forgotten and pushed aside. French imperialist interests depend on
supporting the fascist Turkish State in every way. That's why
they did not hesitate to arrest and sentence the revolutionaries to
imprisonment to prevent the development of the revolutionary forces
who are fighting against the fascist Turkish state.

The trial before the Paris 14th Penal Court was a fake..


1- Dursun Karats, Zerrin Sari and Kemal Kayar were arrested at the
Modena border with false passports in September 10, 1994, and
after the interrogation, no evidence was found to prove any
criminal activities against French law, exept the attempt to cross
the border with false passports. The only 'crime' of Kemal Kayar was
to be with Dursun Karatas and Zerrin Sari.  

2- Since no evidence was found to keep them in prison, they were
been released by the authorities 3-4 month later. The imprisonment
term of travelling with false documents had been spent by Dursun
Karatas, Zerrin Sari and their accomplice Kemal Kayar and they were
released.

3- The French Gouvernment received a reaction from the Turkish fascist
government after the release of our comrades. All this created a
conflict with French law and caused problems in the relations with
Turkey.  

France decided to stage a fake trial and to punish Dursun Karatas
severely in order to calm the Turkish fascist government and to
restore the relations. There was absolutely no evidence to convict
Dursun Karatas, Zerrin Sari and Kemal Kayar. Neither Dursun Karatas 
nor Zerrin Sari has been in France before. Therefore it was absolutely
impossible to charge them with endangering French security and
organised crime.
Since they could not find any evidence against Kemal Kayar, they could
not accuse him of being a member of an illegal organisation.Because
Dursun Karatas and Zerrin Sari used their freedom to flee the country,
the authorities arbitrarily arrested some people, accusing them of
helping Dursun Karatas to escape.For this, they looked for people who
belonged to certain associations or who had problems with the
immigration office.These people who never met Dursun Karatas or Zerrin
Sari in their lives, were put in jail for two years without any proper
evidence  and they were severely punished.
The trial, ordered by the French government, and the sentence of the
14th.Penal Court have nothing to do with bourgeois justice. This
verdict was dictated by the French reactionary government, the
Interior Department and the secret services. Such trials are usually 
only known from fascist courts.  
The French state, supporting the policies of many exploiting, cruel
and torturing countries, is showing its true objectives by
co-operating with the fascist Turkish state. At a time when the true
face of the fascist Mafia-state Turkey became clear to all the people
in Turkey and many people abroad, the French government openly shows
that it supports the Turkish fascist state with its death squads and
its Mafia gangs. 
The Turkish government did not succeed to contain the struggle by our
people for justice, equality and liberation, not even with massacres,
torture and transforming our country into a starving prison. And the
support by the French imperialists for the fascist Turklish state will
not suffice to save fascism. The liberation struggle by our people
will be victorious and fascism, with all its collaborators, will be
condemned by the people. 

12th February 1997

Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Front (DHKC)

European Representation 

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind
Turkey Mailinglist Mirror: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Thu Feb 20 14:59:52 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 20 Feb 1997 14:59:52
Subject: AP: Turks Turn Off Lights in Protest
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3sp2rqf10.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: AP: Turks Turn Off Lights in Protest
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

Turks Turn Off Lights in Protest

By YALMAN ONARAN
Associated Press Writer
Wednesday, February 19, 1997 2:16 am EST

ANKARA, Turkey (AP) -- Just before 9 p.m., hundreds of candles
flicker in Ankara's main square. Hundreds of voices count
down: ``Two! One! Zero!'' At once, all the candles are blown
out.

The ritual -- going from light to darkness -- is carried out
at the same time each night by millions of people across
Turkey in a grass-roots protest against government corruption
and evangelism.

The symbolism is obvious. Participants believe these are dark
days for their nation.

With corruption scandals plowing higher through official ranks
and an Islamic-led government casting a stern eye at Turkey's
Western traditions, the lights-out demonstrations have become
a potent way to display public dismay.

``The individual has spoken up for the first time in Turkey,''
said Ergin Cinmen, a spokesman for a group that helped launch
the protests.

Since Feb. 1, from villages to cities, people have turned the
lights out for one minute every night.

Apartments, stores and homes go black. Many residents leave
their homes for candlelight rallies. Motorists honk horns in
support of the campaign, dubbed ``One-minute of darkness for
eternal light.''

The movement started with only lights being turned off, but
grew into nightly street rallies, with singing and dancing. In
the capital, Ankara, and other cities, protesters go out on
their balconies to bang pots and pans.

The focus of the protest campaign has also widened.

It was launched by a loosely knit group called The Civic
Initiative for Enlightenment, which formed after allegations
surfaced of ties between government leaders and underworld
figures.

Later, the protests began to register opposition to the
government of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, who supports
strengthening ties with other Muslim nations and encouraging
Islamic traditions. He has made a series of friendly overtures
to Iran and has proposed lifting a ban on female civil
servants covering their heads with scarves.

Government officials criticize the protests. The justice
minister ridicules the ritual as an ``immature act.''

But demonstrators are adamant. Often during the one-minute
vigils, voices cry out in the darkness: ``Turkey will remain
secular!''

``We're here for a bright future for our children,'' shouted
Pembe Akpinar, a 40-year-old homemaker, during Monday night's
protest. ``We're here to tell the gangs within the state and
the religious fanatics that we're here to protect our country
from them.''

? Copyright 1997 The Associated Press
--
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com






From dhkc at dds.nl  Fri Feb 21 10:31:11 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 21 Feb 1997 10:31:11
Subject: KEMAL ALEV WILL NOT BE EXTRADITED TO TURKEY!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vxzQv.000FSKC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>
Subject: KEMAL ALEV WILL NOT BE EXTRADITED TO TURKEY!

KEMAL ALEV WILL NOT BE EXTRADITED TO TURKEY!

The French embassy in Vienna has guaranteed in writing that Kemal Alev
will not be extradited to Turkey. The efforts of many democrats, as
well as the support of countless members of parliament and human
rights associations have saved Kemal.

But it seems rather credible that the French government has had its
fun by harassing the so-called "terrorist" once again. It is now said
that there has never been an order to arrange a ticket for a flight
into the Turkish "hell".

Whatever, the French authorities - as well as the Turkish - have to
know that judicial scandals - as in the case of Kemal Alev - do not
escape the eyes of the European public just like that.

Kemal Alev will have to wait for a while for his passport and the
papers to enter Austria. We hope Kemal will indeed be able to return
to Austria in the next days.

We would like to thank all who made an effort to save Kemal's life.

For your information:

Today we heard from Kemal himself that the Turkish police spread the
rumour that he was wanted in Turkey since 1990. The fact is that Kemal
Alev is being prosecuted by the Turkish administration after he was
arrested in France in February 1995. There was no procedure for
extradition to Turkey prior to this date. Turkey only asked for his
extradition after he was arrested, something which was denied by the
French Interior Department.

If you would like further information about Kemal Alev, contact the

Information Centre for Free Peoples
Kalkarer Strasse 2
50733 Cologne
Germany
Tel: 0049-221-7607656
Fax: 0049-221-7602887
e-mail: informationszentrum at kurtulus.com

 
-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind
Turkey Mailinglist Mirror: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Sun Feb 23 12:01:20 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 23 Feb 1997 12:01:20
Subject: Reuters: Turk parliament to probe human mine detector claim
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3ybcf49ch.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Reuters: Turk parliament to probe human mine detector claim
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

  	  				 
	 ANKARA (Reuter) - A Turkish parliamentary commission will  
probe accusations that security forces made Kurdish villagers 
act as human mine detectors in the fight against separatist 
rebels, a government MP said Thursday. 
	 But a high-ranking security official said he doubted the  
allegations that troops forced residents of Tekevler village to 
walk in front of them over land where mines were believed to 
have been sown. 
	 ``I am hearing this for the first time but it sounds like a  
fable. Why would they use people when there are mine 
detectors?'' the security official said by telephone from the 
southeastern city of Diyarbakir 
	 Government deputy Musa Okcu said a parliamentary human  
rights delegation would carry out an investigation in Tekevler 
Friday. ``The villagers told me that security forces had forced 
them to walk ahead to see if there were any mines on land near 
the village,'' Okcu told Reuters. 
	 He said no mines were found in the incident which happened  
in the last week of December. 
	 More than 21,000 people have been killed in 12 years of  
conflict between troops and Kurdistan Workers Party guerrillas 
fighting for self-rule in the mainly Kurdish southeast. Both 
sides plant mines. 
	 Turkey is under pressure from Europe to improve its human  
rights record as one of several conditions for acceptance of 
Ankara's long-standing bid to enter the European Union. 
  	   
	


-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Sun Feb 23 16:59:55 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 23 Feb 1997 16:59:55
Subject: Turkey: The Manisa Statements (part 1)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3k9nz9h00.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: The Manisa Statements (part 1)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

Hello,

This is an update on the scandalous trial against a few youngsters fom
Manisa, Turkey.  For more background on this case in which childeren
were brutality tortured and were sentenced to a total of 76 years can
be found at the following URL: 
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/pub/manisa.html We hereby publish the
translated statements of the youngsters involved.

"In the very same year that Turkey declared that the torture of
children was not to be tolerated, five school students in Manisa
reported that during their detention police blindfolded them, stripped
them naked, hosed them with cold water and subjected them to electric
shocks -- including to their genitalia.

        The boys were allegedly raped with truncheons, while the girls
were also threatened with rape and forced gynaecological examinations.
These students had been charged with membership in or connections with
an illegal political organization.  None of them was older than 16
years of age. How can a government pledged to uphold the human rights
of its chil?ren allow state agents to commit such shocking violations?

        One 14-year-old boy gave the following account of his ordeal:
I had to undress...They asked questions that were nothing to do with
me; when I said I did not know, they twisted my testicles...Four of
them held me by the hands and arms and gave electric shocks to my
right thumb, to my sexual organs, to my arms and to my
stomach...Afterwards I had no feeling in my right foot and sexual
organ.  This and other torture testimonies are supported by medical
reports from the hospitals where the students were treated during
their detention".

Opinion piece by Pierre Sane, Secretary General, Amnesty International
AI INDEX: EUR 44/145/96

THE MANISA TESTIMONIES (Part 1)

MAHIR GOKTAS 

I was arrested in my village on December 27, 1995, between midnight
and 1 a.m.  by the Anti-Terror department from Manisa. First they took
me to the police station in Kinik. Later I was pushed into a white
Mazda. There were 5 plainclothes policemen in the car. My eyes were
blindfolded. They held a gun to my temple, the finger at the trigger,
and they threatened to kill me. They became abusive and hit me on my
ribs. We reached Manisa where I was brought to the police station. We
went through a long corridor. My eyes were still blindfolded. Suddenly
5 or 6 people jumped on me. They started to kick me and they beat me
up with their truncheons. When I was kicked in my stomach, I lost
conscience. When I became conscious again, I found myself in a
cell. Later two people entered the cell and I was abruptly taken
away. I was brought into a room where they started to question me. I
did not answer. When I said "I have nothing to tell", they hit me on
my head with their fists and truncheons. They wanted me to take off my
clothes, but I refused. They violently took away my clothes. I was put
on a wet linen blanket. They started to squeeze my testicles and they
threatened to take away my manhood. They said they were going to poor
acid over me and they were going to abuse me sexually. I was treated
with electroshocks for 2 hours and they kept squeezing my
testicles. They laid me on the floor and they started to trample on my
back. After they tortured me, they put me under cold water for 1.5
hour. In the night they threw me into a cell. I almost froze to
death. I could hardly breath. I could hear people cry, fascist hymns
were played constantly. They came for a second time. I was put under a
cold shower again after which they brought me to the interrogation
room. My eyes were blindfolded. After they put me on a wet blanket,
they grasped me by my feet, my arms and my hair. They poured water
into my ears. My ears rumbled. They told me how they killed Turan
Kilic and Baki Erdogan by torture and said that they were from the
contra-guerrilla. They put electroshocks to my belly, my genitals and
my feet. I was put under cold water again. Because I'm left-handed,
they hit me on my left arm. Without any reason I was brought to
Aliaga. There I was tortured and put under cold water too. Again I
received electroshocks and they squeezed my testicles. On the way to
Manisa I was handcuffed and put in the trunk of the car. I could not
breath anymore. They stopped the car on a bridge and they held me on
my feet, head down. The water was pitch black. I was unconscious when
they pulled me up again. When I opened my eyes again, I was in a
cell. The torturers, who called themselves Suleyman, Toprak, Mehmet,
Kibar and Hoca, threatened us on our way to the doctor: "If you show
your wounds to the doctor, we'll kill you."  During the 11 days I
stayed there I was tortured for 8 days, 3 to 4 times a day.  When I
was brought to prison, I could not hear with my right ear anymore. I
had difficulties with urinating and breathing.


YELIZ KILIC

I was arrested on February 8, 1995, on a Thursday, in Soma, together
with a friend. We were brought to the police station. They started to
ask my name. When I did not answer, they started to torture me. During
the electroshocks they asked me "Are you related to Turan
Kilic?". Because I did not answer any question, me and my friends were
brought to the police station in Manisa. We were blindfolded and
locked into separate cells. After two hours they took us to the
interrogation room. When I answered their questions with "No" and "I
don't know", they said: "You did not talk in Soma, but we will make
you talk here, you whore, you bitch." Then they said: "Take off your
clothes!" I said: "No, I will not take off my clothes." They asked me
three times. Then they started to take off my clothes with
violence. After they had undressed me, they called another person into
the room. Then they summoned this person: "Rape her!" I resisted.
They were with four people. They took my hands and feet. That's how
they raped me. I yelled at them, saying they were without honour. They
said: "You're the one without honour. You're under us. We're finished
with you." That's how they showed their indignity. Because I yelled,
they tied up my mouth and they tried to strangle me, threatening:
"We'll kill you." I fainted. When I recovered, I was hosed with
water. At the end they dressed me and I was locked up in a cell.  In
the cell the policemen asked if I wanted to eat something. I replied:
"I will not eat." When they took me to the interrogation room again,
my hatred was even bigger. My stand was more upright then before. I
constantly said: "I don't know." They took off my clothes and gave me
electroshocks. When I shouted the slogan "Human dignity will defeat
torture!", they said: "Shut up, you bitch."  They tied up my arms with
something soft and they attached a strap to it. They hung me on the
"Palestinian hook". When they took me off after 15 minutes, I could
not move anymore. They asked "Can you move your arms and legs?" When I
couldn't, they moved my arms and legs. Then they hosed me again and
they threw me into the cell. They asked whether I was freezing and
they brought a blanket.  I did not accept the blanket from the
torturers. Theqy covered me with this blanket when they electrocuted
me. They did not give me water when I asked for it. "If you talk, we
will save you, we will not torture you anymore", the ignominious ones
said.

In the cell I could hear my friends scream when they received the
electroshocks.  During the interrogation they said "Why are you not
talking? You hate us because we killed your brother Turan." I did not
answer them.

They gave electroshocks to my fingers, my private parts, my mouth and
my belly.  I was taken for interrogation and torture six times in this
manner. I could not distinguish night from day anymore. The last times
they used water again. They poured water into my ears and said they
were going to make me deaf. When they hung me up for the second time,
they used some kind of ointment so there would not be any marks. Then
they brought me to the Manisa state hospital. When the doctor saw me,
he asked: "What have they done to you?" I told him everything.

On the way back to the police station they asked me: "Why did you tell
the doctor? We will kill you this time. Why did you tell him? You will
take back your words." I told them I would not take back my
words. After the visit to the doctor they went mad. They poured
several buckets with hot water over my body.  Then cold water. They
tried to push my head into the toilet, grabbing me by my hair. When
they did this, they threatened "We will strangle you, we will kill
you."

I know three of these torturers. One of them is small and has a
moustache. The second one was a little bit fat and he had a plump
nose. The long one was called "Teacher". The torture was led by
him. He gave the orders for the electroshocks and the rape. When they
took us from Soma, he was present too. He was in civilian clothes
then, dressed rather poorly. There was also an older person, around 50
years old. His eyes were swollen. This showed he was an alcoholic. He
talked like a peasant. And there was also another man, around 40 years
old, dark, bearded, of medium height. He talked with the tongue of the
Black Sea coast.

It is nice to be able to resist the torture by the enemy for six
days. I witnessed their reaction. They were like mad dogs. When I
resisted, I thought of all my comrades. My hate became even bigger.


MUNIRE APAYDIN

I was arrested by the Anti-Terror Department of Manisa on December 26,
1995, when I was at school. During the eleven days I was in custody, I
was put under psychological and physical pressure. I was threatened
right from the beginning.  When I yelled at them and said they had no
right to take me with them, one of the torturers said: "We will talk
about that when we arrive, you'll see whether we have the right or
not. "

The torture, which started with beatings when we entered the police
station, lasted for eleven days. During the stay there I noticed they
were at lot of other people who were arrested. We could hear the
screams when they were tortured. It was their intention to let us hear
these screams so we would become frightened. The torturers were
helpless and cowardly. When my blindfold dropped, they
panicked. During the torture they asked me if I was ashamed and they
said I was going to loose my dignity. I replied that they were cowards
and it was not I who was undignified. They replied: "Ah, that's
it. You must have read the Kurtulus to much."

When we were brought to hospital, they threatened the doctors. We were
examined but they did not report our wounds. When our relatives came
to visit us, they threatened us not to tell them anything about our
situation.

They offered me collaboration. If I would accept, they promised, I
would be released. They would support me financially and they would
arrange my study.  They said: "The path you're going is wrong. Even if
you're going to be released now, sooner or later you'll be back."


AYSE MINE BALKANLI

That morning I went to school as usual. Everything was normal. But
around 11 a.m. there was a tense atmosphere in school. Two friends of
mine, who came from the deputy directors office, said there were four
rather conspicuous men inside.  Shortly after I was summoned to the
office. My friend Sema was already inside.  We were arrested. When I
got into the car with Sema I told them they had no right to take us
with them, that there was no reason to arrest us. The policemen tried
to appear friendly. But this changed when we arrived at the police
station. When I took my blindfold off, I was pulled at my hair by the
policeman who appeared friendly just one moment before and I was
pushed against the sign of the Anti-Terror Department. Then he said:
"Apparently you don't know where you are. If you don't, have a good
look." Then he blindfolded me again.

Insulted and beaten, I was locked up in a cell. The first
interrogation was done by the policemen who later acted liked the
"good cop". When I was put in the cell the first time, I knew Sema was
in the cell next door.

(...) When I refused to answer the questions in the interrogation room
the first evening, they started to pull at my clothes. Then they
started to talk rubbish.  I did not listen. When they finished their
drivel, they noticed my attitude had not changed and I was thrown into
the cell again. They said I was inviting my end because of my attitude
and they threatened to keep me there, nobody was able to save me, not
even the state president.

>From the moment we entered the police station we were subjected to
fascist hymns. This music still reverberates in my ears. I could hear
my friends scream in my cell, this intensified my hate even
more. Besides my own pain, I also felt the pain of my tortured
friends. (...)


SEMA TASAR

My friend Mine and I were taken from school by four policemen. On our
way we tried to find out what was going on and we told the policemen
that they were going to be held responsible. I was locked up in a
small cell, blindfolded.

Hours later I was brought into the torture room. They hit me in my
face, they threatened to rape me and said that even the state
president was able to help me. The same evening they became even more
brutal during the second interrogation. I said: "If something happens
to me, you'll pay for it." They took off my clothes and tore them
up. I tried to resist when they were beating me up. With anger I told
them they had no honour. When I succeeded to take off my blindfold, I
saw two policemen run away, they did not want to be recognised.  The
others blindfolded me again and they hit me. They put me on a wet
blanket, hosed me with cold water and then they gave me
electroshocks. They grabbed me at my arms and legs and threatened to
hurt me. (...)

I was in this police station for eleven days. During that period a lot
of people were brought into this station. We heard them scream.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From saha at ica.net  Sun Feb 23 21:07:48 1997
From: saha at ica.net (saha at ica.net)
Date: 23 Feb 1997 21:07:48
Subject: help needed *** Urgent***
Message-ID: <bac1c849.1.5.4.16.19970223235112.25ff090c@ica.net>

This is Haval H. Najar From Toronto Canada. I am writing to you to let you
know that there has been a few Syrian Kurdish Refugee held since December in
Budapest they were illegally kept at the airport facility for 48 days.
Currently thier case was handed in at the European Human Rights Comission
because they didn't get refugee status from Hungarian authorities or UnHCR.
 
On other hand, Ms. Ella Veres " everes at csomalin.csoma.elte.hu " is a
jornalist in BUdapest covering this story, and she is trying to help our
brothers and publish their case in international news papers. she needs a
good support and source of information from Kurdish Human right Organization
or political body representing them. I belive that you will do your best to
help our brothers who are being held In Budapest and help Ms. Ella Veres in
her mission. I and MS. Ella Veres are waiting for your comments in this issue.

truly yours

Haval. H. Najar
Toronto, canada 


From stk at schism.antenna.nl  Tue Feb 25 01:47:00 1997
From: stk at schism.antenna.nl (stk at schism.antenna.nl)
Date: 25 Feb 1997 01:47:00
Subject: Measures to be taken against PKK ac
Message-ID: <022497234746Rnf0.77b9@schism.antenna.nl>


				  SECRET
                                   T.C.
                             INTERIOR MINISTRY
                   Public Relations Office Chairmanship


NUMBER: B050HID0000073/472                                   03/01/1997

MATTER: Measures to be taken against PKK activities in 1997

REGARDING: Prime Ministerial orders dated 12.11.1993

       New measures to be taken in addition to the old measures to be
applied in 1997 in order to render the armed activities of the PKK
separatist terrorist organisation and their political activities, as well
as those in other fields, ineffective.

                                     
                 1. Measures to applied at specific times:

       1. In response to the PKK separatist terrorist organisation's
steering of men of thinking and art and other influential people who may
impress the public at home and abroad to serve its aims:

       People who may be qualified as thinkers and are currently being
used by the organisation should be identified and their past histories and
intelligence information relating to them be secured (January-March 1997).

       People the organisation may use should be presented to the public
at home and abroad in such a manner as to remove any influence they may
have (January-May 1997).

       International institutions and organisations should be correctly
informed regarding people the organisation presents as thinkers, and files
prepared with this aim should be sent to international institutions and
organisations (January-May 1997).

       2. In response to the possibility that the organisation will target
people taking the side of the state and put psychological pressure on them
with accusations of spying and banditry, or carry out massacres and
various armed actions; practices should be applied which will secure the
raising of the morale of citizens supporting the state, in particular
temporary village guards, and the public should be informed in a suitable
manner in the matter of the malintenioned reports in the press that the
Temporary Village Guard System is to be abolished (January-May 1997).

       3. With the aim of preventing the organisation from exploiting
Newroz, the functions required by the special project to be prepared in
this matter should be carried out (March 1997).


                  II. Measures to be applied continuously

       Measures should be taken to secure that the population in the 14-25
year age group be distanced from the organisation in response to the
activities of the PKK separatist terrorist organisation to collect
militants in order to broaden its cadres.

       1. State officials at every level should be continuously in contact
with the citizens and the matter should be continuously dealt with to
render organisation propaganda on the youth ineffective.

       People likely to join the organisation should be placed under close
surveillance and persuasion applied to them and their families.

       2. In response to the setting up of so-called front headquarters in
so-called provinces defined by the organisation and activities of the
creation of institutions of logistics, education, finance, health,
military branches, people's courts and the like, collaborators should be
speedily exposed, persuasion should be applied to them, a spectacle should
be made of them, and if necessary they should be penalised.

       3. In response to the organisation and its supporters using
international institutions, non-governmental organisations, human rights
organisations, news agencies, news and TV establishments, universities and
internationally known people against Turkey;

       The special international enlightenment programmes should be
applied, visits should be made to regional people who have suffered from
terrorism in the presence of these individuals and institutions, faxes,
letters, cards and photograph album campaigns <sic> should be organised.

       Those suffering damages from terrorism should be made to apply to
organisations like the Helsinki Watch Committee and International Human
Rights with documentation and information, and protests should be made at
the biased attitudes of these institutions.

       Protest campaigns should be organised with the participation of
various associations and institutions by reason of biased attitudes of the
European Churches Association, press and publications organs, local and
national governments and local administrations.

       Programmes should be drawn up to discredit the thesis propounded
abroad that the organisation has chosen the method of terrorism as there
is not a democratic environment and that it is a political party, and this
should be applied by means of the press, face to face meetings on
television, enlightenment and information.

       4. In response to the organisation creating an environment of
closer collaboration with extreme left-wing organisations, Yezidis, Alevis
and radical Islamic groups, its setting into action of the institutions it
has formed and its carrying out of direct action at home and abroad;

       With the aim of preventing extreme left-wing elements from uniting
with the PKK in actions and thought, possible leaders in thought and
action in this matter should be suitably enlightened, and those who cannot
be directed should have their influence over the public rocked as
professional degenerates.

       Measures should be taken to support those who are in the positions
of being natural leaders of Alevi and Yezidi groups at home and who
support the state, in such a manner as to increase their influence over
these groups and to prevent exploitation of these groups by means of these
people.

       Measures should be taken to secure the reduction of influence over
groups of people the PKK terrorist organisation directs and wishes to make
into leaders, and who may make an impression.

       It should be secured that prominent Alevis, Yezidis, and radical
Islamists make declarations against the units the PKK has created and that
these declarations be made known to the public at home and abroad (by
means of the press and media).

       Measures should be taken directed at enlightening the public in the
matter of the aim of creation of the units under the control of the PKK
separatist terrorist organisation (like the Aleviler Birligi (1), the
Yezidiler Birligi (2) and the Kurdistan Islami Hareket (3), and the degree
to which they exploit the targetted people (academics should be made to
give conferences on this matter).

       5. In cases when the organisation provokes incidents of migration
from Turkey to Northern Iraq, Iran or Syria, or vice-versa with the aim of
influencing the attitude towards the region of the United Nations High
Commission of Refugees in particular or other influential international
institutions and the US administration or directing them along the lines
of their own interests, or uses the citizens in Atrush camp to similar
ends;

       The propaganda of organisation representatives in sensitive
districts and villages should be rendered ineffective in a manner to
prevent the people becoming provoked or agitated.

       The people should be immediately informed in response to
disinformation.

       Individuals likely to spread disinformation and provoke the people
should be kept under surveillance and measures should be taken to remove
any credible influence people of this kind may have over the people.

       In practices aimed at the people, people with the characteristics
of being able to direct the people by giving them information and key news
carriers should be found and advantage taken of them.

       6. Parlementarians, men of religion, representatives of the press
and in particular members of NGO's like International Human Rights and
Amnesty International who may come from abroad with the aim of collecting
propaganda material should be steered appropriately and followed, and
advantage should be taken of Diyarbakir Press Office to this end.

       7. In response to the activities of the organisation to convene
their provincial councils, the national council and the national congress; 
  
       All activities of the separatist terrorist organisation to this end
should be prevented.

       Relations with the organisation as well as previously committed
offences of members of the PKK terrorist organisation participating in the
meetings on its agenda should be publicised to the public at home and
abroad.

       8. Administrative and legal measures should be taken against those
attempting to propagate the Kurdish language, form institutions conducting
research to make it a language of literacy and to start education and
Kurdish literacy courses directed at front activities <sic>.

       9. In response to the probability that the organisation will target
people taking the side of the state and accuse them of spying and
banditry, or carry out massacres and various armed actions;

       High school or youth educated to a higher level who are likely to
join the organisation should be kept under surveillance.

       Visually recorded determinations in heated clashes with
peculiarities which may be considered under the scope of the Geneva War
Convention should be exposed and published.

       10. In response to the efforts of the PKK to develop television and
radio broadcasting along the lines of its aims;

       Letter, fax and telegramme campaigns should be organised and
directed at foreign institutions and governments giving permission for
broadcasting by non-governmental institutions and individuals.

       Information and documentation to the effect that MED TV does not
broadcast the music and entertainment for which it obtained the licence,
but that the broadcasts are of political content and aimed at supporting a
terrorist organisation, should be communicated to the countries granting
broadcasting permission, and the initiatives to obstruct the broadcasts
should be continued.

       MED TV should be prevented from making programmes in Turkey.
       
       Each malintenioned programme made by MED TV should be refuted to
the international institutions thereafter, and this should be done through
NGO's rather than directly.

       11. In response to the organisation's activities aimed at opening
ERNK <National Liberation Front of Kurdistan> offices and fortifying
existing offices with the aim of propagating front activities, special
security inquiries should be held into those working in the offices in
question, and if necessary, their extradition should be requested from the
relevant countries, giving the criminal grounds.

       12. Whenever a decision is made or a statement released by
international institutions in favour of the separatist terrorist
organisation or against Turkey in a manner criticising practices in the
matter of the separatist terrorist organisation: letter, telephone,
telegramme and fax protest campaigns by means of individuals and
institutions should be organised, and the families of martyrs and
charities and institutions related to the families of martyrs should take
part in these campaigns.

       13. In response to the exploitation by the organisation and other
separatist circles of the colours yellow, red and green, which they have
made their symbol and which they try to advertise by all means available,
academic meetings should be held in the matter that these colours are
traditional Turkish colours.

       14. It should be emphasised by all means available that despite the
statements of the organisation and other separatist circles in various
situations, of, `We have no itention of separating fron the State of the
Republic of Turkey', their actual ideas are of self-determination and
independance.

       15. With the aim of preventing the organisation searching for new
fields of activity;

       Street trading should be prevented in the provinces of Adana, Icel,
Antalya, Sivas, Konya, Nevsehir, Kirsehir, Tokat, Ankara, Istanbul and
Izmir.

       Measures should be taken to prevent joint activity between extreme
left-wing elements and the PKK separatist terrorist organisation.

       Non-religious activities directing our citizens of Alevi beliefs in
the Cemevis (4) should be kept under control.

       Emphasis should be placed on activities like sports clubs, folk
dancing and music activities, and the young in the population should be
drawn on organisations of this kind.

       Taking into account that people settled or those newly settling in
the Region are not registered, law number 1774 of Identity Registration
should be applied with fastidiousness.

       16. Kuran courses, which are likely to be steered by the Kurdistan
Islamic Movement organisation, which is under the control of the
organisation, should be monitored.

       17. In response to organisation's activities injurious to the
respect among the public of the security forces, measures should be taken
to raise the morale of the security forces and solidify their public
relations.

       18. Working reports of the activities conducted should be sent to
the Ministry of the Interior State of Emergency Coordination Committee
General Secretariat at the end of March, June, September and December.

       19. The secrecy of this order should be preserved and unnecessary
duplication avoided.

       I request your cooperation.

                                          Dr. Meral AKSENIR
                                          Interior Minister
                                          State of Emerg. Comm. Chair
                                          (signed)


DISTRIBUTION:
By necessity:                      For information:
- State of Emergency Regional      - MGK <National Security Council>
  Governorate                        General Secretariat
- 80 Provincial Governorates
- General Gendarme Command
- General Security Directorate



(1): Aleviler Birligi = Alevis Association
(2): Yezidiler Birligi = Yezidis Association
(3): Kurdistan Islami Hareket = Kurdistan Islamic Movement
(4): Cemevi = Alevi place of worship/meeting place (translator)       




From dhkc at dds.nl  Tue Feb 25 10:25:28 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 25 Feb 1997 10:25:28
Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: The state helped Ibrahim Sahin escap
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0vzR18.000FSRC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>
Subject: Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: The state helped Ibrahim Sahin escape

THE STATE HELPED IBRAHIM SAHIN ESCAPE

It's the contra-guerrilla state, exposed in Susurluk, which helped
Ibrahim Sahin, the founder of the Department for Special Operations,
escape abroad. The contra-guerrilla state has paid its due by opening
the back-door for Ibrahim Sahin. Who is this Ibrahim Sahin who has
shed blood for years in the name of the state? Ibrahim Sahin is the
organiser of the Special Teams. This gang of murderers has been
shedding blood for years in Kurdistan, they burn down villages and
they oppress the people. Ibrahim Sahin is one of the main responsibles
for the suffering of the people who were confronted with the Special
Teams. He is one of the main responsibles for the tears of the
mothers, for the rape of young girls, for the chopped off heads, for
the bodies which are riddled with bullets, for the flood of blood and
tears. After Hulusi Sayin (*), he too became known as the "Butcher of
Kurdistan". The gang of murderers, trained by him, destroyed and
burned down thousands of villages, tens of thousands of people were
driven away from their homeland, hundreds of people were murdered,
made "disappeared" and dozens of people were killed by "unknown
perpetrators". He was the adviser and the organiser of these
murders. The horror of the Special Teams and Ibrahim Sahin was not
limited to Kurdistan, it was spread across the whole country. They are
the main responsibles for the "thousands of operations" in which
hundreds of revolutionaries were murdered and made
"disappeared". Ibrahim Sahin received special training in the USA and
was then accepted in the elite of the state gangs. The
contra-guerrilla state, whose real face was exposed in Susurluk, saw
itself forced to "sacrifice" some of its men to counter the reactions
of the public. The state took away the tasks of this killer, but he is
still presented, despite dozens of crimes, as a hero.  Ibrahim Sahin,
officially wanted by the police, moved freely in public. And in the
end the state arranged his escape abroad. Therefore its obvious that
this fascist government will not punish him. But the people's justice
will not forgive him. No matter where he will run to, no matter what
country he is in, he will not escape the people's justice, he will be
found and held accountable.

(*) 4-star general, known as the "Butcher" because of the massacres he
carried out in Kurdistan. Punished by fighters of Devrimci Sol
(Revolutionary Left)


Revolutionary People's Liberation Front 
London Information Bureau

-- 
Classwar in Turkey and Kurdistan: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind
Turkey Mailinglist Mirror: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From stk at schism.antenna.nl  Fri Feb 28 02:16:00 1997
From: stk at schism.antenna.nl (stk at schism.antenna.nl)
Date: 28 Feb 1997 02:16:00
Subject: Turk Army Ruins Kurdish Economy; Di
Message-ID: <022897001635Rnf0.77b9@schism.antenna.nl>

]------------------------------ forwarded message -----------------------------
akin at kurdish.org (AKIN) writes:

TURKEY: TROUBLED CITY'S DISPOSSESSED TORMENTED BY DISEASE, HUNGER

Copyright 1997 Inter Press Service
Inter Press Service

February 25, 1997, Tuesday

LENGTH: 1119 words

BYLINE: By Nadire Mater

DATELINE: DIYARBAKIR, Turkey, Feb. 25, 1997

BODY:
For the dispossessed and destitute Yavuz family, pride nearly proved fatal
this week.

The Yavuz family are Kurds, one of many families forced from their homes in
the Turkish southeastern countryside by war and economic strife, condemned
to a miserable refuge in the shanty towns surrounding the region's main
city.

"We had nothing to eat for seven days," said father Mehmet Yavuz, formerly
a shepherd, taken with the rest of his family to a local hospital on Feb.
23. "Before then our neighbors used to give us food, but we were so
embarrassed to beg food from them that we locked ourselves in the house,"
he says.

Red Crescent officials here say family members were suffering from typhoid
as well as hunger. And their case is proving increasingly typical, they
add, as the tens of thousands like Mehmet, who fled rural poverty 15 years
ago to come to the city, have been joined by hundreds of thousands more
forced out of their homes in the course of the 13-year conflict between
Ankara's security forces and the guerrillas of the Kurdistan Workers Party
( PKK) .

"They moved to Diyarbakir fifteen years ago due to economic difficulties at
home" says Dr. Necdet Ipekyuz of the local Physicians Chamber, who visited
the Yavuz family in the city public hospital.

"But the father has been jobless for six months thanks to the increased
competition for jobs from the hundreds of thousands of newly emigrated
villagers. They are stricken by hunger and typhoid," he says. "Imagine the
plight of the new arrivals. Some have not been able to find work for more
than two years."

The city has been filled to bursting point by the security forces' policy
of forced depopulation in the disputed southeast, designed to starve the
PKK cadres of local support. Between 1992 and 1996 an estimated 2,600
villages in the war zone were cleared, displacing some three million men,
women and children. City officials say the city population has swelled from
380,000 in 1995 to 1.5 million in 1997.

"Those who emigrated in 1992 ended up peddling goods on the streets," says
the director of the Diyarbakir Red Crescent, Mehmet Aydin. "But there is no
future for anyone on the street; they are simply starving, vulnerable to
all kinds of diseases."

"We are afraid that starvation and disease might become an epidemic unless
urgent measures are introduced," warns Diyarbakir Human Rights Association
deputy branch chair Vedat Cetin. "Seventy- five percent of the city's
workforce is unemployed and scores of families, many with ten or more
members, are forced to seek survival in one single room, without fuel and
food in this killing cold."

Charity drives organized by wealthy citizens from Diyarbakir recently
resulted in a grim spectacle -- televised nationally -- as hundreds fought
for the food parcels. "Having seen these scenes, no human being can abstain
from
aiding these people," says businessman Celal Polat, who launched the aid
drive for Diyarbakir's poor.

However, rather than addressing the poverty at the root of the problems,
Turkish officialdom was more concerned with the ethics of the media's
decision to broadcast film of the chaos and what they called the
irresponsibility of the charity organizers for staging the handouts without
official backing.

Yet there was a repeat of the scenes a week later when the state organized
a clothing handout in the city shanties. "A similar panic occurred," said a
city social welfare official. "We are now planning to deliver the second
hand clothing packages direct to the doors of those in need."

"No one should be surprised by the present situation in Diyarbar," says
Yavuz Onen, chair of the Turkish Engineers and Architects Chambers Union
(TMMOB), a professional body which has made a special study of the social
disaster looming around the city.

"We exposed the situation in our June 1996 report on Diyarbakir, based on
extensive research and factual data," he says, "yet it was neglected by the
authorities as usual."Based on a careful survey of 1,072 Diyarbakir
inhabitants, the TMMOB estimates that Diyarbakir's population has increased
by 116 percent in the last six years, including the estimated 327,000
people who fled to the city after the start of forced depopulation in 1992.
Fifty-eight percent of these said their home villages had been burnt down.

The new arrivals are moving into a city already tormented by social crisis.
TMMOB estimates that nearly 71 percent of the city's economically active
population aged between 12 and 65 years is seeking work. Of those working,
58 percent are in temporary jobs and nearly 65 percent live and work
without social protection.

Against a national Turkish per capita income of $ 2,600, 52 percent of the
population of Diyarbakir lives on just $ 100 a year or less. "The collapse
of economic life, the heavy blows inflicted to livestock farming and
agriculture, the destruction of forests over 13 years of war, and the
government's forced depopulation policies," says Onen, "have made
sustainable life in both city and countryside impossible in the southeast."


The state's own figures point up the massive disparity between Turkey's
booming northwest and its troubled southeast. A recent report by the
Turkish
state statistics institute (DIE), based on 1994 figures, estimated that
Istanbul's share of the national wealth was twice that of all 20
southeastern provinces put together.

"Why is the state surprised," asked Erdogan Kalker, an Istanbul worker of
Kurdish origin who believes that the poorest fifth of the city's populace
are mainly Kurdish as well. "The DIE report explicitly exposes everything.
The institute is run by the state so that they should have long known the
situation."

However the scale of the problem and the ever-present threat of major
disease has made the state think again about its habitual policy of
ignoring the issue. Turkish Minister of State Sacit Gunbey now blames
"70-year-old economic policies," while the Minister of State for the
southeast, Salim Ensarioglu, cites the undeclared war in the region. "This
is a disaster," he recently told reporters here.

"The health services and the Diyarbakir municipality and even the governor
are trying to do their best to help the Yavuz family since their plight has
been publicized," Ipekyuz says. "But how can one expect all individual
families to be aided by individual effort?"

He expects the problem to go on as long as war and migration continue. "The
basic remedy lies not in curing single typhoid cases but in eliminating the
general conduits that cause the disease -- poverty and substandard health
provision."


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