From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Mar 27 04:23:33 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 27 Mar 1997 04:23:33
Subject: Don't Holiday In Turkey!
References: <bac1c849.199504111510.LAA20886@magi.com>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970326232..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

Don't Holiday In Turkey!

        Before you begin planning your 1997 vacation, please consider the
following points: Turkey is a very beautiful country, as many tourist
brochures point out. It has many worthy sights and has many beautiful
beaches. It's a country where you can enjoy an inexpensive holiday.
But that's only one side of the coin. There are also some other things you
should know about Turkey as well.
        For 13 years, the Turkish state has been waging a war against the
Kurdish people, armed with great technical and financial resources.
According to the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD), the balance of the
war in 1996 was as follows:

* 2,859 deaths in military confrontations;
* 78 murders by "unknown assailants";
* 190 extra-legal executions or deaths from police torture;
* 346 registered cases of torture;
* 20,434 arrests without charge;
* 68 villages depopulated and destroyed;
* 140 persons jailed for expressing opinions;
* 421 imprisoned authors and journalists.

        The Turkish state has spent vast amounts of money on this war which
violates human rights and international law. But the state's coffers are
empty and the inflation rate has soared to 120%. And yet the Turkish
government knows of no other way than to invent new and more horrbile crimes
against the Kurds and Turkish opposition forces as well. Murder, repression,
forced relocations, the destruction of villages, "disappeared" persons, and
attacks on social prisoners and prisoners of war - the state seems
determined to follow a military path. This approach was summed up by the
deputy chief of state of the Turkish army when he said: "We would have
eliminated terrorism by now, but democracy and human rights are standing in
our way."
        More and more, the war is spilling over into Turkey's cities and
resorts. Because of this, the security of holiday markers in Turkey can no
longer be guaranteed.
        One of the main sources of income which keeps the war machine going
is tourism. Last year alone, 8 million foreign tourists visited Turkey,
leaving behind some 6 billion dollars.
        In short, every tourist who visits Turkey is partly responsible for
the crimes being committed against the Kurdish people. We appeal to everyone
who is concerned about human rights and justice: by not going on holiday to
Turkey, you keep money out of the hands of those who wish to continue the
dirty war against the Kurds, and you help make a contribution to a just and
democratic solution to the Kurdish conflict.

European Kurdish federations FEYKOM, YEK-KOM, and FEK-KAR

(Leaflet printed in Kurdistan-Rundbrief #6/97; Translated by Arm The Spirit)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
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 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Mar  7 08:12:10 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Mar 1997 08:12:10
Subject: KURD-L Is Back!
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.92.960707215..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970307030..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

KURD-L Is Back!

Dear readers,

Over the past few weeks, our Internet providers have been undertaking
hardware upgrades to improve their systems. Hence we were not able to
operate KURD-L for a short time. But the upgrades are now complete and the
list is working again. Sorry for the delay!

We'd like to take this opportunity to once again thank the comrades at BURN
and ETEXT who have provided us with our networking and archiving
capabilities. Thank you!

Biji Kurdistan!

Arm The Spirit, March 7, 1997

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------


From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Wed Mar  5 07:18:07 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Mar 1997 07:18:07
Subject: Turkey: The Manisa Testimonies (part 2)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2si759n.fsf@xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: The Manisa Testimonies (part 2)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>


Jale Kurt

I was taken away from my work on December 26, 1995, and brought to the Manisa
police station. On the way to the station they already started to threaten me.
When I asked them why they had taken me, they did not answer. Their threats
increased. I told myself: "These are murderers". When I looked at them, I felt
uneasy. Now we were in their lair. The psychological pressure started. They made
fun about everything. They locked me up in a cell.

They took me for interrogation and the repression increased. They yelled, they
hit me and I was forced to listen to their hymns. I was forced to hear my
friends scream. They tore the clothes of my body to rape me and to give me
electroshocks. Naked and blindfolded, I had to stand before them. They examined
me everywhere and they spit on me. They pushed me around and they wanted me to
tell everything. They were hypocrites. 

Suddenly they acted as if they were "good friends". They offered me their help
in finding a job and a place at the university. I told them I already had a job
and that I did not want to go to university. 


Someone who wants to stay anonymous.

When I was in the Manisa police station, I had to stand, waiting, against a wall
on the 4. floor, before the door of the Anti-Terror Department, blindfolded and
the hands cuffed on my back. After a while they took me into a room and the
interrogation started. I said I had nothing to do with anything and that it was
not clear to me why I was arrested. Then they summoned me to take off my
clothes. 

They started to hit me on my back and tore the clothes of my body. When I was
totally naked, they pulled me by my hair and forced me on a wet blanket. They
squeezed my private parts, using a cloth. I screamed because of the pain while
they continued their beating and insults. One of the torturers said: "This is
nothing yet, there will be electricity soon", and he attached a wire to my big
toe. I lay on the wet blanket while three persons sat on my arms, two others
held my legs. In the meanwhile they continued to squeeze my private parts and
began with the electroshocks. To increase the effect, they poured water over me.
I was given electroshocks to my nipples, my private parts, the ears, teeth, the
nose cavities and the arm pits while to continued to squeeze my genitals. They
also squeezed my back-part. It was very hard for me to stand all of this. I had
to endure these three methods of torture which were applied simultaneously and I
was in great pain. They left me in peace for a while and then they started all
over again. They did not touch me on Saturday and Sunday, they just left me
screaming. I could hear the others scream. To prevent us from sleeping, they
constantly played these hymns. On Sunday, when my sister came to visit me, they
threatened to hurt me very badly in case I told her what had happened. On Monday
afternoon they continued the torture after I was brought to the interrogation
room. This time I was put under a cold shower and I was hosed with cold water.
Then they put me in front of a ventilator. After they repeated this three times,
I was given electroshocks again. Later I was given electroshocks to the organs I
already mentioned. Then they put me under the cold shower, and again
electroshocks. After the last electroshock, I could no longer feel my right leg.
Then they made me jump and they repeated they were going to kill me, they were
going to make me "disappear". After the jumping, I was locked up in the cell
again. Together with me,  Levent Kilic and H. were tortured with cold water and
electroshocks. 

On Tuesday morning I was taken from the cell. I was hosed with cold water again
and they also applied electroshocks. They kept saying they were making me harder
with this torture, they were in fact doing something good. The physical torture
ended. We were not allowed to sleep. We had to sit down and listen to their
prattle. I was a witness when two people, who were doing rather bad, were
brought to the hospital. These were Hueseyin Korkat and Munire Apaydinlar. 

They left us in peace during the last two days. They kept asking us if
everything was all right. They undressed us and looked if there were wounds.
People, which I was coming to know later, were subjected repeatedly to torture.
I found it extremely evil that they tortured children, 15-16 years old. When we
were brought to the hospital, they constantly threatened these children. In
hospital, we were put under psychological pressure. The doctors only examined
the wounds. 


Ali Goktas

On December 26, 1995, at 8 p.m. two persons rang the bell at my door. They
identified themselves as policemen and they wanted to talk to me about the son
of my brother, Mahir Goktas. They took me out of my house, ostensibly for an
hour. I was blindfolded and brought to the police station of Manisa. 

After an half hour of waiting, I was dragged into a room. They asked me about
Mahir Goktas and about other people which I did not know. I told them I had not
seen Mahir Goktas for more than a month and that I did not know the other people
at all. They began to swear. Supposedly I was a terrorist and they were going to
kill me, they said. Later they took away my clothes. They covered me in a wet
blanket and asked me about people I did not know.  Some of them held my arms and
legs and pushed with all their strength against my private parts. They kept on
swearing. I was covered in this wet and cold blanket again and they attached
electronic wires to my toes. They also attached wires to my private parts and
then they put on the electricity. I was given electroshocks to the belly-button,
the nipples, the mouth and the nose cavities. They said they didn't care whether
I was going to talk or not and they kept on swearing. Later they poured cold
water over my body and I was given electroshocks again, this time with a higher
voltage. This lasted for more than one hour. Then I had to jump on the spot. I
was beaten with fists. After the jumping, I was put under a cold shower for more
than two hours. I was left alone for a while, and then they started again with
the same methods of torture. 

This lasted for 5 or 6 days. In this period I was constantly asked about people
I did not know. I was also confronted with people I did not know. At one time
they pushed sticks into the rectum until it started bleeding. Again and again
electroshocks. I was put under a cold shower while they kept hitting me with
their fists. Sticks were put into the rectum again. I was put on my back, so
water would gather in my liver and I would die. I was to lick water from the
floor. 

This torture lasted for 11 days. Everyday they increased the physical and
psychological torture. On the first day they threatened me with death. They told
me they were from the contra-guerrilla. Because of the pressure by the public,
we were brought to hospital. The psychological torture was continued, even with
the doctors. The doctor, aware of the situation, wrote a useless report. We were
prevented from sleeping by loudly playing the national hymn. Huseyin Korkat, who
was also tortured, had to be taken to the nerve clinic in Manisa because of his
bad situation. Munire Apaydin, whose name I found out later, was in a very bad
situation as well. What I saw and went through is not even imaginable in Hitler
Germany. 


Sakine Ogeyik:

>From the moment I was arrested they kept saying: "You're finished. You'll see
what we'll do to you. Now everything is finished. You'll sing like a bird."
These words reverberated in my ears when I was hit and yelled at. One answers
them by saying "I will not come along, I will not sit down, I will not take my
clothes off." One yells slogans. And then a war starts. They try to make the
psychology of the torture room work. I knew from the reports and books from
people who had been arrested before what they are capable of. And I knew how
important the first stand was. I was prepared for everything, but it still was a
great shock when they arrested me. They could not arrest me, I would be freed,
that's what I always thought. I kept saying to myself that it would end the same
way as it started. I had to resist. I understood this rationally, but it still
had to be put into practice. I knew this was a place of ordeal. Did I really
want the revolution, had I internalised the struggle, was I loyal to my comrades
and my party, was I able to sacrifice myself for them. I still had to find out.
There was no other way, I had to resist to come out with honour again.

I had to experience this joy. I could not confess anything to these tortures in
order not to betray my comrades. I was thinking about what was going to happen
and I prepared myself for the torture. I was beaten and insulted, threats were
made what was going to happen to me in the police station. I told them they had
no right to arrest me, that I had done nothing illegal, and I told them in their
face that they were torturing innocent people. As usual, they accused the
victims of torture to be guilty. But because I knew "we" were right, their
accusations did not effect me at all. They tried to intimidate me and they
planned an attack. 

On the way to the police station I made up my mind to resist. And I answered
their first question "What's your name?": "I will not tell you." They
immediately sent me to the torture room, even before they had finished the
admission formalities. One of them said: "She's already hardened." He pulled me
into the room. I said: "You are torturers, I have nothing to say to you, you
enjoy torturing other people." I could not even answer the most simple question.
If I would give an answer, they would have achieved their goal. I was not going
to obey their orders. "Take off your clothes", they said. When I didn't react,
they took off my clothes with violence. They increased the voltage of the
electroshocks which were given all over my body. My body was trembling, it was
as if I was hit by lightning. But I could not think about the pain and I tried
to disconnect myself in my mind from my body. The first thing which came to my
mind was the resistance of Ali Riza (a revolutionary). It gave me courage to
know that he had resisted here as well. He had defeated the torturers. I
remembered his words. He said the torture could be endured. "It will be painful,
but it's possible to resist", he said. He said: "Try to defeat the torture
ideologically." I thought about other comrades Birtan, Baki and many others who
had resisted. I also thought about the common history with my comrades and
fellow men which I liked very much. Even the bad memories about them encouraged
me to hold on. They disconnected the electricity when they thought I was going
to speak. 

When I told them: "I will not speak", they rested for a while. They made fun
about human dignity and became even more insolent. They asked me whether I was
going to talk or not. When I told them "No", they continued. We will make you
talk. You will give us the names of the others, one by one, and you will betray
them. Who are you? Who do you have to account to?" When I did not react, they
disconnected the electricity after a while. In that moment I just thought, "I
have resisted, I won." I had regained my self-confidence. But I also knew they
would not give up. After the electroshocks, they used other methods of torture.
Then I was thrown into a cell (...)

---
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Mar  7 08:13:01 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 07 Mar 1997 08:13:01
Subject: Tom Clancy Lends His Pen To The Cau
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970307031..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Tom Clancy Lends His Pen To The Cause Of Barbarity!

Tom Clancy Lends His Pen To The Cause Of Barbarity!

        Tom Clancy's "Op-Center: Acts Of War", the newest Tom Clancy and
Steve Pieczenik, novel is sure to sell well, if for no other reason than
their introduction of the new bad guys of the Middle East, the Kurds.
        To be sure, Clancy and Pieczenik do an okay job of compiling the
facts of the present Kurdish conflict with their neighbors. They have the
American Secretary of State note, "As things stand, [the Kurds] are among
the most persecuted people on Earth.  ... Until 1991, they weren't even
allowed to speak their language in Turkey."
        But that is all the sympathy one gets for the Kurds in a volume
that is 492 pages. In the rest of the book, they are terrorists. Hardy,
self-disciplined, devout Muslims, and torturers, too, they plan to undo the
oppression that has denied them a country of their own.
        They are engaged in a war of wits, acts of sabotage, feats of valor
to wear down an enemy that, although devoid of humanity, is a friend of the
United States and has recently signed a strategic agreement with the ever
resourceful Israel.
        The Kurdish-Turkish war has been going on since 1984. More than
twenty thousand people have died. The Kurds of Syria, Iraq, and Iran are
also suffering. As the old adage says, misery likes company, so the
[fictional] leader of the Turkish Kurds al-Nasri and the Iraqi Kurdish
leader Mirza agree to take on the Kurds' foes together.
        The Middle East is arid. The water sources emanate from the land
of the Kurds. Turkey has built dams over these rivers. Syria and Iraq are
denied water by Ankara. Americans may fight for oil; the people of the
Middle East fight for water.
        A mobile Kurdish unit embarks on a journey to blow up the dam over
the Euphrates. An American Regional Operation Center, ROC, an all eyes and
all ears surveillance minibus is in the neighborhood. A general, two
marines, and three technicians operate it.
        The Kurdish unit does its job. Ataturk dam is blown up. The
American general wants to get closer to the scene. He is taken prisoner by
the Kurds. The crew of the ROC and the big bosses in Washington are
furious.
        The minibus goes to the rescue. Kurdish fighters put the minibus
out of commission and take the remaining Americans hostage too. Washington
is flabbergasted. The Kurds are somewhat impervious to the importance of
their catch.
        They want to head home, first to Syria and then to the Bekaa Valley.
On their way and at the camp they torture the chief of the ROC operation.
The Americans are demoralized. Washington and Tel Aviv make plans to
rescue the Yankees.
        The ROC crew is an interesting bunch. One is a former
environmentalist, whose years of dissent in the Greenpeace movement come in
handy in dealing with the Kurds. Another member is an African-American
woman, who tells her Kurdish torturer that fighting oppression does not
license one to abuse the captured.
        The Kurd, as you would expect, is speechless. He is not well-versed
enough in Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X to engage her in a philosophical
dialogue. You admire the African-American woman for putting oppression in
perspective so eloquently.
        At the end, the Israelis help the Americans locate the camp in
Bekaa Valley. The Kurds, together with the Americans, are attacked and
incapacitated by means of gas. The American general, angry with his
tormentors, kills the Kurdish leader out of revenge.
        The White House is in a conundrum. The general either has to face
the court of law for giving in to the feelings of personal vendetta or the
President has to pardon him. The latter is done. The general remains a
general.
        Of course, there are also sub-plots. The American counsel in
Istanbul is murdered by Kurdish sympathizers. The Kurds attack Damascus to
take over the government, but to no avail. The general asks and is given
the authority and a budget to fight terrorism on his own.
        Rest assured, the Turkish war mongers will make this newest
concoction of Clancy and Pieczenik a required reading for their officers
who are versed in English.
        One wonders how much influence the government of Turkey had over
the much touted warrior in disguise, Tom Clancy, to pen this novel. His
and Pieczenik's construction is grievous to an indigenous people who are
fighting to preserve themselves.
        Why is it that the secular fighters of the PKK are portrayed as
devout Muslims? The 4,000 women fighters in their ranks would make a mockery
of Clancy's claim. This infantile look at the world must come to an end.
        The end of the Cold War and the beginning of the Peace Process in
the Middle East has depleted the market for adversaries. The
identification of the Kurdish struggle for dignity as a form of terrorism
and inimical to the values of Americans is deplorable.
        The Kurds have enough adversaries of their own. Adding Americans
to the list reminds one of the popular Israeli song: "The whole world is
against us, who cares!"

Kani Xulam
March 4, 1997

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++




From itusc at gn.apc.org  Fri Mar  7 16:17:51 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 07 Mar 1997 16:17:51 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: IRANIAN OILWORKERS KILLED
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269c.473@gn.apc.org>

In a  February posting we reported the decision of the International Trade
Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) International Workers' Conference to
support the struggle of the Iranian oil workers. The ITUSC sent messages of
support to the workers in struggle, via our sister organisation, the
Committee for the Defence and Support of Iranian Oil Workers. We also sent
letters of protest to the Iranian Embassy in Britain and the oil ministry.We
also joined a picket of the Iranian Embassy in London on 24 February.

 On 16 February 1997, a huge oil workers rally took place in front of the
oil ministry in Tehran, Iran, and the Islamic militias attacked the crowd
and inflicted beatings. Hundreds were arrested. After several days, most of
those detained were released, but some are still in prison.

On 2 March, we received news from reliable sources in Iran that at least two
of the demonstrators have since died of the injuries inflicted upon them in
detention. Oil workers informed us that at least two others have probably
died whilst being tortured.

Oil workers of the Shiraz refinery marched to the city and demanded the
unconditional release of their comrades and acceptance of all their demands
by the government of Iran, including the right to organise and the right to
collective bargaining.

A few days ago, oil workers from Iran informed us that a new wave of arrests
had begun, and that more than 50 oil workers, including some of their
leaders, were taken to unknown prisons. They have not made contact with
their families therefore their current situation is unclear. Our sources
also told us that all the refineries are surrounded by Islamic militia
guards; the refineries are under siege.

In its response to the letter from the ITUSC, containing the resolution
condemning the Iranian regime, the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran,
London acknowledged that there has been a "recent protest by workers of the
oil refinery in Tehran", that the protest concerned "their low wages" and
that "workers at the Tehran Refinery protested at their low wages, demanding
that the oil ministry take steps to solve their pay and welfare problems". 

The ITUSC rejects these points:-
? First, the protest is not 'recent'; in fact the protests go back to the
period just after the Revolution in 1978-79 and had intensified especially
after the Gulf War;

? Second, it was not only the workers of the refinery in Tehran who
'protested' but workers of many other refineries, namely Shiraz, Tabriz and
Isfahan, were equally involved in this dispute. In the period up to the
demonstration, workers of the oil pipelines, Iranian national gas and Tehran
distribution centre were also involved. Pretending that the 'protest' had
quite a narrow base, namely Tehran refinery, the Islamic government is as
usual lying.

? Third, low wages and welfare conditions are important issues in this
dispute, but they are not the principal ones. The main dispute was over the
right to organise and to form independent, workers' organisations. On 5 and
6 February, all oil refineries and the other industries mentioned above
elected representatives who went to Tehran to form their national
organisation, which was dissolved by the Iranian government on 7 February.
It forced the representatives to return to their cities. The demand for the
right to collective bargaining was the second, crucial demand which
obviously presupposes a form of organisation among workers. This has been
totally rejected by the government. (There were other demands as well).

The Embassy's letter states further that there had been negotiations, and
that the problem is solved. The truth is that there have been no
negotiations concerning the basic demands of the workers. The regime has
told the workers that collective bargaining and forming independent
organisations is out of the question. And the protest, contrary to the
Embassy's statement, was and is not ended.

The letter ends by claiming that the workers and the oil ministry "had
reached an agreement after which the workers returned to their work". By
'agreement' they mean that they have dissolved the founding meeting of 7
February, sent back the workers to their cities, and after the mass rally
outside the oil ministry, have injured, imprisoned, tortured and - while
torturing- killed workers. And after all that the oil refineries are under a
state of siege.

Finally, it is a triumph for the workers that the wall of silence imposed by
the Islamic Republic has been broken, mainly through their struggle, but
also through international support and solidarity. They still need
international solidarity to free their comrades and leaders, and to achieve
their just demands, especially the rights to organise and collective bargaining.

Please act urgently to secure the immediate and unconditional release of the
arrested Iranian oil workers. Let the Committee for the Defence and Support
of the Iranian Oil Workers have your solidarity messages to be passed on,
published and broadcast on radio stations which will reach the Iranian oil
workers. Put pressure on the Iranian Embassies in your country and the oil
ministry in Iran and send a copy of your letters/faxes to:-
Iranian Refugee Workers' Association,
PO Box 3646,
London. 
SW11 5YT
Britain
Tel/Fax 0044 (0) 1372 817 778
e-mail: itusc at gn.apc.org

Communist Party of Iran,
C.D.R.T.,
PO Box 70445,
107 25 Stockholm,
Sweden.
Fax: (46) 08 86 80 54
Fax: 0044 (0) 181 248 2658

Iranian Workers' Left Unity,
PO Box 22634,
1100 DC Amsterdam,
The Netherlands.

Protests from Britain to:-
Iranian Embassy, 16 Prince's Gate, 
London SW7 1PT
Fax. No. 0171 589 4440
_____________________________________________________________________
This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
_____________________________________________________________________  

 
 
 
Keith Standring    (itusc at gn.apc.org)


From itusc at gn.apc.org  Fri Mar  7 23:08:36 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 07 Mar 1997 23:08:36 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Iranian Oil Workers Killed (more)
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269d.224@gn.apc.org>

transcript of reply from ITUSC to Iranian Embassy response, referred to in
earlier message. Please note the second para. which provides names of two of
the dead.

Mr. Mahmoud Khani,
7 March 1997
International Relations Section,
Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran,
16, Prince's Gate,
London. SW7 1PT

Your Ref. FEBKHA 1/2313-01-7/23928
 

Dear Mr. Khani,

Iranian Oil Workers Dispute 

Thank you for your letter dated 26 February, in reply to ours of 25 January
under the above heading.

We received news on 2 March from reliable sources in Iran that at least two
of the demonstrators referred to in our earlier communication, have since
died of the injuries that were inflicted upon them in detention. We know
that one of them was Gholam Barzegar. Oil workers informed us that at least
two others have died whilst being tortured, namely Hashem Kamely and another
worker whose name is not yet known to us. Only a few days ago, oil workers
from Iran informed us that more than 50 oil workers were arrested and taken
to unknown prisons since when their families have received no contact from
them, therefore their current situation is unclear. 

Even as this letter is being prepared, we have learned from Iran that oil
workers from the Abadan Oil Refinery have been arrested and are currently
being transferred to Tehran gaols.

Your letter is headed " Protest by Workers of the Tehran Refinery" and it
acknowledges that there has been a "recent protest by workers of the oil
refinery in Tehran", that the protest concerned "their low wages" and that
"workers at the Tehran Refinery protested at their low wages, demanding that
the oil ministry take steps to solve their pay and welfare problems". 

The ITUSC rejects these points:-
 
? First, the protest is not 'recent'; in fact the protests go back to the
period just after the Revolution in 1978-79 and had intensified especially
after the Gulf War;
 
? Second, it was not only the workers of the refinery in Tehran who
'protested' but workers of many other refineries, namely Shiraz, Tabriz and
Isfahan, were equally involved in this dispute. In the period up to the
demonstration, workers of the oil pipelines, Iranian national gas and Tehran
distribution centre were also involved. Pretending that the 'protest' had
quite a narrow base, namely Tehran refinery, the Islamic government is as
usual lying.

? Third, low wages and welfare conditions are important issues in this
dispute, but they are not the principal ones. The main dispute was over the
right to organise and to form independent, workers' organisations. On 5 and
6 February, all oil refineries and the other industries mentioned above,
elected representatives who went to Tehran to form their national
organisation, which was dissolved by the Iranian government on 7 February.
It forced the representatives to return to their cities. The demand for the
right to collective bargaining was the second, crucial demand which
obviously presupposes a form of organisation among workers. This has been
totally rejected by the government. (There were other demands as well).

Your letter states further that there had been negotiations, and that the
problem is solved. The truth is that there have been no negotiations
concerning the basic demands of the workers. The government has told the
workers that collective bargaining and forming independent organisations is
out of the question. And the protest, contrary to your statement, was and is
not ended.

Your letter claims that the workers and the oil ministry "had reached an
agreement after which the workers returned to their work". The government
has dissolved the founding meeting of 7 February, sent back the workers to
their cities, and after the mass rally outside the oil ministry, has
injured, imprisoned, tortured and - while torturing- killed workers. That is
not an agreement at all. And after all, if there is an agreement why then
are all the oil refineries under a state of siege from the Islamic militia? 

In the above circumstances, you will not be surprised to learn that we are
appalled at your government's actions and are wholly unimpressed by your
attempt to mislead us by your response to our letter. We now not only demand
the right of freedom of association and the recognition of the oil workers
right to collective bargaining and all their other legitimate demands, but
must also demand that the Iranian government immediately releases all those
oil workers who have been detained.

With regard to your request for information about our constructive
activities to promote the rights of British workers. We are an international
body, whose headquarters, at the moment, happens to be in Britain. We have a
proud record of defending workers throughout the world, including Britain,
from abuses of trade union and other human rights. Your attempt to defend
the indefensible actions of your government against its own workers, does
not fill us with any confidence that you have the workers' best interests at
heart. If, however, we are mistaken you may wish to subscribe to our
International Trade Unionist Bulletin. It only costs ?8 for one copy of 10
issues or for 5 copies of ten issues ?30 and for each additional 5 copies ?12.

We ask you to kindly convey the contents of this letter to your government.
____________________________________________________________________________
____________
This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
____________________________________________________________________________
____________
 
 
Keith Standring    (itusc at gn.apc.org)


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Mar 11 02:49:20 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Mar 1997 02:49:20
Subject: PKK Prisoners Escape Via Tunnel
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970310214..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

PKK Prisoners Escape Via Tunnel

According to mainstream press reports from Turkey, at least 20 political
prisoners, most of them imprisoned guerrillas from the Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK), escaped from a high-security prison in Turkish-occupied
Kurdistan on March 7th. "The search is going on, but there are no
developments", a spokesman for the region's martial law governor told
reporters.

It is believed that 16 PKK militants serving long prison terms were among
the escapees who fled through an 80 meter-long (260 feet) tunnel
underneath Iskenderun jail on Friday night. Jail officials have calculated
it took six months to dig the tunnel. The remaining four prisoners who
fled were members of a Turkish left-wing guerrilla group.

There are more than 10,000 political prisoners from the PKK in Turkish
jails, as well as thousands more from other revolutionary organizations
such as the People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP) and various wings of
the banned Turkish Communist Party (TKP). 

Arm The Spirit - March 10, 1997

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Mar 12 08:01:33 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Mar 1997 08:01:33
Subject: ARGK War Balance - February 1997
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970312024..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

ARGK Balance Of The Guerrilla War In Kurdistan
February 1997

        According to the Press Office of the People's Liberation Army of
Kurdistan (ARGK), a total of 17 successful military actions were carried out
during the month of February 1997. The results of 6 other actions are not
yet known. A total of 74 new recruits joined the ranks of the ARGK in
February. In battles, 12 ARGK fighters were killed and 3 others wounded.
        The Turkish army carried out 13 ground operations and 19 air attacks
in February. A total of 18 soldiers were killed, 5 others wounded. One
helicopter was damaged in a guerrilla attack, and a large amount of military
material was confiscated by the ARGK. During attacks on villages by
state-sponsored contras, 3 farmers were killed. One villager was killed by a
mine explosion in South Kurdistan.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief #5/97)


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Mar 12 08:04:06 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Mar 1997 08:04:06
Subject: ARGK War Balance - February 1997
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970312024..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970312024..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

ARGK Balance Of The Guerrilla War In Kurdistan
February 1997

        According to the Press Office of the People's Liberation Army of
Kurdistan (ARGK), a total of 17 successful military actions were carried out
during the month of February 1997. The results of 6 other actions are not
yet known. A total of 74 new recruits joined the ranks of the ARGK in
February. In battles, 12 ARGK fighters were killed and 3 others wounded.
        The Turkish army carried out 13 ground operations and 19 air attacks
in February. A total of 18 soldiers were killed, 5 others wounded. One
helicopter was damaged in a guerrilla attack, and a large amount of military
material was confiscated by the ARGK. During attacks on villages by
state-sponsored contras, 3 farmers were killed. One villager was killed by a
mine explosion in South Kurdistan.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief #5/97)


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From itusc at gn.apc.org  Wed Mar 12 17:40:23 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 12 Mar 1997 17:40:23 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: PICKET FOR IRANIAN OIL WORKERS
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269e.a17@gn.apc.org>

The Committee for the Defence and Support of the Iranian Oil Workers (London
Branch) has called a 
PICKET of the
NATIONAL IRANIAN OIL COMPANY at 4, Victoria Street,LondonSW1(nearest Tube -
St. James's Park) on
SATURDAY, 15 MARCH 1997 from
12NOON TO 2PM

Support the Iranian Oil Workers' Struggle and protest the killings!
Come along on Saturday. Bring your banners and your friends.
Victory to the Iranian Oil Workers!

BE SEEN   BE HEARD   BE THERE!

Enquiries to:-
Tel. No. ++44 (0) 385 940 816
E-mail  itusc at gn.apc.org


From Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming  Thu Mar 13 04:20:24 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming (Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming)
Date: 13 Mar 1997 04:20:24
Subject: Turkey: Press statement from "Grup Yorum"
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3hgigdmrj.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: Press statement from "Grup Yorum"
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Reply-To: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming


PRESS STATEMENT FROM "GRUP YORUM".

March 11, 1997

Grup Yorum: "They attacked again."

Our colleagues, Ufuk Lueker and Hakan Alak, and the co-worker from the
magazine Tavir, Aynur Cihan, were arrested in the night of March 11,
1997, at 2.30 a.m., after an attack by an armed unit and plainclothes
policemen against our homes.  They searched the houses and confiscated
magazines and books.

Once again they try to silence our voice with their MGK-report
(National Security Council), their conspiracies and their torture. The
members of our band have been taken in custody and tortured numerous
times before. They try the hide the truth for our people, they want to
rob the people from their hope for liberation. For 12 years we have
been the voice of the Anatolian people, we have been the been the hope
they wanted to hide out of jealousy. At a time where it becomes
obvious that they want to drag our country into the darkness, and that
we are governed by gangs, they attack us. This attack is not just
aimed against us, it is aimed the entire population. It's the voice of
the people they want to silence in reality. We demand that the attacks
against the artists at the side of the people are stopped immediately
and that our friends are released. We call upon the democratic and
sensitive public to join their voices with ours.

Hakan, Ufuk and Aynur must be released immediately!

The attacks against the artists at the side of the people must be
stopped!  Our songs will be victorious!

Grup Yorum

Contact address:
Idil Kueltuer Merkezi
Dereboyu Cad. no. 110/55 Ortakoy
Tel/fax: ++90-212-260 05 07/261 32 19

According to our information, these 3 people are held in the notorious
torture centre of the police headquarters in Istanbul where they,
according to the Turkish Ant-Terror law, can be held for up to 15
days, and at request, for another 5 days. Please send your protest
messages to the following persons:

police chief of Istanbul, Ramazan Er:  ++90-212-532 39 39
minister of justice, Sevket Kazan: ++90-312- 417 39 54
prime minister, Necmettin Erbakan: ++90- 312-417 04 76


-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com\



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Mar 13 12:32:37 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 13 Mar 1997 12:32:37
Subject: Turkey: Press Statement From "Grup
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970313072..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Turkey: Press Statement From "Grup Yorum"

Press Statement From "Grup Yorum"

March 11, 1997

Grup Yorum: "They attacked again."

Our colleagues, Ufuk Lueker and Hakan Alak, and the co-worker from the
magazine Tavir, Aynur Cihan, were arrested in the night of March 11,
1997, at 2.30 a.m., after an attack by an armed unit and plainclothes
policemen against our homes.  They searched the houses and confiscated
magazines and books.

Once again they try to silence our voice with their MGK-report
(National Security Council), their conspiracies and their torture. The
members of our band have been taken in custody and tortured numerous
times before. They try the hide the truth for our people, they want to
rob the people from their hope for liberation. For 12 years we have
been the voice of the Anatolian people, we have been the been the hope
they wanted to hide out of jealousy. At a time where it becomes
obvious that they want to drag our country into the darkness, and that
we are governed by gangs, they attack us. This attack is not just
aimed against us, it is aimed the entire population. It's the voice of
the people they want to silence in reality. We demand that the attacks
against the artists at the side of the people are stopped immediately
and that our friends are released. We call upon the democratic and
sensitive public to join their voices with ours.

Hakan, Ufuk and Aynur must be released immediately!

The attacks against the artists at the side of the people must be
stopped!  Our songs will be victorious!

Grup Yorum

Contact address:
Idil Kueltuer Merkezi
Dereboyu Cad. no. 110/55 Ortakoy
Tel/fax: ++90-212-260 05 07/261 32 19

According to our information, these 3 people are held in the notorious
torture centre of the police headquarters in Istanbul where they,
according to the Turkish Ant-Terror law, can be held for up to 15
days, and at request, for another 5 days. Please send your protest
messages to the following persons:

police chief of Istanbul, Ramazan Er:  ++90-212-532 39 39
minister of justice, Sevket Kazan: ++90-312- 417 39 54
prime minister, Necmettin Erbakan: ++90- 312-417 04 76


-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com\

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming  Sun Mar 16 08:20:40 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming (Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming)
Date: 16 Mar 1997 08:20:40
Subject: [psychon <psychon@dds.nl>] Re: Fwd: IMPORTANT! please forward
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3zpw3stou.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: [psychon <psychon at dds.nl>] Re: Fwd: IMPORTANT! please forward
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Reply-To: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming

--Multipart_Sun_Mar_16_17:11:29_1997-1
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII


-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

--Multipart_Sun_Mar_16_17:11:29_1997-1
Content-Type: message/rfc822

Date: Sat, 15 Mar 1997 21:57:23 +0100 (MET)
Message-Id: <1.5.4.16.19970315215117.36579c84 at dds.nl>
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
To: polprov at xs4all.nl
From: psychon <psychon at dds.nl>
Subject: Re: Fwd: IMPORTANT! please forward

Contrast: praktiese regelzaken
-----------------------------

>Return-Path: <nixou at xs4all.nl>
>Date: Sat, 15 Mar 1997 19:32:27 +0100 (MET)
>X-Sender: nixou at xs4all.nl
>To: r100 at desk.nl, psychon at dds.nl, ranx at xs4all.nl, andreg at digiface.nl
>From: nixou at xs4all.nl (nixou)
>Subject: Re: Fwd: IMPORTANT! please forward
>
>>From: elwin at weeds.xs4all.nl (Elwin)
>>To: nixou at xs4all.nl
>>Subject: Re: Fwd: IMPORTANT! please forward
>>Date: Mon, 10 Mar 1997 15:06:00 PST
>>X-Length: 00000d69
>>Organization: W.E.E.D.S.
>>X-Forwarded-From: mgprins at dds.nl
>>Cc: arjun at dds.nl, nixou at xs4all.nl, 96_132@[145.89.88.2], rosa at knoware.nl,
>>        xaviera at xs4all.nl
>>
>>                                --- Forward ---
>>
>>We have understood that a few Neo-Nazi groups are trying to create
>>(again) a usenet group where they want to keep in contact with each other
>>regarding their activities. I believe it is not necessary to dwell further
>>on these activities.
>>The group is rec.music.white-power
>>
>>To create such a group, they have to win a referendum that is
>>always organised when a new usenet group is created.
>>All persons with an email address, and only those, can vote in this
referendum.
>>It is IMPORTANT to vote only once, otherwise the vote is cancelled.
>>
>>To prevent the creation of this group, you have to:
>>1. Send this message to people you know
>>2. Send an email to the following address:
>>
>>       music-vote at sub-rosa.com
>>
>>   with as contents (not 'subject') ONLY the following line:
>>
>>       I vote NO on rec.music.white-power
>>
>>Since the vote is automatic, it is IMPORTANT to send the exact line
>>as it is given above, without adding anything, not even a name.
>>And please send it only once or it becomes invalid !
>>
>>--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>>Original french text:
>>
>>Nous avons appris que quelques groupes Neonazis sont en train d'essayer de
>>creer un groupe usenet ou mantenir des contacts entre eux concernant leurs
>>activites, sur lequelles, je crois, il est superflu de s'etendre. Le groupe
>>en question est rec.music.white-power
>>
>>Pour creer le groupe ils ont cependant besoin de gagner un referendum qui
>>est toujours organise a la creation d'un nouveau groupe ; a ce referundum
>>peuvent voter les personnes qui ont une adresse e-mail, et seulement elles.
>>Il est IMPORTANT de voter une seule fois, sinon le vote est annule.
>>
>>Pour empecher la creation de ce groupe vous devez :
>> 1. Envoyer une copie de cette lettre aux gens que vous connaissez ;
>> 2. Envoyer une e-mail a l'adresse suivante
>>
>>       music-vote at sub-rosa.com
>>
>>  avec pour SEUL TEXTE la phrase
>>
>>      I vote NO on rec.music.white-power
>>
>>Comme le depouillement est automatique, il est IMPORTANT d'envoyer la
>>phrase exactement telle qu'elle est ecrite, sans rien y ajouter, pas meme
>>la signature.
>>
>>===================================================================
>> Stephane CHAMERON
>> President du Collectif de Doctorants Toulousain
>> 2eme annee de these en Ethologie Cognitive
>> Laboratoire d'Ethologie et Psychologie Animale
>> Universite Paul Sabatier - UMR CNRS 5550 - Bat. IV R 3
>> 118, route de Narbonne - 31 062 TOULOUSE Cedex
>> Tel.: 61.55.62.35 - Fax: 61.55.61.54 - E-mail: chameron at cict.fr
>>
>>
>
>



--Multipart_Sun_Mar_16_17:11:29_1997-1--

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Sun Mar 16 08:37:09 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 16 Mar 1997 08:37:09
Subject: Turkey: "Revolutionary Youth" Attacked
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3rahfstgv.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: "Revolutionary Youth" Attacked
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

Cologne, March 15, 1997

"REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH" ATTACKED

The editorial offices of the student and youth paper "Devrimci Genclik"
(Revolutionary Youth) in Istanbul were attacked by the police today. The police
raided the offices, ransacked them, and arrested approx. 30 co-workers and
visitors of the paper. The police are still inside the building which is also
surrounded by them, the press is not allowed inside. The arrested people are now
in the hands of the police. It must be feared that they will be heavily
tortured. 

>From a press statement of "Devrimci Genclik" about the arrest of their friends
and comrades:

Devrimci Genclik office attacked
More than 30 people arrested

The police of the fascist Mafia, torture and murder state attacked our offices
in Istanbul. The state will not succeed to silence us with such attacks. The
police carried out this attack, fully conscious of the massacre of March 16,
1978, when the police and the army attacked a protest action by students in
front of the Beyazit university with armoured vehicles and guns. This
provocation in the context of the commemoration of this massacre will not
intimidate us. At present 30 of our people are taken hostage in the torture
rooms. Our office is occupied by the police and it is now abused as a police
station. We will say it one more time: the youth is the future. We will fight
for the future. There is no force which can prevent this. Tomorrow at 12 o'clock
we will be present in Beyazit-Istanbul. We will hold the murders accountable.
The anger, ardour and determination of the youth will shake the squares
tomorrow. We call upon the public on behalf of our paper to join the meeting in
Beyazit tomorrow and to join their voices with ours in solidarity.

Please send your protest to the following addresses in Turkey to save the
youngsters from torture and to ensure their rapid release.

Solidarity with the magazine "Devrimci Genclik"!
Immediate release of the youngsters!
No immunity for the torturers!

Prime minister Necmettin Erbakan
Fax: 0090-312-4170476

Minister of the Interior Meral Aksener
Fax: 0090-312-4181795

Police chief of Istanbul Ramazan Er
Fax: 0090-212-5323939

Please send a copy to:
Devrimci Genclik
Fax: 0090-212-6387053
and the
Information Centre for Free Peoples
Fax:  0049-221-7602887

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Mar 19 20:36:37 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Mar 1997 20:36:37
Subject: News From Kurdistan
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970318203..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

News From Kurdistan
Translated By Arm The Spirit From Kurdistan-Rundbrief #5/97

UN Abandons Atrush Refugee Camp

Depite several protests from camp inhabitants and foreign relief
organizations, the UNHCR has taken down the UN flag from the Atrush Camp [in
South Kurdistan]. The UN has thereby left the camp open to attacks from
Turkey. According to recent reports, 1,300 people, mostly women and
children, left the camp on February 27 and fled to Mosul. That city is south
of the 36th parallel, in terrirtory coltrolled by Iraq. Iraq has not yet
made any official pronouncements concerning the refugees' flight.

German Police Visit Kani Yilmaz

According to Kurdish diplomatic sources in London, officers from Germany's
Federal Prosecutor's Office (BAW) have visited the ERNK's European spokesman
Kani Yilmaz in Belmarsh Prison, where he has been languishing for the past
26 months awaiting extradition to Germany. During the visit, one BAW
representative from Karlsruhe, Herrmann von Langsdorf, told Yilmaz that
charges under Penal Code Paragraph 129a [Germany's Anti-Terror Law] had been
dropped. Because there is no law in Britain similar to Germany's Paragraph
129a, Yilmaz could not be extradited to Germany for such a charge. A new
"offer" from the BAW would "only" have Yilmaz charged with 151 violent
actions which were carried out in Germany during his time as the ERNK's
European spokesman.

The ERNK representative in London, Sezai Usar, confirmed the BAW's visit to
Kani Yilmaz and stated it's a sign that the German state now recognizes that
its policies towards the Kurds and the PKK were false. The visit is a signal
that a change in German policy is to be expected. Usar stated the BAW
doesn't even claim that Yilmaz was involved in the 151 actions, and that he
would be released soon after being returned to Germany. ... According to
trusted sources, Germany is considering lifting the ban on the PKK. It was
said that it if one year passed without violent actions by Kurds, then the
ban could be lifted. That one-year period expires in March during Newroz.
Last year, there were no violent attacks against Turkish people or
institutions in Germany, but the German side has never honored its word,
saying only that the "ban would be reconsidered".

Eight People Arrested In France For PKK Membership

In early March, French police arrested 8 Turkish citizens under suspicion
that they are PKK members. The 8 were seized by an anti-terror police unit
in a suburb of Paris. They are accused of running businesses to proivde
financial support to the PKK and that they recruited prospective guerrillas
to join the PKK's struggle in Kurdistan. In France at the moment, 20 people
are in custody for allegedly providing financial support to the PKK. France
has banned several Kurdish associations for being "front organizations of
the PKK".

(Source: http://www.berlinet.de/kurdistan)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Mar 27 04:24:58 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 27 Mar 1997 04:24:58
Subject: News From Kurdistan
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970318203..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970326232..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

News From Kurdistan
Translated By Arm The Spirit From Kurdistan-Rundbrief #6/97

Hamburg Kurdish Trial Ends

On March 3, 1997, the trial in Hamburg against two Kurdish women and one
Kurdish man came to an end. All three had been in custody since December
1995. Azime Yilmaz was sentenced to 5 1/2 years, Meyrem Yaecibulut was given
4 years, and Sait Bilgin was sentenced to 3 1/2 years in prison. Indictments
under Paragraph 129a [membership in a terrorist organization] were dropped,
however. Their lawyers plan to appeal the verdicts. Following the
announcement of the sentences, about 70 spectators chanted Kurdish slogans.
On the 69th day of proceedings at the trial against 4 Kurds in Stuttgart,
Nuri Akdeniz, in custody since April 22, 1995, was released on bail. The
Frankfurt Kurdish trial is nearly over.

Arrests And Bans On International Women's Day

An International Women's Day demonstration in Frankfurt, organized by an
alliance of Kurdish, Turkish, and German women's groups, was banned shortly
before it was due to begin. In Berlin, there were arrests following the
International Women's Day demonstration. About 500 Kurdish women took part
in the demo. Before the march began, 7 Kurdish women were arrested, but
police let them go after all the other women launched a sit-down strike.
Another 3 women were arrested after the demonstration. Police said the
reason for the arrests was "PKK flags". Busses from all over Germany were
checked by police, and 2 Kurdish women in a bus from Hamburg were arrested.
There were also raids on homes in Hamburg, Berlin, and Hannover, and Turkish
police officers were involved in some of the raids.

129a Trial In Celle

On Tuesday, March 11, 1997, a trial began in front of the state supreme
court in Celle against 2 Kurds accused of membership in a "terrorist
organization" [Penal Code Paragraph 129a]. This trial is one is a whole
series of 129a proceedings launched against Kurdish politicians and
activists since the so-called PKK ban. The goal of the prosecution is to
prove the existence of a terrorist grouping within the PKK. The accused are
said to have been members of the "European Front Headquarters", an alleged
sub-organization within the PKK. The two men on trial are Shapour Badoshiveh
and Ismail Ozdem.

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From IG-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Thu Mar 20 10:32:00 1997
From: IG-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (IG-IST at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 20 Mar 1997 10:32:00
Subject: NEWROZ
Message-ID: <6TDdVtU39GB@xp-03210.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii


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From IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Fri Mar 21 01:31:00 1997
From: IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (IHD-DIYARBAKIR at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 01:31:00
Subject: NEWROZ
Message-ID: <6TGB3AbzbLB@xp-ihddi.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

Today  Newroz celebrat?ng by Kurdistan people...
"Newroz piroz be" all  Kurdistan people...
Long live Newroz...
?nsan Haklar? Derne?i Diyarbak?r ?ubesi
Human Rights Assoc?at?on Diyarbak?r Branch
?n?n? cad.ory?l tabipler i?han?.kat:6 no:23
tel:0412.2234526 fax:0412.2246814
## CrossPoint v3.02 ##

From Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming  Fri Mar 21 11:39:52 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming (Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 11:39:52
Subject: Turkey: Interview with members of the People's Council in Gazi
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3k9n1m4oc.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: Interview with members of the People's Council in Gazi
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Reply-To: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming

INTERVIEW WITH MEMBERS OF THE PEOPLE'S COUNCIL IN GAZI

When People's Council was set up, broad masses of the neighbourhood
participated because this council addresses the needs of the
population. The representatives and the secretariat were elected at
the founding meeting of the Council.

You announced the founding of the People's Council at a circumcision
ceremony.  The public heard about the establishment of a People's
Council through the press and TV. We would like to hear from you, the
representatives of the People's Council, about the way it has
developed till now. What needs and thoughts initiated the formation of
this People's Council?

SULEYMAN SENGUL: I have been living in Gazi for 30 years now. First I
want to explain what kind of neighbourhood Gazi is. Our neighbourhood
is like a mosaic, formed by people from all over the country. And it
is my impression of Gazi that, until this day, all kind of religious
creeds are respected. Concerning religion, we've had no
problems. Until the massacre which was carried out on March 12,
1995. And I presume this was carried out because the system stand the
fraternal, friendly and loving way the people in Gazi were living
together, or they wanted to split the people. But I saw the massacre
by the dark forces caused a contrary reaction. I mean: the people in
Gazi saw through this manoeuvre. As the government sees it, Gazi is
not situated in Turkey, it's some kind of backward valley between two
countries. Gazi was helped in no way with its problems. The government
only came regularly to collect the taxes from us. They told us they
were going to give the taxes back in form of services, but we never
saw any kind of service from them. The people saw the need to solve
the problems themselves.  Our people had this idea when it became
clear that their problems could not be solved by our committees who
worked autonomously, or by individuals. I can give you an example from
the small merchants: "It was before the People's Council was
founded. A couple of friends and myself went to the electricity
board. The problems with the electricity escalating that much at that
time that we had the choice between moving out or closing down our
workplaces. When we were at the electricity board, the director told
us that electricity had been shut down in a rich area like Atakoy as
well, once in a while. These words really hit us, the people in Gazi
were being treated as second or third class people. The director
regretted his words, but they were his words. After this we concluded
that these kind of problems could not be solved by committees or
individually. We, as a people, had to move things. When we talked to
other about this idea, we noticed that all our friends, the people in
the coffee-houses, the small merchants, the others who live here,
sympathised with it and that they thought this to a necessary
thing. When we held our first meeting, there were some 30 people
present, and as a result we decided to go on with this project. From
the beginning the amount of problems we had to tackle grew. And we saw
that the number of people who participate keeps growing. Of course,
there not just structural and economical problems in Gazi. There are
political problems as well. For example, when we get in a taxi and
tell them an address in Gazi, they will not take us. This is to say,
Gazi has a bad reputation. The people are checked at the entrances to
Gazi, as if there was some kind of border, and this annoys the
people. This Council was set up to solve these problems. In short, a
People's Council means that the people are taking the solution of
their problems in their own hands.

NAZAN ASKERAN: The neighbourhood of Gazi is a neighbourhood which,
compared to similar neighbourhoods in Istanbul, witnesses an extreme
population policy. It is a neighbourhood with a lot of problems. There
are fundamental problems, due to the place we live in. Our children
are not accepted in schools outside Gazi. They are not accepted in the
gymnasium after primary school. And, like Suleyman already mentioned,
taxis do not go to Gazi. And the authorities do not want to solve our
problems, they just want to divert us from them. The electricity
problems have already been mentioned. And concerning our health needs,
we do have a clinic and a X-ray machine, but they don't work. So
people are forced to go to private clinics. So people in Gazi have a
lot of problems. These things can be looked at from a political point
of view. But we should surpass this political stand. One month ago,
the month of the commemoration of the Gazi-uprising, they started a
road block. Maybe you've seen it yourself. I live outside of the
neighbourhood, but my workplace is here. They search me every time
before they let me in. And on my way home, I'm searched again. The
people who live in Gazi are also constantly searched. There are women
who are not used to carry their passport with them. We've witnessed
how a 60-65 year old women was summoned to get out of the bus and then
they arrested her because she did not have her passport with
her. That's the kind of police repression we have to go through. As
you can see at the entrance of our neighbourhood, the police station
with its tanks, policemen and police cars is always ready to
move. There isn't another neighbourhood whit such a police
presence. But the problems in Gazi are not being solved. When these
problems accumulated, people went to look for solutions. They went to
the city administration and asked for help in the areas of street
construction, sewers and education. Sometime ago the newspaper Zaman
reported that the mayor of Gaziosmanpasa had invested most of the
money in the area of Gazi. Well, there must be another neighbourhood
which is called Gazi because we have seen nothing of these
investments. So we started to think how we could solve these problems,
what we could do for Gazi, how we could create solidarity. And we
discussed this. The term solidarity was much emphasised after these
discussions. It arose with the question of what we could do. What can
we do, we are dying away, our electricity is cut off, jobs are created
elsewhere.  The food is rotting away in the refrigerators. It's
difficult in these times to get a new television or a refrigerator. We
found an answer to the question of what we had to do: "We have to
unite". What do we have to do when we unite ourselves? We have to show
solidarity. How? We have to find a way to realise something
together. That's what we called the People's Council. We could have
given it another name, but this one did sound good to us. Some papers
wrote the People's Council was an alternative for parliament. But it
can not be something like that. We united because we want to express
our problems and because we want to find a solution. Our parents say
"democracy" and we told each other, we will teach democracy to each
other. Democracy is not mutual begging. Democracy means pointing at
the problems, explaining them, and then, finding a solution. We
decided to learn these things. That's why we founded the People's
Council.

Whom did you approach with this proposal to establish a People's
Council. Did you talk to associations or political parties, or did you
just approach the people in the street?

HALIL TELEK: We went to all the people, regardless of their political
views or membership in a one party or the other. Decisive was whether
they live in Gazi. We asked them about their opinion about our work
and 90% of the people considered it to be positive. Some of them felt
uneasy considering the development of the People's Council, or they
wondered whether it could become a political organisation. But despite
these thoughts, the people participated. When the people started to
join, our work increased. A lot of people participated at the
meetings. At first there were 60-70 people, but the number quickly
grew. We had reasons to be hopeful. Decisive was our conviction the
People's Council would be a success, because the majority stood behind
the idea. And because we did not exclude political tendencies. We
chose those who reacted sensible to the problems. Our friends knew,
because our proposal, that we wouldn't exclude anybody and they
offered us their support. These people participated in the founding
because they believed that the problems of the neighbourhood could
only be solved together.

NAZAN ASKERAN: We did not want representatives of political
organisations in the People's Council, people should personally stand
behind it. The people we ask to join can of course be members of the
CHP, Refah, DYP, ODEP or ANAP. They can be representatives of certain
political parties or political tendencies, but we want the People's
Council to be independent. We want all people of Gazi to
participate. This is not to say that people have to give up their
political line, that they can not continue their political work. We
chose them because they are interested in the problems in Gazi,
because they live and work in Gazi, because they go through the same
problems. Nobody here has the right to represent the line of some kind
of party. We are here as human beings, as inhabitants of Gazi.

HALIL TELEK: When we went to the small merchants, our friends and the
people in the streets, we decided that those who wanted to participate
in the People's Council, or who wanted to support it, should not be
representatives of some kind of party. But when they participate as
inhabitants of Gazi, they are welcome. The friends, who are members of
a party, gave us their personal view. They supported us
personally. Nobody mentioned his membership in a party or a political
organisation. And this created a good atmosphere for the people. Those
who initially had a bad feeling were relieved because of this. Nobody
propagated his or her own political ideas to influence
others. Everybody saw it as his or her task to work with this. Because
of this, our people agreed with this work.

It is known that there were problems as well with the efforts for a People's
Council. You already mentioned some problems. There has been reluctance, there
was prejudice, fear. Could you tell some more about this? How did you proceed to
get rid of these doubts? And how did the people react?

HALIL TELEK: Before we approached the people, we wrote a report about
our goals and our views. We explained the problems in Gazi. And with
this report, we went to the people: Their shouldn't be made
differences between Alevites and Muslims, there weren't differences in
the past. But insults were made on March 12, 1996. We approached the
people directly to solve this. We listened to their problems and the
things that bothered them. We tried to convince them. We already knew
these people and they reacted in a positive way. We listened carefully
to their problems. All the people who hoped for a solution for the
problems in Gazi welcomed the organising. They promised to support us
in all matters. We listened to the different political views and we
told them we would be open to them if they were brought in a positive
way and if they would contribute to a solution.

AZAN ASKERAN: We witnessed some negative things during this time as
well. People were afraid to approach each other. They witnessed some
immoral events in the neighbourhood.  There are people who are
afraid. When you talk to the people, you'll hear that a lot of their
children are in prison. This has a double effect: they are angry, but
there afraid as well. And the families whose children are not in jail
say this can happen every moment. People say there could be another
barricade action any time, or the police could move in again, and that
scares them. There have been initiatives for co-operation in the past,
associations were opened, but this did not develop because some people
took political missions on them. And there is unrest. The People's
Council is seen in a positive way, but there are still second
thoughts. Some people say we should wait for a while. But we will
solve this. We have made a lot of progress already. I told all the
people who came to my pharmacy about this project. Some said they were
going to wait and watch how it developed. Others were even more open,
and they said: "We've already had this in the past, and it didn't
work. Hopefully you'll succeed."  There were some who were prepared to
participate, there were others who were afraid and indecisive. We
approached the people who were on their way to work and we approached
them when they went home again. They were the people who live in this
neighbourhood and who have serious problems. We've had some positive
experiences, for instance, there was a family which was afraid at
first, they were not interested, but now they participate in the
People's Council. I like that. But there were serious prejudices as
well, they asked us what party we belonged to. My friend said: "I'm
from party A", I said I was form party B and another one said" "I'm
from party C". We did not speak as party representatives, we spoke as
inhabitants from Gazi, but the people did not believe this at first.


What did you do when you saw it was difficult to approach the people,
what did you do to remove the prejudices?

SULEYMAN SENGUL: We did not have meetings and discussions about this
item alone. We also carried out a program of free health care, for
instance. And we saw that people had more trust after this medical
test.

NAZAN ASKERAN: We went through a phase of discussions. We had
meetings, again and again, to call for participation in the People's
Council. At first, there were a lot of people, but then the
discussions faded away and people started to keep away from the
meetings. As you've said, people want so see concrete results. We
weren't at ease, before the People's Council was founded, people
wanted to know who we were. But then we reached a point when the
discussions were becoming endless. We had to make some positive steps,
otherwise the people would lose their trust. We couldn't wait for the
People's Council to emerge from itself. We talked about establishing a
commission. The commissions were just temporary, we founded a
administrative commission. Through this, we founded more specific
commissions.  These commissions work autonomously.

We had to wake up the people. There are a lot of health problems in
our neighbourhood. People do not have money, so they can not go to a
doctor, they can not afford medicines. So we contacted some firms, we
collected, we got people involved. They brought the medicines which
they had in their homes and we collected a lot of medicines. We also
talked to out doctors and they carried out medical checks for three
weeks, always at a Sunday. They checked 200-300 people on these days
and they handed out medicines. We didn't say we were able to check all
the people in the neighbourhood, because there are some 90.000 people
in Gazi and Zubeyde Hanim. Not even the government can do that. No,
that was not the idea. We wanted to start with the activities of the
People's Council, we wanted to build up trust. And we
succeeded. People who hadn't heard about us before became attentive. A
lot of women and children heard about us. The major part of the people
we had reached before were men. But the medical checks were attended
by women mostly. It was very important that we succeeded in
this. There were people who said that the medical checks were done by
the city, that it was organised by the government. But we kept
presenting the truth. We distributed our leaflets and we saw the
positive effects at the meetings. The people who initially attended
the meeting, but we kept away because of the discussions, have come
back now.

What other steps did you take?

HALIL TELEK: After the medical checks, the electricity was always cut
off. There were days when this happens 3-4 times. Thereupon the small
merchants, active in the People's Council, called for a meeting to
solve this electricity problem. Some 200 small merchants
participated. They established a committee which went to the
electricity board and the workers there took the people's demands
serious, because they were not from one party or another, they spoke
on behalf of the people. And then there were less black-outs. Then the
small merchants intensified their work in the People's Council and
they started to take other tasks upon them.

Before the People's Council was founded, you've had several
meetings. What did you pay attention to? Where did these meetings take
place?

NAZAN ASKERAN: We took care that people would not connect us with one
party or the other. So we could not meet in the CHP building, or the
DSP building. Furthermore, as inhabitants from Gazi and Zubeyde Hanim
we wanted to have these meetings in our won neighbourhood. At that
time we had not founded the People's Council yet, and so we did not
have a fixed place. There had to be a place in the neighbourhood where
the people would feel at ease. We also wanted a place where the people
could get to know us, a place which would attract people. Then we
thought that there were many village associations in our
neighbourhood. The people who attended the meeting were often members
of such village associations. We thought we could maybe have the
meetings in these associations, so we talked to these people, and they
agreed. And we have had some good results. Before we had the medical
checks, we've had a lot of problems to find a meeting place. But now
we don't have problems anymore. We have these meeting everywhere where
it's possible, but it is our principle to have these meetings in our
own neighbourhood. And our second principle was to not speak negative
about one party or the other, we wanted to attract them as well. Now
we are looking for a place of our own because we've founded the
People's Council. And we will find such a place very soon.

HALIL TELEK: I want to say something about this. We did not think
about going to a Cemevi (a Alevite association). Because we do not
make differences between political views or religious creeds. This
should be a common project. So we did not allow that others would make
such differences.

NAZAN ASKERAN: We could have a meeting in a Cemevi, but that does not
mean we always have to meet there. Our neighbourhood is a mixed
one. It's a fine mosaic. It would be wrong to make religious
differences. This would exclude people.

You have had huge meetings. The discussions in the offices, houses and
village associations reached a high level and they became widely
known. And the official institutions and the government heard about
your work. What's the relation with the government like?

HALIK TELEK: The authorities knew about our work quite soon. They
watched from a distance. At one of the meeting, the police came as
well and they said: "Aren't we from the people as well?" We told them
we would call them in the future, when necessary.  They also came to
look at the circumcision festivities. We have had no attacks until
now.

NAZAN ASKERAN: There have been no attacks, but they made a
demand. They want a list of members from the People's
Council. Thereupon we went to the local mayor and we told them they
could have the list because all participated voluntary and because it
almost includes the entire neighbourhood. As Halil has said, our
meetings have not been attacked. But other things happened, for
instance they arrested some people during a barricade action in the
period of the death fast. Our mayor was among them and the asked him
some questions. They wanted to know whether he was one of the founders
of the People's Council. The police and we, we know each other. You
could say they are in a waiting time.

Who can become a member of the People's Council? What are the
conditions?

SULEYMAN SENGUL: He or she must not be under the age of 18, he or
should live or work here and they must not have committed a crime
against the people.

You announced the founding of the People's Council through a circumcision
festivity. Can you tell something about this festivity?

HALIL TELEK: When the People's Council started to take shape, when the
people were informed about it and were invited to join, we decided to
celebrate the founding with a circumcision festivity. The festivity
should be an expression of solidarity, the entire population should be
able to participate. Some 80 children were circumcised.

How was the circumcision festivity organised?

NAZAN ASKERAN: The problem was how we were going to finance the
festivity. For instance, there were families who couldn't afford the
clothes for the festivity. And we had to arrange food for so many
people. These tasks were done by the people voluntary, many people
supported us. They brought clothes for instance. We as a People's
Council had 55 suits made. It was a fine piece of solidarity. Some
arranged the cloth, the buttons. Others arranged the sewing. It was a
collective work, that was the beautiful part of it. We also received
donations. Nobody was left behind with financial problems, we tried to
cover the costs ourselves. We divided the tasks, nobody was forced to
do anything. All said: "I can do this or that", and the work was done
voluntary. That was the beautiful part.

SULEYMAN SENGUL: Furthermore, we were supported by the health care
workers, the doctors and so on. Nobody demanded to be paid. All the
friends that came brought things with them that could be used. In this
way we managed the financial difficulties.

NAZAN ASKERAN: The doctors, the surgeons and the health care workers
came voluntary. There were specialists and general physicians. Our
nurses worked all day. It was very fine and the physicians and health
care workers which came from outside left with satisfaction. They were
satisfied because they had done a fine job. We would also like to
thank our artists. There were many artists. We were beginners and we
did not have any experience. But all left satisfied and they were glad
about the work that had be done.

HALIL TELEK: And there something else as well. In Turkey, the
political parties, the cities and the president organise circumcision
festivities as well. We never saw doctors which examined the children
before the circumcision there. We did it differently, we examined the
children. We examined them because we wanted to know if there were
medical objections to the circumcision. We acted scientifically in
this matter.

NAZAN ASKERAN: We did not have any experience, but we made some with
this festivity. The first thing we learnt was not to organise the
festivity during school time, but during the holidays. Secondly, next
time we should make sure more families take care of the clothes. Not
because of financial reasons, but because the families can come even
closer in this way. We should do the circumcisions in the morning, so
the children can join the festivity too when their pain decreases. We
should have the festivity in an even bigger room, because it was not
really large enough now. The people in the neighbourhood want a bigger
space for such festivities.  If we do it in the summer next time,
people will have more room.

In your regulations, there is no board, no presidency. Is there a
special reason and how are decisions made and carried out?

ALI EKBER EMRE: We must work for the unity of the people in Gazi. We
try to develop collective solutions for the problems of the people
here. We will solve the problems of education, health care and so
forth, we will create a culture of solidarity.  They want to instigate
a fight between Alevites and Muslims. It does not really work, but
they are trying. We will not accept this. As Alevites, Muslims, Kurds,
Tzerkessians, Laz, Arabs and Turks, we will make sure that all can
exercise their customs and morals. And we will live together, despite
the differences.  Everybody will be accepted as they are, nonetheless,
we will realise unity. In the future, we plan to organise
co-operations.

Will the People's Council address problems outside of the
neighbourhood. How will you react to the oppression in other
neighbourhoods and the repression in Turkey in general?

ALI EKBER EMRE: As we have said already, we will not act indifferently
towards the problems in Turkey, and indeed the whole world. For
instance, when there is injustice somewhere in our country, we will
not remain silent. At least we will raise our voice in public. We will
offer our solidarity to the oppressed. We will not remain
insensible. And as it is, this is a characteristic of the people in
this neighbourhood. I really think the people are sensitive to such
things. This sensitivity is not restricted to the own problems, it is
shown for the whole country, and for abroad too. We wish that these
People's Council spread to the whole country. This is to say, that the
consciousness of the people increases to take the solution of its
problems into their own hand. When the people in Turkey take the
solution of the problems into their own hands, they will find
solutions. When nothing is done, there can not be a solution.

WE TALKED TO THE WOMEN IN GAZI:

"WE WILL SOLVE OUR PROBLEMS TOGETHER WITH OUR PEOPLE'S COMMITTEES"

BEDRIYE CAVUS (housewife): On September 22, 1996, there was a meeting
of the women committees. Our women were heavily oppressed. That's why
they are very interested in these committees.  Our meetings are going
quite well. We tell all the other women in the area about it. For
instance, our circumcision festivity was very nice and effective. The
women in Gazi appreciate our People's Council. We did not make
differences in the work of the committees. We went into the mosques,
as well as into the Alevi centres. At the meetings, the women talk
about their problems and they look for solutions. Our women of health
problems. This was an item at our last meeting.  Some women did not
want to have the meetings in the evening, but we have to solve these
problems. There are women who work. We have to think about them. I
think our numbers will grow. I will work for it, so our numbers will
grow.

ADALET BUDAK (computer expert): We have set up committees for the
areas where we have our biggest problems. For instance, there is a
health committee, a sports committee, a women's committee, and so
on. They are responsible for different areas, but they work together.
Women have special problems. These are education problems, but also
problems in the health area. We as the women's committee want a health
examination for the women. Our women should learn something about
family planning. There are many contagious illnesses for women. They
have education problems, many can not read.  Some women can not make a
living with the pay for their manual labour. We want to make an
exhibition about that. The women will organise that themselves. The
men which do not bring their women to the meeting are warned. Our
women can solve their problems themselves. They can find the strength
for that in our committee.

ZEYNEP ERTURK (secretary): Although we are living in the
20th. century, our women can not read or write.  This problem must be
tackled at first. We as committee members want to offer writing and
reading courses for our women. We must take care off our women who can
not read or write. When our committee started its activities, we were
just a few. But when it became clear we could achieve something, our
numbers started to grow. The electricity has always been a problem in
our neighbourhood. We feel better since the electricity problems have
been solved partly. Problems like no water, no electricity, no
pavement, especially concern the women.

SAADET ERDOGAN (housewife): We have a lot of problems in our
neighbourhood. Health care, electricity, water, and so forth. We want
the People's Council and the committees to be interested in
this. These problems make the women's lives very hard. In our
neighbourhood we have had electricity problems for a long time. Now we
have a women's committee. Our work is going very well. Our women are
getting to know each other. I'm really exited about that. I speak
about these things to people I know and I call upon them to join. In
the beginning there were only a few women who came to the meetings of
the women's committee. At the last meeting there were already 20
women. The meeting was held in the house of a friend. We had dinner
together. But we also tried to find solutions for our problems. We
talked about health problems. All the women joined the
discussion. Next week our doctor will come. And there will be more
women at the future meetings. After the meeting many decided to speak
to the women they knew. They had been reluctant at first, but after
this meeting they were glad they had participated. Many women have
difficulties because of their men, because the meetings were in the
evening. We told them they should not feel guilty. The men should
adjust a little.

HANIM KARTAL (housewife): I appreciate the People's Committees. My son
is in prison. We are witnessing a severe repression. There are many
prisoners. We have to take care of there basic needs, because they are
in prison for us. I can only express and solve this problem in our
People's Committees. In the past I tried to get help from the people
on my own, but now we are hundreds and these problems can only be
solved collectively. When we unite, we can defend ourselves. I haven't
been to committee meeting until now, but I will make up for that. It's
very nice to have a women's committee which defends the women.

KISMET KILIC (dental technician): We expect our People's Council to
solve the problems of our neighbourhood, because the problems in Gazi
are the problems of our women. Our women are very interested in these
activities and their participation should increase even more. When we
look at our People's Council, there are 21 women among the 130
members, the rest are men. In the beginning there were even less. We
were only with 5 or 6 women. But we see that the number of women is
increasing because they value the work and the women have recognised
that they can defend their dignity. We women will not find the solving
of our problems through support, we will find it through our
dignity. We have a lot of health care and economic problems. A lot of
women can not really sell their manual work, they only get a low pay
for it. They want to support their families through their manual work,
but they only get 3 million Lira, not even 50 dollar. The women work
very hard, they do this manual work besides all the work in the house,
but they are poorly paid.

GULSEREN ATES (housewife): I am a member of the women's committee. We
discuss the education, health care, electricity and water supply
problems. During the last meeting we discussed the health care
problems. We will all be examined next week. I tell the people about
the People's Committees. A lot of people are afraid, they want to keep
a distance. But when they see our work, they appreciate it. There are
people who thanked us, although they do not participate. But sooner or
later, they will come too. When they shut down the electricity, we do
not have electricity for 24 hours. We do not have a problem like this
anymore, the People's Council solved it and he people know
this. Everywhere I go, I tell the people about our People's Committees
and the People's Council. Two weeks ago I brought two women with me to
the People's Committee. We must speak about our work, and in a while
more women will participate. It's very nice that there a no
differences made between Alevites and Muslims, and it is even nicer
when all come up with their proposals.

SERPIL YETER (confection worker): I went to the last meeting, it was
the meeting of the women's committee. I went there with my mother. I
liked it very much. I see it as something positive when People's
Committees are set up in our neighbourhoods. I'm proud of that. The
circumcisions festivity was very nice. I spoke to people before the
festivity and I invited them. The people see it as something
positive. We have a lot of problems in our neighbourhood, like with
the telephones. A lot of people do not have a telephone in their
house. Since a while there have been no connections.  And then there
are the electricity, the water and the health care problems.
Education is the biggest problem. I have many hopes in our People's
Council. It organises the people, because the situation in Gazi is
very hard.

FATMA ITMEC (worker): The inhabitants of Gazi have a lot of
problems. I'm a member of the People's Council. We organised this
council ourselves, and we will go on. We will open the road for this
council. The people should work together, without making
differences. We witnessed the 12th. of March. Since then, the
government looks at us as terrorists. This is very hard for us. It's
very good that we life together and demand our rights. We have to
become even more successful. The women expressed their demands in the
women's committee. We are housewives and we work, that's very hard. We
discuss our problems in the committee. It gave our women a good
feeling. We met in a house, with cookies and tea, but we didn't chat,
we seriously discussed our problems. Our goal is set very high, we
want to build a great solidarity between the people, that's what we
really need. I speak with the people I see in the neighbourhood. It's
true, the people in Gazi are repressed more severely than the people
in other neighbourhoods. We can solve all our problems in our People's
Council. At the last meeting we discussed the women's health. Our
women do not know about their own health. It will take a while until
our women will know, but we will succeed. We have to work hard, we
could get tired, but I'm ready. I will try to get all people to the
meetings.

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From TOHAV at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org  Fri Mar 21 05:57:00 1997
From: TOHAV at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org (TOHAV at INFO-IST.comlink.apc.org)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 05:57:00
Subject: NEWROZ
Message-ID: <6TG4eyBfhZB@xp-tohav.info-ist.comlink.apc.org>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit


NEWROZ
In the history of every nation there are meaningful days,on
which the culturel accumulations,gladnesses, bitternesses
and hopes are mixed and crowned with steps
forward.Newroz is such an important and nice day for the
Kurds and people of middle-east.The meaning of the word is
?new day?,?rising day?,?rebirth?.The original form of it was in
Kurdish Roja-Nu,Nu-roj.This day taken the form of Newroz
with in the historical  transformation, is told by mitological
sources as follows:
In the year 610 B.C. king Dehak of Asur was exploiting the
people wholly,taking all the riches of them and also their
right of living on the areas he was dominant.The people who
were disgusted from these pressures, have met under the
leadership of a Ironworker namely Kawa, moved forward to
the palace and killed king Dehak.The people getting free
from this cruel king putted on fire and organized
amusements with the gladness of having succeded getting
their freedom and celebrated this day.In this way 21th March
became tne day of fight against the tyranny cruelty and
exploiting.Further it is accepted as a festival of ?rebirth? by
middle-east people and of the people of neighbour contries,
which are against tyranny cruelty and exploiting and we see
that they carried on these celebrations up today.
It is collided by the dominant classes of our country and
called only as a T?rkish festival Nevruz and emtying its
historical specialty and content it is reduced to a ?spring
festival?.For this aim ?iller?s government met immediately
and take the decition to celebrate the 21th of March as the
spring festival.
Newroz, which was yesterday the day of fighting againts
tyranny and exploiding has today become the symbol of fight
for piece,democracy,equality and freedom of all opressed
sections,workers and people against the tyranny
administrations, which are refusing and denying the
xeistence of Kurds, carried out all kinds of pressure, tyranny
and assimilation to the people for years, who do not want to
leave the world championship of crimes with unknown
perpetrator and human rights violations. This is the
historical meaning of Newroz today.
We as HADEP, want to celebrate, keeping dependent on the
gained meaning and importance, this meaningful day
answering to all beauties of humanity dursting after
equality,peace, democracy,freedom and people having to
live fraternally.


NEWROZ
In der Geschichte jedes Volkes gibt es bedeutungesvolle
Tage, an dem die kulturellen Ansammlungen, Freuden,
Schmerzen und Hoffnungen gemischt, mit  Unternehmungen
gekr?nt werden. Eben Newroz ist f?r Kurden und der
Menschen aus Mittelost  ein solch wichtiger und sch?ner
Tag. Die Bedeutung des Wortes ist ?der neue Tag? ,
?aufgehender Tag?, ?Wiedergeburt?. Die erste Form war in
Kurdisch Roja-Nu, Nu-roj. Dieser Tag, der geschichtlichen
Umwandlung zu Newroz wurde, wird von mithologischen
Quellen wie folgt erklaert.
In den 610 er Jahren vor Christus, der asuranische K?nig
Dehak beutete auf den Gebieten, auf denen er herrschte, das
Volk bis zum Mark aus, nahm all deren Reichtum in Besitz
und nahm sogar das Lebensrecht der Menschen weg. Das
Volk, das die Nase  von diesem Druck voll bekam,  sammelte
sich unter der Leitung eines Schmiedemeisters namens
Kawa und marschierte zum Schloss und t?tete den K?nig
Dehak.Das sich von diesem tyranniszhen K?nig befreiende
Volk z?ndete mit dieser Freude Feuer an, vergn?gte sich und
feiert diesen Anlass.Somit wurde der 21 Maerz als der Tag
des Kampfes gegen die Ungerechtheit und Ausbeutung in
die Geschichte aufgenommen.

Ausserdem wird er von mittel?stlichen V?lkern und von
vielen benachbarten V?lkern auch als Feier der
?Wiedergeburt? anerkannt und wir sehen, dass sie dies bis
zum heutigen Tage weitergef?hrt haben.

Dieser tag wird von den herrschenden Klassen unseres
Landes umgedeutet, nur als ein T?rkisches Fest namens
Nevruz genannt, dessen historische Eigenschaft und Inhalt
weggeschoben und nur als ? Fr?hlingsfest ? erwaehnt. Die
?iller Regierung hat sich zu diesem Anlass sofort gesammelt
und einen Beschluss gefasst, dass der 21. Maerz als
Fr?hlingsfest gefeiert wird.

Newroz, der gestern der Tag des Kampfes gegen
Ungerechtheit und Ausbeutung war, wurde heute zum
Symbol des Kampfes f?r Friden, Demokratie, Gleichstellung
und Freiheit aller Zerdr?ckten, Arbeiter und V?lker gegen
die tyrannischen Regierungen, die in unserem Land den
Existenz der Kurden verneinen, seit Jahren dem Volk jede
Art von Druck und Assimilation aus?ben, in Bezug auf
Verbrechen unhekannten. Taeter  und Verletzung der
Menschenrechte die Weltmeisterschaft nicht aus der Hand
lassen m?chten . Das ist die histrosche Bedeutung von
Nevroz.

Diesen bedeutungsvollen Tag, der aller Sch?nheiten  der
Menschheit, die sich nach der Gleichstellung, Frieden,
Demokratie, Freihet durstet und V?lker , die im br?derlichen
Einvernehmen   leben m?ssen, entgegenkommt, m?chten wir
als HADEP verbindlich der an heutigem Tag gegebener
Bedeutung und Wichtigkeit gartulieren.

Newroz soll allen V?lkern auf der Welt und den
unterdr?ckten Klassen ein Geschenk sein.

CEJNA NEWROZE PIROZ BE.

WIR GRATULIEREN ZUM NEWROZ FEST.


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Mar 21 09:32:45 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 09:32:45
Subject: Roll Call And The DNC Breach Journa
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970320225..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Roll Call And The DNC Breach Journalistic Integrity

American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
March 20, 1997
Press Release #19
Telephone: (202) 483.6444

Roll Call And The DNC Breach Journalistic Integrity

        It was with trepidation that we read, first in Roll Call (March 10,
1997) and then in the Democratic National Committee daily briefing of the same
day, the accusation that Kani Xulam, Director of the American Kurdish
Information Network, AKIN, was "the suspected leader of the Marxist
Kurdistan Workers' Party, which the U.S. authorities have labeled a 'vicious'
terrorist group".
        Kani Xulam is an effective and articulate defender of human rights
for the Kurds who advocates non-violent activity but has been labeled an
enemy by the Turkish government in its effort to conceal its treatment of
the Kurds and silence moderate, non-violent voices in the debate over the
Kurdish policy.
        In the Middle East, the use of language such as that cited above
against the Kurds is an accepted norm, used by states to justify their
oppressive measures. This practice of vilifying the Kurds is so pervasive
that generations of Kurdish oppressors, primarily Turks, Arabs, and
Iranians, have come to accept it and now defend it with their blood. In
this country, we view this practice as institutionalized racism; in the
Middle East, however, Kurdish oppressors call it defending the
"fatherland".
        We are outraged that an American periodical, read by the lawmakers
of this country, would repeat the position of the Turkish government,
apparently without verification of its accuracy, and thus brand the Kurds,
the misfits of the world, as unworthy of their place among the family of
nations and deny them human rights protections.
        The Democratic National Committee's decision to use the same
article in its daily briefing is equally disturbing. Their decision to use
AKIN as a pawn in a larger battle with the RNC over the topic of the month,
foreign political contributions, apparently without independent
verification of the report's accuracy, needlessly harmed the reputation of
an organization who advocates on behalf of those whose voices are normally
silenced.
        In response to the allegation brought forth by Roll Call and the
Democratic National Committee, Kani Xulam stated, "I am none of the above.
I believe in nonviolence. I have faced judges and lost my civil liberties
for denouncing acts of violence. I am a Kurd, a virtual slave if you will,
but committed to the cause of liberty for my people. I count Mahatma
Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Henry David Thoreau among my teachers
in life. The journalistic measures taken by Roll Call in this instance are
disgraceful; they only serve the purposes of a foreign government who jails
more reporters than any other in the world. The DNC's zeal to respond to
RNC charges of improper fundraising tactics among foreigners only
perpetuated the inaccurate report rendering a non-profit human rights
organization a mere pawn in a greater media battle. I have written to both
Roll Call and the DNC to express my indignation and have requested
corrections. Regarding the invitation to interact with the Republican
Party's congressional leadership, yes, I did receive it but, like former
Defense Secretary William Perry, I 'demurred' as well."


----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Mar 21 12:06:35 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 12:06:35
Subject: Remembering Halapja
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970320235..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

Remembering Halapja

March 18, 1997
      
Dear Friends and fellow Kurds,

I want to thank Kathryn Cameron Porter for bringing us together here this
evening. Kathryn is a friend of the Kurds. Hers is a voice for justice.
She has a heart of gold. For those of who are oppressed, she embodies
beauty, truth and an abiding interest in the lot of those who are the
victims of abuse and tyranny. As a Kurd, I am happy to have crossed paths
with her. Of all our friends who have stood by us and shared our pain,
Kathryn's is the most emphatic. So it is only right that she is hosting
this vigil to commemorate the death and destruction that descended upon
Kurdistan in the Spring of 1988.

I am referring to the dead of Halapja. The men, the women, the children,
and the elderly. They died inhaling hydrogen cyanide. They dropped
lifeless like the autumn leaves. They did not have time to say things
like "I love you" to their loved ones. They did not think of bidding a
final farewell the way the terminally ill do in our lives. In the minutes
that they had, they reached out to each other. They embraced one another.
They dropped dead like this father and this daughter [point to the
picture].

The Kurds of Kurdistan, oblivious to one another for much of their
history, detached from the rest of the world because of their geography, saw
their humanity subjected to chemical fumes which took the lives of five
thousand of their compatriots. Seven thousand others were treated for
respiratory complications in the hospitals of Iran. The Butcher of Baghdad
would later claim that he had every right to use his every weapon on the
soil of Iraq.

His words did not mean much in the rest of the world. The signs in most of
the capitals around the world read business as usual. The administration
in the White House did nothing and, on some occasions, prevented those who
wanted to do something. The Kurds did not matter. They were fated to
share the destiny of the Armenians at the turn of the century and the Jews
before and in the course of the Second World War. For the weak there are
no tears. For the Kurds there was only pity.

To be sure, there were some courageous men and women, some I would call
the lovers of humanity who stood up to the unbridled oppression and
denounced the inhumanity of that abominable creature who still resides in
Baghdad. Senator Gore, Representative Porter, The First Lady of France
Mitterand, and our friend Kathryn, among others, condemned the act. They
have earned a special place and an eternal domain in the hearts and minds
of living Kurds. Their acts of compassion, their attempts to hold back the
human soul from slipping into the abyss will be remembered by us, Kurds,
for as long as we live.

After Saddam made himself unpopular by his invasion of Kuwait, there were
other voices, among them that of Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck
who expressed his willingness to see Saddam prosecuted in a court of law.
The atrocities in Bosnia, others in Rwanda, the infighting among us Kurds
for now have prevented the International Tribunal to summon him to The
Hague. With the pending resolutions of food for oil at the United Nations
and with the desire of some to still use Iraq against Iran as a buffer
state, we may be waiting for a while before justice is done.

So, this gathering of Kurds and their friends is an act of reflection on
the bonds of civility that hold us together as a civilization at the dawn
of a new millennium that is about to start. The record from the Kurdish
perspective is not good. Those who rule us, primarily Arabs, Turks and
Iranians are armed to teeth but devoid of the laws that govern humanity.
Their love of guns and authority supersedes their love of fairness and
justice. Kurds are a nuisance, cockroaches if you will, only good as
beasts of burden, as soldiers of fortune and as pawns to be used and abused
and discarded in the great game called the politics of the Middle East.

The Roman historian Edward Gibbon in his work on European civilizations
notes a sigh of relief about the advancement in the military science in
continental Europe. He states that Europe has left behind the danger of
being overtaken by outsiders, the way Huns overran the place, for example.
For the new barbarians to do the same, he says, they have to verse
themselves in Physics and Mathematics and in the process they will also be
versed in Music and Arts and this, he says, will tame them of their
savagery. Once tamed, Gibbon says, these barbarians would settle down to
share the fruits of the earth with their adversaries and lose interest in
the idea of annihilating their adversaries.

These words were penned in the late 18th century. Much of what Gibbon said
on this issue has stood the test of time. To be sure, Europe has been
plunged into wars, not by outsiders as Gibbon predicted, but rather from
within. The thought of an alien culture overtaking Europe today remains,
as it did in the days of Gibbon, a remote possibility.

The un-addressed part of his argument is what do you do when the so called
advanced countries of the world, out of greed and total disregard for the
laws of nations, export their deadly technology to the likes of Saddam
whose infant-like world view matches that of Hitler. Saddam did not have
the technology to kill the Kurds. He imported his toys of destruction the
way we import cars from Japan and shoes from Italy. He was given tools to
undo the Kurds and he has done a good job. Today, the government of
Turkey, noting the indifference of the world towards the Kurds of Iraq, is
doing what Saddam did to the Kurds of Turkey. In the Islamic Republic of
Iran things are not much different.

So the victims may be the Kurds, the one-time residents of Halapja, but the
problem is ours as a generation and as a civilization that we are going to
leave behind for those who are just born or for the countless others yet
to be born. As a Kurd, I was filled with a sense of nihilism like many of
my other compatriots around the world upon hearing the news that some 5,000
of our kind had died on a spring day, within minutes the doctors say, a few
days before Newroz. I cried for them, which is not that important, but I
also cried for humanity, which I think we should all do from time to time.

Thank you.

(This speech was delivered at the Rayburn House Office Building on March
18, 1997 by a representative of the American Kurdish Information Network)

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Mar 21 22:30:34 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Mar 1997 22:30:34
Subject: Kurdish New Year - May It Promise A
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970321172..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Kurdish New Year - May It Promise Another Liberation!

Dear Friends,

Today marks the liberation of the Kurds and other peoples of the Middle
East from the tyranny of Assyrian king Dehak in BC 612.

We wish you a happy Newroz!

(It goes without saying that we wish a second liberation for our people and
we thank you for you support.)

AKIN



           **   ** ***** **    ** *****     ***   ******
           **** ** **    **    ** **  **   ** **      **
           **** ** **    **    ** **  **  **   **    **
           ** **** ****  ** ** ** *****   **   **   **
           **  *** **    ** ** ** ** **   **   **  **
           **  *** **    ** ** ** **  **   ** **  **
           **   ** *****  **  **  **   **   ***   ******

              **
     ******  *  *  *****     ***   ******     ******  ******  **
     **   **       **  **   ** **      **     **   ** **      **
     **   **  **   **  **  **   **    **      **   ** **      **
     ******   **   *****   **   **   **       ******  *****   **
     **       **   ** **   **   **  **        **   ** **      **
     **       **   **  **   ** **  **         **   ** **
     **      ****  **   **   ***   ******     ******  ******  **

"Newroz piroz be!" means, May your Newroz day be filled with joy!


----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public service
to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Mar 22 11:47:24 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 22 Mar 1997 11:47:24
Subject: Newroz Greetings From The ERNK
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970322064..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

Newroz Greetings From The National Liberation Front Of Kurdistan (ERNK)

[Every year on March 21st, Kurds around the world celebrate Newroz, an
ancient holiday which marks not merely the beginning of spring, but which is
also a celebration of the struggle for freedom which the people of Kurdistan
have been waging for centuries - a struggle which continues today, under the
leadership of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The National Liberation
Front of Kurdistan (ERNK) was founded on Newroz 1985 to serve as a political
front for the Kurdish national liberation struggle, both at home as well as
abroad. The following are excerpts from a Newroz statement from the ERNK
which we have translated from the bi-weekly German language bulletin
Kurdistan-Rundbrief #6/97. - Arm The Spirit, March 22, 1997]

"The Only True Solution: A Federation Of The Peoples Of The Middle East"

[...]

The dangerous machinations of the international imperialist forces and their
lackeys, the fascist Turkish Republic and the Zionist state of Israel,
against the peoples of the Middle East make it necessary for there to be a
joint struggle in the Newroz spirit of unity, solidarity, freedom, and
resistance. This is our historical and internationalist duty.

[...]

The Turkish Republic and Israel are taking the lead in reactionary bloc
building against the peoples and democratic forces in the region. This is
being pushed forward by U.S. imperialism and the other imperialist forces,
who are allied with the reactionary forces in the region. The alliance of
the Turkish Republic and Israel is an alliance for war directed against the
Kurdish national liberation struggle, against the Arab people, the Persian
people, and all the other peoples of the Middle East. It is directed against
the right of a self-determined unity of all the peoples of the Middle East.
This alliance carries out its divide-and-conquer policy along with all known
methods of violence, extortion, and terror.

[...]

To The Oppressed Peoples Of The Middle East!

Now more than ever it is crucial that we build an anti-imperialist bloc of
resistance against imperialism and the alliance between the Turkish Republic
and Israel. Now more than ever, this is the duty of our peoples. Bearing in
mind our common history, there is only one true solution: a federation of
the peoples of the Middle East. Our party considers Newroz 1997 to be a
turning point in the development of a revolutionary solution, and we call on
the Arab, Persian, and Turkish peoples, as well as all patriotic and
revolutionary forces, to join this common struggle.

[...]

We greet Newroz 1997 as we come closer to the realization of our national
liberation. Like never before, our hope is coming near to victory. This
reality demands that the interests of our struggle take priority in all
areas of life, united with the national and democratic will of our people.
The Turkish Republic is acting in a vacuum, and it makes the creation of our
National Congress the highest priority for us. Let us call for its
establishment during Newroz!

[...]

National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK)
Newroz 1997

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Mar 22 15:27:28 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 22 Mar 1997 15:27:28
Subject: Turkey Prepares For A New Offensive
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970322102..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Turkey Prepares For A New Offensive Against The PKK

"Peace Force" Reportedly Set Up To Fight PKK Forces In Northern
Iraq

London-based Kurdish MED-TV has reported that a "peace force" has
been set up to attack PKK forces in northern Iraq, following a
secret deal between the KDP and PUK during recent talks in Ankara
recently. The force was said to have been set up under the
pretext of policing the buffer zone between KDP and PUK forces.
The TV also claimed that Turkish forces were currently massing on
the border with Iraq. The following is the text of a report by
MED-TV on March 18, 1997:

     The clouds of war are gathering over southern Kurdistan.
There are attempts to implement a policy of international
aggression against the people of Kurdistan through the PKK
[Kurdistan Workers' Party]. The people have assessed the
so-called peace force, which was deployed between the regions
under the control of the KDP [Kurdish Democratic Party] and the
PUK [Patriotic Union of Kurdistan - PUK], as an occupation force.
While the KDP has increased its preparations to attack the
guerrillas of the ARGK [People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan -
PKK's military wing], it is reported that Turkish army units have
begun massing troops along the border region. Our correspondent
Mudur Kaya reports:

     [Kaya - recording] The mask of the suspicious peace force,
which was positioned in the buffer zone between the KDP and the
PUK in southern Kurdistan under a UN umbrella, was lifted
yesterday. It has been revealed that the peace force, which was
formed during the Ankara talks held between the KDP and the PUK
through the support of the United States, is the occupation force
of the Turkish Republic. After this force was exposed for what it
is, Turkish officers began to circulate among the people, telling
them that they are Turks and had come to protect them. Meanwhile,
the so-called peace force paraded in armoured vehicles around
Arbil today and reinforced the troops in the buffer zone.
     The KDP, which is being used as a shield by the Turkish
Republic, is increasing its preparations for war against the PKK.
     Meanwhile, the Turkish armed forces are amassing troops
along the border in a bid to launch another occupation operation
in southern Kurdistan. Suspicions about the peace force that was
positioned in the buffer zone, which constitutes the contact line
between the KDP and the PUK and which is situated between Koy
Sinjaq and Arbil, are increasing. The fact that the Turkmans were
given the command of the peace force, which was formed within the
framework of the UN and is supported by the Turkish Republic, the
United States and Britain, has further increased suspicions.
     Certain local and peshmerga sources report that the
so-called peace force was established to fight the PKK following
secret talks between the KDP and the PUK during the Ankara
summit. The same sources note that at least some 1,000 Turkmans
within the peace force were trained by special teams from Turkey
some time ago, adding that there are at least an additional 1,000
Turkmans engaged in Turkish Republic-linked counterguerrilla
activities in southern Kurdistan who have expressed willingness
to join this force. People in southern Kurdistan say that the
so-called peace force is an occupation force established by the
Turkish Republic.
     Citizens in the streets of Arbil have expressed their
concern about the peace force. The people of southern Kurdistan
have voiced the following reactions and concerns: The killing of
the KDP official in his house some time ago is suspicious. The
fact that the KDP pulled its delegation out of the Ankara talks
because of the killing is also suspicious. It indicates that the
KDP and the PUK have reached a secret agreement. They resorted to
this suspicious murder in order to keep this agreement a secret.
This peace force is nothing other than a Turkish Republic
occupation [force]. Foreign forces are again trying to turn our
country into a bloodbath.
     With the exposure of this suspicious peace force, Turkish
officers have begun to parade around the streets of Arbil. Under
the protection of the KDP peshmergas, many Turkish officers have
been going around the streets of Arbil and talking to the people.
They have been revealing the Turkish state's occupation plans.
They have been saying the following: We are Turks. We have come
to protect you. We are brothers. Do not be fooled by the ploys of
the Armenians. Support us, and we shall extend financial and
moral support to you in return. It has been learned that the
local people have not shown an interest in the statements made by
the Turkish officers.
     Meanwhile, a military convoy of some 80 vehicles composed of
tanks and armoured vehicles paraded in central downtown Arbil
today. After this show of force, which lasted approximately one
hour and was accompanied by sirens, the convoy advanced towards
the buffer zone between the KDP and the PUK.
     In another development, the KDP has begun its war
preparations against the PKK. The KDP is continuing its policy of
oppression and violence against the people on one hand and, on
the other, has launched a propaganda campaign claiming that PKK
will attack the KDP on Newroz [21st March]. The aim of this
campaign is to conceal the Ankara agreement.
     Meanwhile, the Turkish army is amassing troops along the
border in order to launch another occupation operation into
southern Kurdistan. According to information obtained from ARGK
sources, Turkish fighter planes have been bombing the Metinan
[phonetic], Haftanin, Khwakurk and other mountainous regions of
southern Kurdistan and dozens of settlements along the border in
the past 10 days. The same sources note that many troops are
being moved towards the border region in order to reoccupy
southern Kurdistan. ARGK sources said that the Turkish army has
deployed armoured units and thousands of commando forces along
the Habur border gate and the Gergen-Sirnak border. The same
sources note that the guerrilla forces are closely following all
these developments and that they are engaged in intense
preparations.

(Source: MED-TV, London, in Turkish 1815 gmt - March 18, 1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++





From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sun Mar 23 02:24:12 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 23 Mar 1997 02:24:12
Subject: Protest At Turkish Consulate In NYC
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970322212..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>
Subject: Protest At Turkish Consulate In NYC - March 24, 1997

Protest Against Repression Of Iranian Refugees By The Turkish Government

March 17, 1997

Dear friend,

As you can see from the following press release, the situation of Iranian
refugees in Turkey is extremely perilous.  Your support through
participating in our Monday, March 24 demonstration and sending protest
letters to the government of Turkey is vitally important.  I urge you to
support the refugees' struggle and protest the Turkish government's
violations of refugee rights.  A closing of borders in Turkey will
severely diminish already limited access to safe havens for Iranian
political opponents.  Welfare and immigration "reform" in this country
prove that the assault on refugee rights is a global one and only a global
protest movement that fights on all fronts can push back the offensive.

Join our protest in New York City which will be held on Monday March 24 at
12:00 - 1:30 p.m. at the Turkish Consulate located at 821 UN Plaza (46th
Street and 1st Avenue, Manhattan).

Furthermore, send protest letters to Turkish government officials with
copies to the Turkish embassy in your country.

Sample letter follows. 

Please also fax all copies of your protest letters and resolutions to me
at 212-425-7260.  Thanks,

Maryam Namazie
International Federation of Iranian Refugees and Immigrants Councils
(IFIRIC) - Turkey branches and International Relations (The Committee for
Humanitarian Assistance to Iranian Refugees (CHAIR) is a member of IFIRIC)

------

Press Release


Turkish Government's Massive Assault on Iranian Refugees Condemned

International Iranian Refugee Organization Launches Campaign Against the
Turkish Government's Plan to Deport Hundreds

For Immediate Release
Tuesday, March 18, 1997

Contact: Maryam Namazie, New York, NY Phone: (212) 747-1046 (Monday to
Friday, 9:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m.)  (Please leave a message at this number
after office hours and weekends and your call will be returned.)
Fax: 212-425-7260

The International Federation of Iranian Refugees and Immigrant Councils
(IFIRIC)  is launching an international campaign against the Turkish
government to protest its unprecedented offensive against Iranian refugees
and to demand that government's adherence to internationally recognized
refugee standards.  IFIRIC is calling on all groups and individuals to
join this protest movement.  The campaign will begin on March 24 at 12:00
noon with demonstrations or sit-ins at various Turkish embassies and
consulates in tens of countries around the world.  IFIRIC will
simultaneously solicit protest letters and support resolutions. 

The campaign is in response to the Turkish government's plan to deport
hundreds.  In less than one week, from March 8 to March 14, the Turkish
government has already deported sixty-six Iranian refugees recognized by
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to Zakho, Iraq. 
The Iranian government's extensive surveillance and assassination
machinery in chaotic Iraqi Kurdistan makes Iraq as dangerous as Iran for
opponents of the Iranian government.  The Turkish government has also
issued deportation orders against 600 others and is conducting sweeping
house searches in order to seize and deport refugees.  Furthermore, the
government has issued a general order that all those deemed "illegal" be
deported from Turkey. 

The Turkish government's attack on Iranian refugees continues to sacrifice
the lives of countless individuals for economic and political gain. 
Although Turkey is a party to the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol
Relating to the Status of Refugees, it has limited its international
obligations by maintaining a geographical reservation, thereby diminishing
responsibility toward non-European refugees.  On November 30, 1994, the
Turkish government issued a regulation, Decision Number 94/6169,
formalizing its discrimination: accordingly, the Turkish government must
first determine whether an Iranian is an "asylum seeker"  (as opposed to a
"refugee" who also has a well founded fear of persecution but is of
European origin) before s/he may present her/his claim to the UNHCR. 

Furthermore, the November 1994 regulation requires Iranians arriving
without passports to file their "asylum" claims at the location nearest
where they entered the country within five-days.  Thus, undocumented
Iranians, many of whom are Kurdish, are required to return from Ankara
(where the UNHCR is located) to southeastern Turkey - a military zone
where a twelve year war rages on between the government and the Kurdish
Workers' Party (PKK) - to register their claims with local police
officials. 

Despite the regulation, Iranian refugees are refusing to acquiesce to the
Turkish government's unjust laws and are being deemed "illegal" for not
going to the dangerous border area and not meeting the five-day deadline. 
According to Payman, an IFIRIC refugee activist in Turkey: "Refugees
reject the Turkish government's claim that they have failed to respect
Turkish laws.  Iranian refugees fleeing the fascist government of Iran
have not come to Turkey to ignore that country's laws.  It is the inhumane
and intolerable violations refugees face upon arrival that force their
non-compliance.  The refusal to acquiesce will continue until Turkish laws
guarantee the lives and security of refugees and respect international
standards." 

The refugees are overwhelmingly justified in their defiance, especially in
light of the many pledges between the Iranian and Turkish governments to
wage a campaign against members of each other's opposition.  Ongoing
meetings between the two countries' officials, especially most recently,
point to a new phase of "understanding" between the Islamic Republic of
Iran and the Islamicist government of Turkey. Over a dozen assassinations
by Iranian government agents in Turkey since the mid-80s add to the
danger.  Moreover, during "asylum"  interviews, Iranians must give reasons
for their flight to the Turkish police - the same police who routinely act
with impunity against refugees as well as Turkish nationals, perpetrating
deportations, viscious beatings, political killings, torture, summary
executions, and arbitrary detentions.  Those Iranian refugees who have
presented themselves to the Turkish police have told IFIRIC that they
believe that the purpose of the "asylum" interviews is to collect
information which will be divulged to the Iranian authorities upon
deportation.  During "asylum" interviews, many refugees report that the
police often link Iranians Kurds with the PKK, and threaten claimants with
deportation or tell them to return to Iran.

Even those who have complied with the Turkish government's regulation are
not free from the threat of deportation.  In August 1996, 21 Iranian
asylum seekers (20 of whom were Baha'is) went to Agri (a town bordering
Iran) to apply for asylum with the police within the five-day limit after
registering with the UNHCR in Ankara.  They were "disappeared."  According
to a UNHCR fact sheet, one eyewitness stated that his "attention was drawn
to the incident as the women and children were crying, screaming and
begging officers not to deport them."  Many refugees have recently told
IFIRIC that upon applying for asylum in Silopi (a border town), the
Turkish police visciously beat them and coerced bribes in order to cease
deportations.  The regulation's purpose is clearly to facilitate the
deportation of Iranian refugees under the guise of [il]legalities. By
instituting a five-day limit, to which adherence is practically impossible
for many refugees, and requiring the undocumented to return to the unsafe
border area, the government hopes to meet its end of the bargain with the
Iranian government.  Although Turkey has limited its international
obligations toward non-European asylum seekers, it is obligated to respect
the right of refugees not to be forcibly returned to a country where they
may face persecution (non-refoulement).  Successive Turkish governments
have demonstrated that they are willing to sacrifice this essential
international obligation for the Iranian government's collaboration in
fighting the Kurdish opposition in Turkey.  An August 1996 multi-billion
dollar natural gas deal with Iran is another example of the Turkish
government's profit-making motives. 

The objective of the international campaign is to demonstrate to the
Turkish government that it cannot covertly conduct political negotiations
with the Iranian government at the expense of refugee lives and security.
IFIRIC is demanding that the Turkish government: 

1.  Cease deportations immediately; 

2.  Make immediate, interim, administrative changes to improve regulation
Decision Number 94/6169, including: 

- abolishing the five-day limit, and 

- lifting the rule requiring the undocumented to apply for asylum with the
police station nearest their point of entry and allow them to apply in
their town of residence; 

3.  Provide temporary residence to all asylum seekers; 

4.  Issue exit visas to all refugees accepted for third country
resettlement; 

5. Monitor police conduct; and,

6. Allow the UNHCR to carry out its mandate and defer to UNHCR when that
body recognizes a person as a refugee. 

(Ends)

------

Resolution After March 24 Protests Against The Turkish Government

Given that the Turkish government has conducted an unprecedented offensive
against the most basic Iranian refugee rights;

Given that hundreds of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR)-recognized refugees have been deported;

Given that the Turkish government has issued deportation orders against 600
other refugees;

Given that the Turkish government has allowed its police to behave visciously;
and,

Given that the Turkish government refuses to respect basic international
standards;

We protesters declare our opposition to the government's violations of refugee
rights and demand an end to such violations.  The following are our immediate
demands:

Cease deportations immediately;

Make immediate, interim, administrative changes to improve regulation
Decision Number 94/6169, including: 

- abolishing the five-day limit, and 

- lifting the rule requiring the undocumented to apply for asylum with the
police station nearest their point of entry and allow them to apply in
their town of residence; 

Provide temporary residence to all asylum seekers;

Issue exit visas to all refugees accepted for third country resettlement;

Monitor police conduct; and,

Allow the UNHCR to carry out its mandate and defer to UNHCR when that body
recognizes a person as a refugee. 

This assembly is placing the government of Turkey on notice and will give
it one month to meet our demands.  Should the situation remain unchanged
after this month, that government will be confronted with unprecedented
opposition. 

The International Federation of Iranian Refugees and Immigrants Councils
(IFIRIC) - March 16, 1997

-----

Sample Letter

(date)

Minister Mehmet Agar
Minister of Interior 
Icisleri Bakaligi
06644 Ankara, Turkey
Via fax: 011-90-312-417-2390

Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan
Basbakanlik
06573 Ankara, Turkey
Via fax: 011-90-312-417-0476

Minister of Foreign Affairs Tansu Ciller
Disisleri Bakanligi
06100 Ankara, Turkey
011-90-312-419-1547

Dear Minister,

I am writing to condemn the Turkish government's recent deportation of
numerous Iranian refugees and demand that the government: 

Cease deportations immediately;

Make immediate, interim, administrative changes to improve regulation
Decision Number 94/6169, including: 

- abolishing the five-day limit, and 

- lifting the rule requiring the undocumented to apply for asylum with the
police station nearest their point of entry and allow them to apply in
their town of residence; 

Provide temporary residence to all asylum seekers;

Issue exit visas to all refugees accepted for third country resettlement;

Monitor police conduct; and,

Allow the UNHCR to carry out its mandate and defer to UNHCR when that body
recognizes a person as a refugee.

Sincerely,

Name
Organization

Copies can be sent to the Turkish Embassy in Washington, DC or embassies
in other countries.  In the United States, the embassy copy can be sent
to: 

Ambassador Nuzhet Kandemir
Turkish Embassy
1714 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20036
Via fax: 202-296-5660

THANKS FOR YOUR SOLIDARITY.  Call me for more information,  Maryam Namazie


-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++




From dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sun Mar 23 09:05:24 1997
From: dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 23 Mar 1997 09:05:24
Subject: Turkey: The people's movement will grow in strength
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0w8qVW.000OVdC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Red Hat Linux User <dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Subject: Turkey: The people's movement will grow in strength


THE PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT WILL GROW IN STRENGTH, THE REVOLUTIONARY
PEOPLE'S LIBERATION FRONT WILL TAKE ITS PLACE IN IT AND IN FRONT OF
IT!

WE WILL ALL WITNESS IT!

NOBODY WILL HAVE THE STRENGTH TO PREVENT THIS!

A sensational headline: "The DHKP-C is behind the action `One minute
darkness for eternal light'".

This action is a protest action which has grown to become a people's
movement and the fact that the DHKP-C represents a force within it is
only natural. The DHKP-C has been part of the struggle for thirty
years, not as a mere witness, but as an active player. This force,
beginning at the end of the sixties as the THKP-C (People's Liberation
Party and Front of Turkey), stretching to the present day DHKP-C
(Revolutionary People's Liberation Party and Front), is a magnitude
which can not be neglected in the class struggle in our country.

The Party-Front was established on June 15-16, 1970. She was present
at every MayDay celebration from 1977 to 1997. She was present at the
miners strike in Zonguldak and at the large strikes in the companies
of Maga and Pasabahce. Its banners were waving in the protest marches
for the murdered Muammer Aksoy (*), it's name is connected with every
punishment of the people's enemies.

The Party-Front marches in the front rows of the demonstrations by the
civil servant. A major part of the relatives of the prisoners and the
disappeared are its sympathisers.

It's only natural for the DHKP-C to be the thriving force behind the
action "One minute darkness for eternal light". According to
journalistic criteria, this fact isn't worth a story, it would be
sensational to be able to report that this is not a fact. Didn't the
oligarchy and its papers know that the DHKP-C would take its place in
this people's movement, just like in any other areas. Didn't they know
that the DHKP-C would lead this action? Of course they knew.

So why was this self-evident fact presented as a sensation? Why did
some parts of the bourgeoisie feel uneasy when they had to read this?
We can find the answers to this question when we look at what the
different interest groups within the state want to do against the
increasing crisis.

The monopoly bourgeoisie which "dims the light" wants to bring down
the Refah Party.

The influence of the opposition parts of the bourgeoisie on the people
is getting less day by day. Their proposals are met with
rejection. But the calculations of the government and the oligarchy
don't work. Despite their majority to govern, they are unable to end
the crisis. On the contrary, their policies and their measures are
only sharpening the crisis. And also the ANAP and the CHP, who were
able to use this protest as bourgeois opposition, had to withdraw when
the protest started to becoming more radical and was aiming against
the system.

>From then on, ANAP became silent, although it made a lot of fuss about
Susurluk before. They are afraid to get crushed by the avalanche of
protest. Before they tried to steer the protests against Susurluk into
a pure opposition against the acting government. Well, were they
successful?

To find out in what shape the present government is in, it's enough to
look at the latest statements of two government representatives:

Yalim Erez opens his statement with the words "We can no longer
withstand the growth of the social opposition", and he continues: "the
social opposition has put itself in the place of the political
opposition. A point will come at which there can be no more
consensus. Where it would be necessary to stop the social opposition,
we are moving in the wrong places. We must try to achieve a
compromise, instead we are living according to the slogan "we've paid
our debts for today, may Allah help us tomorrow".  We should look for
a part of the blame at ourselves. Instead of putting ourselves in
front of this light-action, we have put ourselves outside and we are
denouncing it. We can not make policy by fighting everything and
everybody. The party leaders are sticking at each other as burs. When
one of them becomes less popular, the others loose influence as
well. But they are unable to recognise this."

Avyaz Gokdemir, another representative of the government coalition
goes on: "It can not go on like this. What can the coalition do to
hold on to power? The lights are going out and the tanks start
rolling. More and more lights are going out and the tanks are becoming
more and more necessary."  (Hurriyet, February 23, 1997)

A growing fear for the people's movement can be sensed in these
lines. They are afraid and that's why they attack. The influential
role of the DHKP-C in this people's movement is a reason for them to
attack. Another reason for their fear becomes clear in the words of
Yakin Erez: "If one falls, this does not automatically mean gain for
the other".

This is the essence of the democracy game of the oligarchy. When one
of the system parties is used up, another one is build up is a new
bearer of hope. But they can no longer play this game. And so their
fear increases for the people's movement, growing on all levels.

The bourgeoisie is powerless against the growing people's movement,
but they are trying to take over the political lead. The
"Democratisation Report" of the monopoly association TUSIAD and the
dimmed lights in the Sabanci Centre are attempts to hold on to the
helm.

The monopoly bourgeoisie tries to use the people's movement with
slogans for a clean society to bring down the Refah Party.

The "Rally of the Millions" is a result of these attempts. ANAP,
Turk-Is, DISK, KESK and the "Association for the Thought of Ataturk"
called for this rally to bring down the government coalition. That's
their only goal. It's not about clearing the events about Susurluk, or
even holding those responsible accountable, they think all is done
when the government is brought down.

That's why they are all singing the same song about the threatening
end of secularism. And the general staff acts as the lead
singer. That's how they want to cover up the filth which emerged after
Susurluk, covering it under the carpet of "The crisis of
secularism". The entire discussion is based on artificially created
themes. Secularism lost its importance for the system in the seventies
already.

A second important point in present politics is how the unions are
used in the power struggle of the rulers of TUSIAD and the general
staff. Especially the intellectuals should think about that.

The report "The DHKP-C is behind the light-action" is part of the
manoeuvres of the oligarchy. The intellectuals and the democrats
should think about that too.  The attack against the front is an
attack against its legitimacy and the legitimacy of the entire people.

What's the logic behind this attack? Was does the oligarchy hope to
gain with this demagogy? The intellectuals and the democratic
associations should pose these questions in the first place. For
years, there have been extra-judicial executions in this country, and
how did you act? The oligarchy always legitimised these executions by
claiming the executed belonged to the DHKP-C, and you gave your
consent by keeping silent. And now they are attacking the actions in
which you participate, using the same pretext.

Those who are against the Mafia gangs, should be aware of this. Those
who are convinced of the legitimacy of the fight against the Mafia
gangs, should be convinced of the legitimacy of the Front as well.

It's understandable for the oligarchy to fear the politics and the
analyses of the Front, but there is no reason for the intellectuals to
feel uneasy.

The intellectuals and all democratic institutions which support this
action should at least ask themselves, considering the statements and
the analyses of the Front, whether they are right to do so, or not. Is
the Front not a product of this land? Are its people no citizens of
this land? Do they not have the right, like everybody else, to think
about the future of this country? Of course, they have, and they are
using this right. They do not see this as a mere right, they see it as
a duty which they take more serious as many might like to believe. It
is the duty of responsibility towards the people of this land, towards
the future of this country, which they take seriously.

The demagogy of the oligarchy is saying: "Well, you're participating
in this action, led by the Front, you're becoming accomplices of the
Front". Yes, the Front initiated this action. But do you therefore
have to distance yourself from this action, an action you've defended
till yesterday? Is this sincere conduct?  The slogan "Do not remain
silent, if you remain silent, you'll be the next" originated from the
Front. It stems from March, 1993, when the IYO-DER students Ugur and
Sengul were murdered by the contra-guerrilla. The slogan has spread
since then. And now? Is it wrong because it's from the Front? Millions
of people are shouting it every night.

Or the slogan "We are right, we will win". This one was initiated by
the Front as well. Nowadays it can be heard at every demonstration of
workers and civil servants. And now it's wrong?

The question whether a slogan originated from the Front or not, is not
important. It's important whether it's right or wrong. Is it
humiliating the intellectuals when a slogan from the Front proofs to
be right? Then why this conduct? But that's the logic of the
intellectuals, when the state denounces the Front as a terrorist
organisation, they withdraw.

The legitimacy of the TUSIAD is inside your heads, not the legitimacy
of the Front. How can this be? What has the Front done to you, what
has it done against the people? What's to be said against the goals,
the ideals of the Front for the people?


WHO ARE THE PROVOCATEURS?

It's obvious, nobody must avoid this issue. There are those who try to
mislead the people.

Despite the demagogy of the oligarchy, large parts of the people could
be influenced. On the other hand, many intellectuals and artists could
be made insecure, especially because of the campaigns in the media
like "Be aware, the revolutionaries are involved". The goal of this
campaign is to push the revolutionaries aside. Many intellectuals
could be heard saying "We do not want any provocations". Of course,
you're right not to want provocations. But what do you know about
provocations, anyway? How should you? What kind of provocations have
you been confronted with? We know quite well what provocations
are. We've always been confronted with them.

Who are the provocateurs in this country? Look at the provocateurs
from the massacres at the University of Beyazit on March 16, 1978, or
at the provocateurs from Gazi, known from pictures now. When have you
ever seen a provocation from our side? You can not give one
example. Because our struggle is an open one. Our actions are directed
against torture, against the enemies of the people, and we have
claimed every action which was carried out by us. There are no hidden
or secret actions in our history. Our mass actions are open.

The goal of all our actions is to achieve freedom and rights. The
security of the people has been the first commandment for our actions
in the past 30 years.

There are no provocations from our side. We have no need for
provocations.

Do not lend your ears to the statements of the minister, lend you ear
to the Front.

If you would have listened to the Front as careful as you've listened
to the minister of the Interior Meral Aksener or the press of the
contra-guerrilla, you would not make such mistakes. What has the Front
done? It tried to develop the people's movement in different
manners. The characteristics of the people's movement, stemming from
the light action, were a reason for the Front to halt military actions
for the time being. Maybe you've missed it, a statement from the Front
on January 26, stated: "...The contra-guerrilla regime is going
through its deepest crisis since Susurluk. They are panicking and they
desperately try to cover up their plots and murders, the filth they
are in. This panic can be clearly seen in the speech from Tansu Ciller
to her party on January 25, 1997. Ciller did not shun to connect
opposition leader and voice of the bourgeoisie, Mesut Yilmaz, from
whom is known that he wants to stabilise the system, with the DHKP-C
and the PKK. She even denounced the columnists who write for the
bourgeoisie as communists. She denounced all Mafia gangs as communists
and traitors, except her own. Based on a intelligence report, Ciller
stated to her party on November 28, 1996, that the DHKP-C was
preparing new actions... Of course, we hunt these gangs of criminals
to expose the true face of the criminals to the public. This is our
task as avant-garde of our people. The contra-guerrilla regime, to
which also Ciller and Mehmet Agar belong, always wants new
provocations. Their main interest is to intimidate the
revolutionaries, the opposition and the democrats, legitimising the
Mafia gangs.  The public should watch the attacks against the
revolutionaries, and especially against the mass movements. The regime
of the Mafia gangs has shown it will use all means to destroy the
people's opposition. The media should not have themselves made a tool
of the rulers in these provocations..."

Is this short explanations sufficient to explain the events? The enemy
accuses the chairman of ANAP. Mesut Yilmaz, of having fallen for the
tactics of the DHKP-C and the PKK. The rulers are denouncing
democratic writers as "communists". They openly admit their intention
to "intimidate the oppositions, the clean the gangs". Intellectuals
should be able to see through this. All democratic forces can express
their opposition against the government by choosing the side of the
DHKP-C in the action "One minute of darkness".

What the strategy of the Front? Before everything else, we want to
further develop the mass movement. In this task, it acts very careful
and conscientiously. It has really become time for the intellectuals
to overcome the decades old demagogy against the revolutionaries like
"terrorists" and "directed from abroad". Those who claim that the
revolutionaries are directed form abroad should have a look at
TUSIAD. TUSIAD is an association with strong ties to the imperialists
and which shapes its policy according to the strategies of the USA and
the European imperialists.

We will not allow that the people's movements are suffocated by such
cheap demagogy. As long as the intellectuals and the forces of the
people are aware in this regard, the influence of the demagogy can be
prevented.


THE FRONT REPRESENTS AN ORGANISED PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT

IT DEFENDS THE INTERESTS OF THE PEOPLE, NOT THOSE OF THE MONOPOLY CAPITALISTS

Organising the people must be supported by all democrats,
intellectuals and revolutionaries, by all those who oppose the Mafia
gangs. Only an organised people can change the policy successfully. As
long as the people's movement is not organised, it will remain in
infancy and fail miserable. A non-organised force can not prevent to
be exploited by other forces. At the time these forces are on one side
afraid of the people's movement, at the other side they try to exploit
it.

All people, from the trade unions, the democratic initiatives, from
intellectuals to the democratic people's forces, should be aware that
the oligarchy attacks the revolutionaries because they represent the
only alternative to the system. Those who deny the legitimacy of the
revolutionaries, who don't recognise the legitimacy of the front,
legitimise the gangs and their deeds. Why was this country governed by
several military juntas? Why were new laws passed? When these
questions are answered, one of the reasons will always be the THKP-C,
Devrimci Sol or the DHKP-C. Why were these gangs formed? Against whom
are there "operations" directed? In whose name is justice trampled
upon?  The massacres and executions are being ignored. This can not
be. Ignoring the massacres and executions means covering up the
gangs. Those who oppose the Mafia gangs can not allow this. Otherwise
new Agars would take his place.

THE REFORMISTS, THE OPPORTUNISTIC LEFT HAVE TO ACCOUNT FOR NOT
LISTENING TO THE FRONT

Although the reformist and opportunist groups do not have the same
ideology as the intellectuals, they too closed their eyes and ears to
the proposals of the Front. They judged the proposals by the Front
without understanding them, or without wanting to do so.

Of course, from the perspective of the bourgeoisie and the reformists
there is no proposal by the Front which could have been
followed. Their goal was obvious throughout the entire action and it
was described in a DHKP-C statement of March 18, 1997:

"The bourgeois parties and some circles around them try to channel the
mass protests, they try to use them for their own purposes, to bring
their own party to power. The reformist cherished the hope to win the
race for the parliament seats against the bourgeois parties which are
in a stuck in a quagmire. They all didn't want to see the true reasons
for the misery, they wanted to deny that only a revolutionary people's
power offers a solution."

The statement furthermore contains a program of the Front with 61
points. In these 61 points, the Front describes how the masses can be
politicised and how the people's movement can be developed. They
describe how the break the influence of the bourgeoisie, how to
further the initiatives of the people. All these analyses and
proposals proofed right in the end. Those who rejected to even discuss
our proposals now have to account for this. What was there to be
afraid of, what was wrong with our proposals?

Now it can be clearly seen that all these proposals could have been
realised under the leadership of the revolutionaries. The
revolutionaries could have taken over the leadership together in this
phase. The political influence and the organising could have been
broadened. The media would have followed us.  Nobody would have had a
chance against this people's movement.

All this did not happen. The reason is that some organisations did not
pay attention to our predictions and our proposals. They intentionally
ignored them, and when they were confronted with them directly, they
pushed them aside...

And so it happened that the TUSIAD proposal could be adopted. The
anyway weak belief of the opportunistic left in their own strength
deteriorated even more when TUSIAD began to take the action into their
own hands. It is obvious that those in power will always try to play
there own game, the only question is who we handle this.

The left should carefully think about why they rejected the proposals
and analyses of the 61 point program of the Front. The opportunists
really did bad in this test. The union Turk-Is, for example, greatly
valued their manifestation to demonstrate its opposition stand. But
when one looks more carefully, it can be clearly seen that they
actually stood behind the system. In all their proposals, they used
the "solution ideas" of the ANAP and the CHP. So what stand do those
take whose line is identical with the Turk-Is line? Where is there
stand in practice? What are they opposed to?

They constantly talk about the politics of the workers class. But what
policy are they pursuing, and why? Without an answer to these
questions, clarity can not be achieved. The left claim that every
policy is right, as long as it comes form the workers. This is
nonsense, something does not necessarily have to be right, just
because is it from a certain class. It would be something different if
they could say "we as communist workers do it like this".

When we proposed to have a joint manifestation, it was said we had to
address the platform of the different groups, they were deciding about
such proposals.  So we addressed the platform. There we had to
conclude that there was coming nothing out of this platform, except
the since long known statement about Susurluk. Do the workers have
nothing to say about Susurluk, do they not want to do anything about
it? Susurluk is turning point in this phase. Susurluk is the basis for
the demand of the people to hold those responsible accountable.
Susurluk is the expression of years of dissatisfaction and getting
even with the rulers.

A revolutionary policy, and the task of the revolutionaries, consists
of presenting a program, organising the masses, to fulfil the people's
demands.

The views of the DHKP-C, as well as those of the other leftists must
be judged from this perspective.

WE CAN DEVELOP THE PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE FRONT

Without the perspective and the activities of the Front, the goal of
gaining power is not realistic. The other leftists lack this
perspective, resulting in their incomprehension and their lack of
sensibility concerning the proposals by the Front and the needs of the
people. Their democratic demands, their conventional analyses do not
fit the "determination of communists". The ODP and other reformists
are looking for the benevolence of the bourgeoisie. That's why they do
not dare to break through barriers of political activity, set by the
system.

A front with the perspective of taking over power, acts accordingly.

Although the opportunists have been talking for years about general
strikes and overall resistance, they aren't doing anything concrete to
realise this. They neither have concrete views, nor plans.

The conditions for a general strike or for a resistance which is
carried by the broad masses are given. One only has to lead the people
into this resistance.  But to achieve this, one needs a perspective
and a comprehension, according to the needs of this phase. The left
does have neither.

We publish our analyses, we make proposals, they reject them. Later
they pick up some of our proposals and they present them as their
own. That's no problem for us when they "steal" our proposals,
important is realisation of the right policy.

We must destroy impotence, despair and disorganisation. That's our
task, we represent hope, we are the alternative.

Everybody has to see the events, the consciousness and the worries of
the people. It's obvious to every democrat, every ordinary human
being, what's going to happen when the government is changed. It's
clear to all, it needs no more words, the system of the parties
trample upon the people. Despair starts at this point.

What to do? What tasks do the revolutionaries have? There not that
much answers.  All proposals within the framework of the system only
increase the people's despair. Offering new elections to the people in
this phase only means offering them more despair, it only means
increasing their feeling of impotence.

But the left is far remote of recognising the hope of the
revolution. Some can not even handle the term. Others constantly talk
about it, just to profit from only talking about this hope.

The four decisive tasks nowadays are to root the people's movement in
the most broadest segments of the people, giving this movement a
concrete goal, strengthening the organising in the masses,
establishing the people's movement in this way and spreading the voice
of the revolution. Those who can not understand this, who turn their
backs to these tasks, are condemned to remain by-standers in this
phase, without any influence on the development.

The Revolutionary People's Liberation Front will fulfil these tasks
and take its place within the people's movement. Notwithstanding all
the problems, it will fulfil these tasks with its legitimacy, its
determination, its belief in the people and its capabilities. This
also includes the task to unite all the forces of the people, the
intellectuals, democrats, patriots and progressive people in this
people's movement. No demagogy and no attack by the oligarchy will be
able to prevent the Revolutionary People's Liberation Front from doing
so.

The military tries to put the state apparatus, which became incapable
after Susurluk, into function again by intervening. It prepares new
attacks against the people's opposition while it attempts to
strengthen the moral of the state forces again. Several members of the
MIT and the military are looking for a "clean" policy, or at least the
pretend to do so. It's their goal to make fascism sociable by this
pretended self-cleansing and they want to push trough an ever harsher
repression. The bourgeois parties, the media, the Turkish secret
service MIT, parts of the army and similar forces which pretend to
demand "clean politics" and a "clean society, are not on the side of
the people's front, they belong to the fascist front.

Because the military can not create the necessary conditions to
legitimise its interventions, the general staff started to build up a
"Islamic danger", in co-operation with the media. And surprise: when
the military did not succeed to come out clean after Susurluk, when
they did not succeed to cove up the whole filth, suddenly the media
came up with the "Islamic danger" and the Refah Party became the
target. While the bourgeois parties only wanted to bring down Refah,
it was clear to the military that new elections or a new government
coalition were not going to stabilise the system. They wanted to
discipline all bourgeois parties. By taking over control over the
government, they wanted to destroy the people's movement, presenting
themselves at the same time as the only clean force. And so they
conveyed the message to all the forces of the state, waging the war
against the people, that the state controls itself, that is stable and
that the war against the people will continue. In a situation where
the state was paralysed, and where the military had to ask itself who
it was fighting for and why, the military presented itself as the real
force in the state.

Contrary to all their statements, it became clear that the economical
and political rulers do not have the possibility and the strength to
keep in power against the people's movement. The fact that the
bourgeois parties are not able to govern, and that the military has
the possibility to intervene, but can not stage another coup, is an
expression of the weakness, the lack of orientation and the lack of
solutions of the system. This lack of orientation and these cracks in
the system will increase, while the people's movement will grow.

It has become obvious that the interventions do not have the strength
the prevent the spreading of the movement. The fascists are not the
deciding force, the revolutionaries are. The ideology, the psychology,
the ethics etc. of the fascist state forces are used up. It is shown
that the strength of the mobsters and the gangsters can't possibly
stop the people's movement. That's not to say that the oppression and
the violence do not have an effect. Until the definite defeat, the
violence against the revolutionaries will continue, but this will also
accelerate the decline of the system. This is the phase we are in
now. Fear is growing because of the massacres, the disappearances and
the torture, but the strength of the people's movement, which will
defeat fear, is growing at the same time. And now they are after each
other, because of their fear for what they have created. Contrary to
their announcement of a "social and political solution", they have
neither the strength for social, nor for political changes.  The
oppression and the violence against the revolutionaries
continue. Under these circumstances, there is only one way: destroying
the enemy's morale by showing the true face of the state to the people
even better as before and by increasing the struggle. The people got
to know the reality of the revolutionaries and they are more
interested than ever. It's impossible for the supporters of the civic
society and the reformists, despite all their attempts, to steer the
people's movement into another direction. It can be said that these
revolutionary dynamics have brought many disillusioned and despairing
people closer to the revolutionary reality. These people want to
become revolutionaries because they understood that no other kind of
life can surpass the life of a revolutionary.


(*) A democratic professor, murdered by the contra-guerrilla in
revenge for the punishing an enemy of the people by Devrimci Sol in
1990.

---
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
mailto: dhkc at dds.nl
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From itusc at gn.apc.org  Sun Mar 23 18:25:14 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 23 Mar 1997 18:25:14 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdista
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a15269f.64e@gn.apc.org>

Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan & Middle East (1/3)

WORKERS' MOVEMENT IN IRAQI KURDISTAN & MIDDLE EAST
These notes on the history of Kurdistan, by ITUSC Committee member Raouf
Fatah (Committee for the Workers' & Toilers of Iraqi Kurdistan)  in his
personal capacity, explain the background to present-day problems of the
workers' movement in Iraqi Kurdistan and the Middle East in general. These
notes will be continued in a further two postings in successive days. They
are part of the preparation of a more comprehensive work, which the ITUSC
will publish as a contribution towards a better understanding of the tasks
facing the workers' movement in this troubled region.  

 'The Kurdish people have lived for nearly 5,000 years in a large area which
is now divided between Iran, Russia, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. Until the
15th-16th centuries, they were organised as a tribal collective society, in
which everybody was a member of a clan and shared with others.

COLLECTIVE
Every state authority in history found it difficult to control these people.
People living in tribal collective society naturally tended to be fanatic
warriors, sticking fiercely to their own culture and isolated from those
outside the collective.

REBELLIONS
When Islam established its authority in the region, the Kurds were more
distant from it than other nations. It was difficult for them to submit to
the new order, which tried to break down the previously-established
relations - the unity of the tribal collective, its clans, its families, its
culture, etc. - and replace it with tyranny and oppression. Consequently the
Kurds played a very important part in the many and widespread rebellions
against Islam, like the Quramita revolution, and the Babaky and Baby revolts.

BREAK DOWN OF COLLECTIVE SOCIETY
After the Magul invasion the Turkish Ottoman empire and the Safawy empire of
Iran came into existence. Kurdistan became a battlefield between these
powers. The empires pressurised the Kurds to take their side against the
others. They took hold of the clan leaders and gave them land and other
riches. The clan leaders became isolated from their people and became
something like feudal lords in the feudal society which was developing.
Slowly and bloodily, the collective society broke down.

KURDISH CULTURE CONTINUES
Right up to today, there are many Kurdish clans that have not been subdued
by Islamic rule, for different reasons. For example, in the early years of
this century, Mam Raza led a group which refused to submit to Islamic rule.
He told his group: `One day a revolutionary movement may emerge alongside
ours, built by students and educated people - communists. We should respect
them and protect them, because we have the same aim. Ours is a common
fight.' There are villages where the Kurdish culture has been continued,
where people have not submitted entirely to Islamic rule, where women have
maintained their freedoms more than in other parts of the region.

REVOLUTIONARIES
For all these reasons, Kurdistan has constantly been under pressure from the
regimes. And it has been good ground for rebels, revolutionaries and heretics.

IMPERIALIST RULE
In the period of imperialist domination, from the beginning of the 19th
century, when all the clan leaders had become tools in the hands of the
above-mentioned states and Kurdistan had been divided between those states,
the situation for Kurds under Turkish and Iranian rule differed from that in
Iraqi Kurdistan. This area was ruled by the new Iraqi government under the
control and protection of British imperialism. The people's conditions were
better than in those other countries.

STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM
In the present century, after the second world war, the struggle against
British imperialism intensified and the Kurds played a strong and effective
part in it. By 1952 the communist movement had become very strong among the
peasants in Kurdistan. The communists' influence grew, under conditions of a
mounting struggle between the peasants and their half-feudal, half-bourgeois
rulers - a struggle which culminated in revolt and armed conflict. British
imperialism and the Iraqi government collaborated with the feudal chiefs
against this revolt. The communist organisation was very weak: it followed a
parliamentary policy and condemned all forms of military struggle.

PEOPLE'S REVOLT
In 1958 there was a coup in Iraq, led by officers and radical left generals,
which deposed the king and his family and struck a blow against the feudal
system. Immediately and spontaneously, at the same time as this coup, people
rose up everywhere - in the villages, the factories and the poor districts
they attacked anything and everything to do with the old system. The houses,
villas and castles belonging to the king and his relatives were destroyed.
People stopped paying water bills and electricity bills. Landowners were
attacked and theirpeople or increase rents. The people imposed control over
the prices of consumer goods. For more than six months, everything was
controlled by the people in the streets: there was no legal authority.
Throughout Iraq, all the media and propaganda of religious and superstitious
ideas had been stopped.

TERRORISM BY FEUDAL CHIEFS
Those feudal chiefs who survived managed to escape to Iran, Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Jordan, Turkey, London and elsewhere. There they were able to build
up terrorist organisations to fight back against the revolution, against the
communists, and against the people in the villages, towns and factories.

COUNTER REVOLUTIONARY
But the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), which had attained a great influence
among the peasants, workers and poor at this time, became a
counter-revolutionary party. It helped the reactionary forces and gave them
opportunities to recover what they had lost. The media returned and worked
to stop revolutionary action, persuading people to put trust in the new
government, to make peace with the business compradors linked with the west
and with the feudal chiefs. The ICP compromised with the class enemy under
the slogan of `peaceful co-existence' which was imposed as a result of the
Soviet Union's policy. 

RESURGENCE OF REACTION
In Kurdistan, the result of this was a resurgence of reaction. The KDP came
forward as a leader of the feudal landlords, an umbrella for those who did
not escape the revolution. Together with those in exile it built up
terrorist organisations. The Baath party played a similar part in Iraq; the
KDP and Baathists collaborated together, leading the feudal chiefs against
the communist movement. Behind them stood imperialism.
 
CREATION OF KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
The Iraqi government which held power after the 1958 revolution, and was
strongly supported by the ICP,  comprised reactionary nationalist generals
from powerful feudal and religious families, and the radical left generals.
The latter were under the influence of the Soviet Union and the ICP and
became increasingly disoriented. Because of the divisions in it this
government was not strong. Imperialism wove a conspiracy against it.

 Part 2 continued in further posting tomorrow

____________________________________________________________________
This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
The ITUSC is an international and internationalist association of organised
workers and communities, dedicated to rebuilding the workers' movement and
to overcoming sectarianism and division in working class organisations. It
was founded in 1991 on the following principles:
1) trade unions independent of the state and employers;
2) democracy within trade unions, and;
3) workers' internationalism.
Any individuals or organisations that accept these principles and are
prepared to work for them, are regarded as comrades by the ITUSC.
____________________________________________________________________



From itusc at gn.apc.org  Mon Mar 24 08:54:58 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 24 Mar 1997 08:54:58 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdista
References: <APC.2.0.4a15269f.64e@gn.apc.org>
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a1526a0.dba@gn.apc.org>

Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan & Middle East (2/3)

WORKERS' MOVEMENT IN IRAQI KURDISTAN & MIDDLE EAST
by Raouf Fatah (ITUSC Committee) in his personal capacity.  
(continued from yesterday)

STRENGTH
In Kurdistan in 1961 the feudal and imperialist forces gathered strength
against the Iraqi government under the name of Kurdish national revolution.
This movement was defeated, firstly because it did not have the support of
the people, and secondly, because the Iraqi government sent troops to
Kurdistan under the command of very reactionary, bloodthirsty and
nationalistic Arab commanders. 

YOUNG CONSCRIPTS
The Iraqi government tried to conscript boys of 17 or 18 from poor peasant
and working-class families into the army. Usually the rich could save their
sons from military service by paying a compensation fee or by sending them
to college. The young conscripts had no training. They came from very warm
areas and had no experience of mountains like those in Kurdistan. They had
never seen snow, ice or cold weather before. They did not know how to use
the modern Russian Kalashnikov rifles with which they were equipped.

AMBUSHED AND KILLED
The army command deliberately sent these boys in big open lorries, up the
hard winding roads into the high mountain ranges. They were frozen within
minutes and could not move their hands or feet. They flew like birds into a
trap. They were ambushed by the feudal lords' guerrillas, who called
themselves peshmergas. Within half and hour the Iraqi soldiers were dead.
The guerrillas took all their weapons and ammunition and travelled through
the villages, celebrating, making propaganda for the nationalist movement
and terrorising all who opposed them.

CONTROL
On the other side, the Iraqi side, the Arab nationalists who dominated the
army and controlled the media too began a huge propaganda campaign against
the Kurdish people. They claimed that the Kurds were foreigners, terrorists,
wild people who knew nothing of city life. They said the Kurds needed
control and discipline.

SOLIDARITY BROKEN
>From this point the unity of Arabs, Kurds, Turks, Assyrians and other
peoples in the region broke down. Divisions grew wider. The relations of
solidarity between people were broken. 
The Arab nationalists took the bodies of the young Iraqi soldiers back to
their homes and used these bodies as propaganda against the Kurdish people.
The KDP, for its part, used the captured Russian weapons as propaganda. They
said the use of these weapons by Iraqi troops showed how the communists
wanted to annihilate Kurdish people. The capture of these weapons was an
important source of arms for the Kurdish feudal guerrillas, and an indirect
means by which the Arab nationalists actually helped them.

MASSACRES
A few days after the first battle, Iraqi troops went into Kurdistan and
concentrated their attack on the civilian poor in defenceless villages.
Special troops went in, killing women, children, elderly people and even
domestic animals. People were slaughtered in the streets, in the fields, in
the mosques, even in the school classrooms. These troops massacred civilians
but avoided confronting the guerrillas directly.
The murderous and divisive intentions of the nationalists on both sides were
clear. But Kasm, the Iraqi government's radical leader, and the radical left
generals, were completely confused and disoriented. So was the ICP. For this
reason, the imperialist conspiracy against the revolution achieved great
success.

COUNTER REVOLUTION
This conspiracy came to a head in March 1963 in a counter-revolutionary
coup, supported by all the Nationalist groups including the Baath party.
Behind these groups stood imperialism. The ICP had repeatedly insisted that
there was no danger of such a coup, that the radical government was very
strong. So when it took place, their members and the large numbers of people
who supported them were unprepared. They were very shocked. The forces that
came to power in the coup killed Kasm, all the radical left generals, the
leaders of the ICP and about 10,000 ordinary people, mostly the Baghdad poor
and the Faily, a Kurdish ethnic group from Baghdad.

DEFENCE ORGANISATIONS
Some ICP members and other left-wingers escaped from Baghdad to Kurdistan,
where they tried to get back in touch with their surviving comrades and
rebuild their party. In a state of panic, the communists and those who
supported them tried instantly to form military defence organisations. But
it was too late. The new regime was firmly in power.

NEW PROBLEMS
Now two new problems emerged. First, the communists faced a fierce attack
from the KDP, who were supported in this by the new regime and by all the
reactionary religious forces. Secondly, the leader of the ICP's section in
Kurdistan sought compromises with the KDP leader, Mustafa Barzani.

ICP LOSES INFLUENCE
The ICP was losing its influence and losing the people's trust. When,
through their alliance with the radical left generals, they had had enough
power and opportunity to take action against the people's enemies, they had
not done so.

(To be concluded tomorrow in Part 3)
____________________________________________________________________
This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
The ITUSC is an international and internationalist association of organised
workers and communities, dedicated to rebuilding the workers' movement and
to overcoming sectarianism and division in working class organisations. It
was founded in 1991 on the following principles:
1) trade unions independent of the state and employers;
2) democracy within trade unions, and;
3) workers' internationalism.
Any individuals or organisations that accept these principles and are
prepared to work for them, are regarded as comrades by the ITUSC.
____________________________________________________________________



From itusc at gn.apc.org  Mon Mar 24 23:04:15 1997
From: itusc at gn.apc.org (itusc at gn.apc.org)
Date: 24 Mar 1997 23:04:15 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdista
References: <APC.2.0.4a15269f.64e@gn.apc.org>
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a1526a1.10f@gn.apc.org>

Subject: Workers' Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan & Middle East (3/3)

WORKERS' MOVEMENT IN IRAQI KURDISTAN & MIDDLE EAST
by Raouf Fatah (ITUSC Committee) in his personal capacity.  
(continued from yesterday)

WAR BREAKS OUT
In 1964, the alliance between the KDP and the new regime broke down and war
broke out between them. The government, which comprised the Baath party and
other Arab nationalist groups, was supported by Arab countries and by
imperialism. The KDP was supported by Iran, Turkey, Israel and the
imperialists. The ICP supported the KDP. Soviet weapons were sold to both sides.

KDP SPLITS
The KDP entered into this conflict a split organisation. One wing was led by
Barzani, the other, which later became known as the Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan (PUK), by Ibrahim Ahmed and Jalal Talabani. The differences mainly
concerned individual egos. When the KDP's negotiations with the Iraqi
government broke down the KDP declared an amnesty for supporters of
Ibrahim's wing of the movement, in order to unite against the Iraqi regime.
But this unity did not last long. Ibrahim took Iraq's side against the KDP.
The war continued.

ICP SPLITS
At this time the ICP split into many fractions. The most important of these
was the Central Command. It believed in military struggle and within a few
months became a big popular movement, supported by workers, by the majority
of the peasants in the south of Iraq, by students, by street people in
Baghdad and by many in Kurdistan. 

REJECTED ALLIANCES
The Central Command rejected any alliances with nationalist groups and
movements. Many communists who had gone into exile in Europe and elsewhere,
such as Khalid Ahmed Zaki, returned to take part in the armed struggle
against the Baath government.

IMPERIALISM 
At the same time there were conflicts between the KDP and the PUK. The Iraqi
government supported and encouraged the PUK against the KDP. The communist
Central Command posed a great danger to the state and to imperialism.
Imperialism, principally the US, requiring strong government, supported the
Baath party and pushed them to get power. They carried out a long
negotiation with the KDP and the result was a new rapprochement between the
KDP and PUK.

CENTRAL COMMAND
The ICP Central Committee, another of the fractions that emerged from the
old ICP, took the Baath party's side. They collaborated with the Baathists
against the Central Command, which had the makings of a mass communist
movement behind it but had a weak leader and was not able to take that
movement forward.

SECRET NEGOTIATIONS
In 1974 a new conflict broke out in Kurdistan. On one side was the KDP,
supported by the PUK, and also by Iran, Israel and the US. On the other side
was the Iraqi government, supported by Arab countries, the USSR, the ICP
Central Committee and some other Kurdish nationalist groups. The war was
fought on a huge scale. Hundreds of thousands were killed and many villages
destroyed. But at the same time there were secret negotiations between Iran
and Iraq in Algeria, with former US president Jimmy Carter acting as
mediator. Iraq was represented by Saddam Hussein, who was not yet president;
Iran was represented by the Shah. As a result of these talks, the US and the
Shah's Iran decided to abandon the KDP and to give help to Iraq, and Saddam
in particular. They agreed to divide up the Gulf area between themselves. 

NAMES OF PARTIES
There is an important point which should not be forgotten. Throughout Iraq's
history, the communist movement and socialism was always respected by the
majority. Therefore every Iraqi political party from left to extreme right
named themselves some sort of communists or socialists in order to win more
popularity. For example, the `Baath Arab socialists', the `Marxist-Leninist
group of Kurdistan' organised by the PUK leader Jalal Talabani, `Kurdish
socialist party', etc. The fact that they had these names did not mean they
had a socialist programme or policy.

PUK RELAUNCHED
In 1975 the PUK was relaunched, under that name, encouraged by Syria and the
USSR. Within the PUK groups were created with the sort of radical communist
labels mentioned above. The KDP reacted to this by trying to rebuild its
organisation in Turkey and Iran.

EFFECT OF GULF WAR
After Khomeini came to power in Iran in 1979, the Gulf War broke out. During
the war neither Iraq nor Iran had any authority in Kurdistan. The KDP, PUK,
ICP and other religious groups started to fight each other. In the eight
years of the war, thousands of people were killed and there was terrible
destruction - for nothing. Instead of an opportunity to work together,
negotiate and build up their country, the Kurdish people got from this war
only murder and oppression.

CHEMICAL WEAPONS
During the war, Kurdistan again became a battlefield for Iran and Iraq.
Weapons, including chemical weapons, were tested. The dirty, reactionary
Anfal rule from the Koran, which allows a Muslim army to kill, loot and
rape, was revived. Hundreds of thousands died as a result.

NO EXPLANATIONS 
After the Iran-Iraq war the governments of both countries faced a big
dilemma: how would they explain to people what the eight years of fighting
was for? Who benefited from the war? People's conditions became worse.
Having no answer to these questions, they started to organise. There were
uprisings - in Halabja in 1989, in the Solaikh district of Baghdad, and
elsewhere. The people had no respect for the government any more. Sometimes,
as at Halabja, the army took the people's side. Saddam's invasion of Kuwait
in 1990 was a necessary diversion, to create common problems, to prevent any
revolutionary uprising. At this time in Kurdistan, some communists started
to organise, to rebuild underground organisation, to make a good
relationship with the people.

KURDISH UPRISING
The Gulf War provided a good opportunity for an uprising against the Iraqi
regime. In 1991 in Kurdistan just such an uprising took place. People fought
vigorously and enthusiastically. They killed all the security police,
government commissioners and other officials. Thousands of soldiers took
part and gave weapons to the people in the street. Sections of the army
became like a people's army. The revolution developed to the point where it
attacked Kirkuk, the second city of Iraq after Baghdad and a place of
economic and geographical importance. The army barracks, military airport
and other key points were occupied. Collective councils (shoras)  were built
everywhere and organised life on a co-operative basis. 

ACTIONS IN MIDDLE EAST
This uprising caused great difficulties for the US and its allies. At the
same time there was a mass miners' strike in Turkey, general strikes and
protests in Jordan and Morocco, the intifada in Palestine and an upsurge of
struggles in Iran.

US IMPERIALISM USED ITS 'TOOLS'
The ground was ready for a revolution in the whole region. Therefore the US
used its vehicles - the KDP, PUK, Islamic fundamentalists, ICP etc. - to
control and defeat the revolution. 
In Kurdistan radio and TV were used; propaganda was broadcast, on one hand
promising people food supplies and that Saddam would never come back, on the
other hand trying to undermine the revolutionary movement.

UPRISING UNDERMINED
When the uprising reached its high point with the attack on Kirkuk, all the
radio stations - from Monte Carlo, the BBC and Radio America to the smallest
local radio station controlled by the local political parties - started a
huge propaganda campaign, exaggerating the strength of Saddam's army. They
claimed he wanted to use chemical and nuclear weapons. The KDP and PUK
commanders ordered people to withdraw from Kirkuk. They used their radio
stations and their cadres to persuade people to stop the attack and to leave
Kirkuk for Saddam. From that point onwards Saddam regained control. 

____________________________________________________________________
This is from the International Trade Union Solidarity Campaign (ITUSC) at:-
e-mail:        itusc at gn.apc.org
website:  http://www.itusc.org.uk
'snail' mail:  PO Box 18, Epsom, Britain, KT18 7YR
Tel/Fax    ++44 (0) 1372 817 778
The ITUSC is an international and internationalist association of organised
workers and communities, dedicated to rebuilding the workers' movement and
to overcoming sectarianism and division in working class organisations. It
was founded in 1991 on the following principles:
1) trade unions independent of the state and employers;
2) democracy within trade unions, and;
3) workers' internationalism.
Any individuals or organisations that accept these principles and are
prepared to work for them, are regarded as comrades by the ITUSC.
____________________________________________________________________



From Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming  Mon Mar 24 07:48:44 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming (Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming)
Date: 24 Mar 1997 07:48:44
Subject: PROPOSAL TO SUPPRESS EU CITIZENS's Right to Seek Asylum
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3k9mx8fkf.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: PROPOSAL TO SUPPRESS EU CITIZENS's Right to Seek Asylum
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Reply-To: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming

IGC-MINISTERIAL MEETING: PROPOSAL TO SUPPRESS EU CITIZENS
RIGHT TO SEEK ASYLUM - A DANGEROUS PRECEDENT THAT
CONTRADICTS INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS STANDARDS

Brussels -- The Spanish proposal to include a provision in the European
Union Treaty denying the right to seek asylum to citizens of EU Member
States in the other EU countries contravenes international human rights
standards, and is a dangerous precedent that could lead to the
implementation of similar measures in other regions of the world, Amnesty
International said today.

     On the eve of the Ministerial Meeting during the Intergovernmental
Conference on the revision of the Maastricht Treaty (IGC) on 24 February,
the human rights organization strongly calls upon EU member States to
respect their international obligations and not to deny the right to seek
asylum to nationals of EU Member States.

     The Spanish government?s proposal was retained by the European Council
on 13 and 14 December 1996 in Dublin, which asked the Conference "to
develop the important proposal to amend the Treaties to establish it as a
clear principle that no citizen of a Member State of the Union may apply
for asylum in another Member State, taking into account international
treaties".

     Amnesty International points to the fact that the Spanish proposal
would clearly contravene obligations undertaken by EU member states under
international human rights treaties.  Therefore, if international treaties
were indeed to be "taken into account", the entire proposal would be
negated.

     All EU Member States should respect  the Universal Declaration on
Human Rights which states that " everyone has the right to seek and to
enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution".  Also, as signatories of
the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of refugees, they are
obligated to respect its provisions, including the fundamental principle of
non-discriminatory application, set out in Article 3.

     "It is a core principle of international refugee law that all asylum
seekers, irrespective of their country of origin, should have access to a
fair and satisfactory individual asylum determination procedure," Amnesty
International said.

     The organization stresses also that international obligations
resulting from the Geneva Convention should be individually respected by
each Member State.  "It is the States who are party to the Convention and
not the EU as such.  Affiliation to a supranational body such as the EU
cannot be used by Member States to evade their obligations under
international human rights law".

     In spite of the UNHCR's firm position against this proposal --
considered by that body as incompatible with the 1951 Geneva Convention --
the EU Presidency's representative, Mr. Michiel Patijn, declared at the end
of the meeting of personal representatives of the Foreign Ministers within
the IGC on 10 and 11 February that the Spanish proposal was "politically
accepted".

     "Not only does the proposal contravene the 1951 Geneva Convention, but
also it ignores the fact that no one can guarantee that EU citizens will
never have to flee human rights violations in the current or an enlarged
European Union," Amnesty International said.

     It is the understanding of Amnesty International that the Spanish
government has put forward this proposal with a view to combatting
terrorism.  While the organization understands the need for governments to
prevent terrorism, it believes measures taken by governments to do so must
be in conformity with their obligations under human rights standards.

     Amnesty International views the IGC proposal with grave concern, and
urges the governments of the EU not to confuse the fight against terrorism
with the obligation to ensure all individuals' right to seek asylum.
ENDS.../



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From Pleasestartnewmessage2fromaddr at emailaddress.xs4all.nl  Mon Mar 24 09:50:43 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage2fromaddr at emailaddress.xs4all.nl (Pleasestartnewmessage2fromaddr at emailaddress.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Mar 1997 09:50:43
Subject: Turkey, The Manisa-Trial
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m33etlp530.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
Reply-To: Pleasestartnewmessage2fromaddres-X.due2spamming at emailaddress.xs4all.nl

Hello for your information:

The Manisa-Trial was another sad example of injustice in
Turkey. Childere were arrested, brutaly tortured and sentenced to long
times in prison, based on statements the were forced to sign under
torture.  The case drew international attention because of the cruel
threathment of a couple of minors.

We updated our dossier on this case which can be found at
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/pub/manisa.html

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Mar 26 00:27:19 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 26 Mar 1997 00:27:19
Subject: Newroz Demonstrations In Germany
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.970325192..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.cic.net>

Newroz Demonstrations In Germany

On March 20 in Berlin, between 1,000 to 1,500 people participated in a
Newroz demonstartion and torchlite procession, ending with a celebration.
The event was organized by the Kurdish confederation YEK-KOM together with
Turkish and German leftists. There was lots of music and dancing. The Berlin
police served notice that they would intervene if any "banned symbols" were
displayed, and they did just that. Three times they brutally attacked the
demonstration to confiscate "illegal" banners. Around 20 people were
arrested, but were later released after ID checks. Despite the attacks, the
demonstration ended with a dance around a bonfire on the Marianneplatz in
Kreuzberg.

There were Newroz marches in other German cities as well on March 20. In
contrast to Berlin, the police were generally restrained.

In Hamburg, 500 to 1,000 people participated in a torchlite procession. Many
Kurdish symbols and flags were visible. The march was organized by the
Committe to Support the Saturday Mothers. The police did not intervene.

In Oldenburg, 1,000 people took part in a demonstration, about half carrying
torches. Many Kurdish symbols were displayed, there was a cultural program,
and at the end a big bonfire. Here, too, the police did not intervene.

In Hagen, around 2,500 people marched, here too with torches and symbols,
and there were no clashes with the police.

In Ulm, 500 people marched, 300 with torches, and many Kurdish symbols were
displayed. On one occasion, the police tried to intervene to confiscate a
Kurdish symbol, but when the demonstrators resisted, the police kept their
distance.

In Saarbrucken, 1,500 people took part in the Newroz procession. The police
were restrained, and at the end there was a bonfire.

The Kurdistan Cultural Center in Mannheim organized the first non-banned
Kurdish public gathering in two years. Around 600 people participated in a
Newroz procession and danced around the Newroz fire on the Marktplazt.

Around 1,000 people participated in Bonn. The police did not intervene. In
Bochum there were 400 people, in Salzgitter 1,500, in Karlsruhe 1,000, and
in Stuttgart 2,000. There were no clashes in these cities.

In Kiel, Darmstadt, and Munich, Newroz demonstrations were planned for March
21. There were even plans for celebrations in other countries as well,
including France, Spain, Italy, and even in Japan and Moldavia.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief #6/97, http://www.berlinet.de/kurdistan)


Central Newroz Celebration In Sindelfingen, Germany

The biggest Newroz celebration in Germany was held on March 22 in the
Sindelfinger Glaspalast. Between 10,000 and 12,000 people overfilled the
hall to watch a six-hour cultural program.
The mood was very internationalist. The event passed without incident and
all those present seemed very delighted. In 1996, German security forcess
banned all Kurdish gatherings, both outside as well as in rented halls. This
year, too, many planned Newroz demonstrations in certain cities were banned.

In Sindelfingen, police kept their distance. Kurdish families from all over
Germany came to the event. The program was interrupted many times as people
shouted PKK slogans in honor of fallen guerrilla martyrs and in honor of
party leader Abdullah Ocalan. In addition to music and dancing, there were
reports on the present situation in Kurdistan, speeches from members of the
Kurdistan Parliament in Exile, which is based in Brussels, as well as
messages from foreign guests. Among these were a representative of the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and Norma Velazco, European
spokeswoman for the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). She brought
greetings from the commando occupying the Japanese ambassador's residence in
Lima, Peru.

German speakers from the Greens, the socialist party PDS, and various human
rights organizations criticized Germany's role in the Turkish military's war
against the Kurdish national liberation struggle. They also demanded that
Germany stop deporting Kurds to Turkey and that the ban on Kurdish
organizations in Germany be lifted.

(Source: Junge Welt, March 24, 1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials in our magazine and
bulletins called Arm The Spirit. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
FTP: ftp.etext.org --> /pub/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~archive/ats-l
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++



From dhkc at dds.nl  Thu Mar 27 10:18:04 1997
From: dhkc at dds.nl (dhkc at dds.nl)
Date: 27 Mar 1997 10:18:04
Subject: Sound on our site
Message-ID: <bac1c849.lz2091qkae.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam <dhkc at dds.nl>

Merhaba,

Just wanted to let you know, that from now on, once a week, we will
place a sound file on our site.

The sound files will mainly consist of songs from grup Yorum.

The files will be in Real Audio-format, because this format is the
smallest. 

Hasta La Victoria Siempre!


-- 
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/dhkc1.html
mailto: dhkc at dds.nl
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Mar 31 12:53:31 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 31 Mar 1997 12:53:31
Subject: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (II)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3pvwf3j6n.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (II)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

11. Why must we keep together and get organised? 
 
Without organising, the fight for our rights will not succeed.  
 
Those who exploit our people and attack it, have united themselves and
their acts are  co-ordinated. Therefore we can not confront them as
individuals or as small groups.  

If we resist the exploitation and the cruelty as individuals, it will
hardly be possible to succeed. For example, a single factory worker
can not change the basic conditions by resisting on his own. All the
workers in the factory would have to join. And if real changes are to
be achieved, all the workers in a certain branch of the economy would
have to unite. Or let us look at our neighbourhood: if a single person
goes to the city administration to demand reparation of the roads,
they do not even listen. The situation changes when the whole
neighbourhood unites. And if all working areas are united, nobody will
be able to ignore our demands.  

There is a proverb: "One hand can not clap, only two hands have a
voice". We do not have just two hands, we have millions. Imagine the
voice of these numerous hands! Who could possibly withstand these
hands, clenched into one fist? 

We have to organise ourselves and unite to show the strength of the
people, to show what can be done. 

12. What's a People's Council? 
 
The People's Council is a true form of self-organisation by the
people. The hands of the people are joined in it. 

It consists of organised people who are humiliated by exploitation and
excluded from the basic necessities of life like education, health
care and the right to organise.  

The People's Councils are made up by the workers, the civil servants,
the small merchants, the unemployed, the youth, and by all people who
want to live in dignity. There are no differences made between the
people, there is no hierarchy. Provocateurs, oppressors, exploiters,
robbers and thieves are excluded from participating in the People's
Council.  

The Council discusses the problems of the people and it tries to find
a way for a solution. It takes decisions which are put into practice
by the people itself.  

The people's will is also a theme of the Council. The people do not
want to be exploited and oppressed. They want a decent life, a future
for their children and security for their old age. They do not want
the resources of the country to be exploited for the benefit of
others. They want all people, all nationalities and religious creeds
to live together as brothers and sisters. They do not want freedoms
which only exist on paper. So the People's Council is an organisation
for a humane and dignified life. It serves as a defence against the
enemy forces against the people, against oppression, against the ban
of organisations and against the cruelty of the state. 

13. What tasks does the People's Council have? 
 
The People's Council has the following tasks and functions: 
 
* Solving the problems in the neighbourhood by means of a struggle in
  solidarity. 

* Uniting all organisations which fight in their own field against
  exploitation and oppression. 

* Strengthening the resistance by the people against the state terror
  to bring security to the neighbourhood, to prevent intimidation of
  the people and the limit the damage of state attacks to a minimum.  

* Securing the right of self-determination of all people, now and in
  the future. 

* Gathering experiences in self-rule by the people. 

* Creating a unity between Turks and Kurds, Alevites and Sunni,
  workers and small merchants on the basis of mutual interests, thus
  surpassing all discrimination on a national, religious or
  professional basis. This will prepare the foundation for the
  solidarity between the people from different professional,
  religious, national and cultural groups. 

* Making the people aware of their own strength, thus increasing
  confidence. 

* Participation of the creative strength of the people in the
  liberation struggle.  

* Creating a force against the ruling system which has to be taken
  seriously. 

* Spreading the awareness that the fight for our demands has to be a
  fight for a life in freedom, equality and justice. 

14. Why do we want the People's Councils? 

Nowadays there are many mass organisations in several regions and on
several field with different goals and different content. Most of them
originated form the people's struggle and they developed with it. They
possess a wealth of experience. The struggle has now reached a level
where new and better forms of organisation have to be created, solidly
based in the masses. The People's Councils are such organisations,
based on previous experiences.  

There are numerous forms of organisation in our environment, divided
according to profession, branches, nationality, religious creed and
region. The People's Council we strive for are open to all people,
independent of nationality, origin, gender, religious creed,
profession or age, because this constitutes the true character of a
people's organisation.  

Important characteristics of a People's Council are the system of
representation, the regulations and the imperative mandate according
to which the delegates are bound to the will of their basis. In many
organisations we know, there is bureaucracy, and the basis is
excluded. There, the important tasks are left to the board, decisions
are made by the top. Contrary to this, the tasks in our organisations
are divided differently: based on participation in the meetings,
everybody receives the right to express his or her opinion and
everybody has the right to vote. The will of the people can be
expressed freely here.  

The associations, the unions and the other organisations will continue
their work independently. But the people's forces in the workers'
neighbourhoods will unite in the People's Councils.  

The People's Councils will become mass organisations which will
achieve concrete successes through solidarity between the people, the
unity in struggle, the unity of strength and the broadest possible
democratisation.  

With founding, spreading and centralising the People's Councils in the
whole country, we will transform the great potential of the people
into a giant organised force.  

15. Are the People's Councils secret? 

No.  

The People's Councils are no secret institutions, they are legitimate,
open and democratic organisations of the people. The legitimacy stems
from the justified goals.  

All demands of the People's Councils are legitimate and justified. A
humane life, justice, equality and freedom are demands which
justification can not be denied by anyone in the world. Therefore the
work of the People's Councils, which stand up for these demands, is
legitimate. There will be legal activities, as well as activities
which are not possible within the framework of the law. But all
actions will take place before the eyes of the masses, with their
support and participation, according to their decisions. 

In this way, we will push forward the democratic struggle in our
country.  

In countries like ours, organisations like the People's Council can
not force rights by keeping to the law because the constitution and
the laws leave no room to the people anymore. For example, freedoms
and rights are listed in the constitution under "Individual Rights and
Freedoms", but all of them are restricted, or even totally hollowed
out, because of additions and exceptions. Such a constitution is of no
use to the people.  

Other laws like the Anti-Terrorism Law, the Press Law, the Law on
Gathering and Manifestations, the Police Law and the Law on the
Regions are exclusively designed to restrict, or even totally deny,
the democratic rights of the people.  

Should we not wage a democratic struggle in such a country? Should we
not establish organisations for such a struggle? 

Of course,  such a democratic struggle and the establishment of mass
organisations is necessary. Next to the associations and unions there
are organisations in many fields which, although they are not
officially registered as an association, are nevertheless legal and
legitimate. The People's Council is such and open, legal and
legitimate organisation.  

It may be forbidden to rally on Kizilay, the central square in Ankara,
but the square has been occupied by workers many times. And it is not
legal to gather signatures for a petition. But the people's struggle
has broken through these restrictions, these laws only exist on paper
now.  

When a child was run over by a car because there was no crossing over,
many people blocked the traffic, spontaneously protesting without any
permission, and they demanded those who were responsible to be held
accountable. According to the law, this was forbidden as well. But
thousands of people showed no fear to break this law, and nobody was
able to do anything against it.  

Day by day, the television news shows how thousands of workers take to
the streets, despite the laws. It may not be legal, but it is
justified and legitimate. They are attacked by the police again and
again, but this does not prevent them from taking to streets again.  

And there are many more examples... 

It's the knowledge about the legitimacy of such activities which moves
the people to break the law. All activities in which we are right,
which we deem just, which are honourable and dignified, are thus
legitimate. And that's why the People's Councils are legitimate,
because they possess these characteristics. 

16. What relations do the People's Councils have to other mass
    organisations? 

Besides the People's Councils there are always other organisations,
and there will always be.  

Especially the workers and civil servants are almost all organised in
unions, organised according to neighbourhoods and religious
creeds. And there are associations of the small merchants, sporting
clubs and cultural associations. These mass organisations were
established despite political differences, because people still had
lot in common. Temporary associations are set up in the workers'
neighbourhoods to deal with actual items, for instance the election of
a mayor and the administration. These are mass organisations.  

But a lot of these mass organisations are not pursuing the goals they
pretend to. Some organisations are even only set up for self gain.  

The People's Councils do not reject the existing organisations (except
the latter ones). They are not useless, because they all have their
tasks in specific areas. That's why the People's Councils co-operate
with them and all upon all their members if necessary.  

17. What happens if the People's Councils are not established? 

This question can be answered from several angles. 

Let's first look at it from the people's viewpoint. Many failed
attempts have shown that organising the people through the
associations and the professional associations can not succeed. These
institutions were not able to gain the people's trust and they were
unable to start any initiative. That's why we need, considering the
present situation in our land, the People's Councils to organise the
people in a democratic manner. 

If the People's Councils are not established, the possibilities for
the existing organisations will even get worse, they will get
estranged from the people and they will only carry the people in their
name. Fear and mistrust will continue to prevent mass
participation. The powers that be will be able to split the people in
different nationalities and religious creeds. Fights and racism will
paralyse the organising of the people, and those who still find each
other will be separated by state terror. In the end the masses will
only be occupied with the daily worries to survive and the oppression
will go on.  

Even when some people will react to the situation, the problems in the
neighbourhoods and in the rest of the country will continue. And as
the government crisis deepens, the situation for the people
deteriorates, although the pain will hardly be tolerable. The price of
bread will rise day by day, hundreds or even thousands of people will
loose their job, day in, day out. The violence by the police and the
military will multiply. Our customs and morals will degenerate, and
the people will get further estranged from their traditions. Everybody
will be preoccupied with saving themselves, and solidarity between
people will be destroyed. The politicians of the system parties will
deceive the people and lie to them as usual, so people will continue
to expect the solution from others and they will not take matter into
their own hands.  

>From the viewpoint of the revolutionaries, there will be the problem
that the supporters of the organisations will be apart of the
people. They will speak on behalf of the people, but the people will
not participate in the activities in large numbers. They will
participate in some actions, but withdraw again afterwards. Some
associations and trade groups have already separated themselves from
the people, and some of them can not even lead their own members. It
often happens that the people do not understand the fight for the
leadership and then withdraw.  

If the People's Councils are not established, the revolutionaries will
not be able to use the people's anger. People who distanced themselves
from the system will return to it. This will enable the politicians to
continue their lies to the people.  

Their will be difficulties with the establishment and expansion of the
mass organisations, but when the people, the bearer of the revolution,
gets away form the influence of the system and finds the solution with
itself, then this will have an effect on the revolutionary struggle as
well. The people will see the necessity of the revolution and carry it
on their shoulders. It will join the struggle with its potential and
its creativity. Without the People's Councils, the revolutionary
process will remain more limited and more painful.  

On the other hand the People's Councils will be a base for
revolutionaries to take root in the people and to strengthen
themselves with the values and the power of the people. Without the
People's Councils, the estrangement will increase. 

18. What's the difference between the People's Councils and the
    revolutionary organisations? 

A revolutionary organisation possesses a ideological program, a

certain idea about the revolution and a centralist inner structure. It
does not limit its program and struggle to individual, concrete areas
and issues, it has the goal the take over political power in stead.  

A revolutionary organisation strives to direct all unions, People's
Councils, associations, legal, illegal, political and military
organisations to the revolutionary goal, transforming them into one
movement.  

The People's Councils are different from the revolutionary
organisations which are based on revolutionary unity. In the People's
Councils, people with different political views meet to form a
democratic organisation. A People's Councils includes socialists,
revolutionaries, patriots, democrats and even supporters of right-wing
system parties. In it there is room for people with different
political thoughts and attitudes and also for non-political people as
well, there is room for all who want to take part in solving concrete
problems for the benefit of the people, because this is conform the
nature of mass organising. 

The goals and the struggle of the councils is at first instance
limited, their political statements will be characterised by
economical and democratic demands. It is not their aim to take over
political power. Together with the number of issues a People's Council
works on, its influence will increase. The expansion of its political
framework and its development to the lower organs in the revolutionary
struggle is a question of time and leadership.  

19. Are the People's Councils connected to a political organisation? 

No. 

The People's Councils constitute a organisational form on their own
and are thus not connected to  a political organisation. Of course
revolutionaries, democrats and patriots who live in its area should
participate in the Council's work and present their proposals and
political views. These people have been leading the revolutionary
struggle in our country for decades, they have made a lot of
experiences in the economical and democratic struggles of the workers,
civil servants and the inhabitants of the Gececondus and they should
bring in these experiences to the councils. But the decisions are
taken by the members and delegates after discussing the different
proposals and ideas.  

The People's Councils are open to all segments of the population and
all members have the right to speak. A different form would
overestimate or destroy the true organising of the people. Decisions
are taken, not according to where the proposals are coming from,
decisive is whether they are judged right or wrong.  

It will not be easy to keep this characteristic of the councils. We
must remain steadfast against the demagogy of the oligarchy which will
turn against the participation of the revolutionaries in the People's
Councils. Against these attempts, we will have to defend the
legitimacy or the revolutionaries everywhere.  

20. How is a People's Council established? 

Decisive in establishing the People's Councils are our steps, our
input and our determination with which we address the people. There
will be sabotage attempts from several sides with different ideas and
intentions, and there will be setbacks. The forces in power could
possibly propagate that they are going the solve the problems of the
people in case they do not take part in the council. They could claim
the People's Councils are connected to a revolutionary
organisation. They could try to destroy the organising of the people
ideologically and physically. Despite these attempts we have to be
patient, we must go on to convince the people of the truth and we must
teach them to take matters into their own hands.  

When we have achieved that, the question remains how we have to shape
the founding process. This can differ. 

In the neighbourhoods where the founding of a council is on the
agenda, there is already a history of struggle. People already know
each other. The first step to establish a council could be a meeting
of the people who took part in the struggle in the area before, people
who want to get organised and who understood the necessity of the
councils.  

It's very important that these people plan how the council is going to
be set up and what its goals are. They establish what institutions,
political groups and persons should be addressed and who is going to
address them. The founders first establish the different views about
the council, and then they call for a big meeting. The number of
participants will gradually increase with future meetings.  

> From a certain point, dependent on the situation in the neighbourhood,
the character of the area and the qualities of the activist, work will
start. There is no fixed recipe, creative concepts have to be
developed how all people in the neighbourhood can be reached. When
this task is solved satisfactory, it will be determined which persons
are members of the council and how many member the council will
have. It is determined which issues will have priority, if and which
delegates have to be elected and according to what regulations the
organisation will work. Finally, the council will be founded and this
will be announced. 

21. What's the task of the revolutionaries in this process? 

Just as important as determination and our awareness of the necessity
to establish the People's Councils, is the development of trust in the
masses. On this basis, we must lead our work to success with patience
and resolve, without getting intimidated by egoistic power games.  

When we've understood the necessity of the work in the councils, we
can make this comprehensible to others too. We have to make serious
efforts to convince the people. Surely, many have lost their
confidence and have become weak, but this must not prevent us from
trying again. 

The members of the council must not see their work as support, they
should participate actively. Often people only offer their support,
but the people we reach should take  responsibility  themselves to
found the council and leading it to a mass organisation. We must make
clear that the people should solve their problems together.  

In the first phase, resolved work is necessary. Smaller preparatory
meetings to set the agenda are necessary so the meetings will not be
left to mere coincidence. We should take our work seriously if we are
to achieve our goals.  

We may not just tutor the people in the council, we should learn from
them too, what do they want, what do they think., with what
experiences do they approach the problems. We can accelerate the
process by taking these things up and act accordingly.  

It's very important to recognise the problems and the specifics of our
neighbourhood and the region. We must note the results of our research
and then list the priority of the problems and the qualities of the
people. However, we should be careful in classifying people, because
we must be prepared to address and welcome all.  

The work of the council may not be become bureaucratic. We should act
swiftly and with energy and self-confidence. The work in the council
will be laborious, but it will be worthwhile.  

22. Who can become member of the People's Council? 

All those who are against all forms of exploitation and who are on the
side of justice, equality and freedom, can participate in the work of
the People's Council. It's open to all who love their land and their
people, who do not serve the state cruelty, who did not commit crimes
against the people, who are honest and who do not sell out. Everybody
is welcome who wants to work for the benefit and the will of the
people and who wants to take the solution of his or her problems into
the own hands. The People's Council opens its doors to all who live in
honesty and honour.  

The possibility to participate does not depend on language, religious
creed, nationality and traditions. Such differences should not exist.


The members of the People's Council should have the wish to fight for
their rights. They have to act according to the will and the decisions
of the council. It is no hindrance if somebody has given his or her
vote to a system party on the past.  

The call to participate is addressed to the people from all classes
and segments of the population who are oppressed and exploited and
therefore dissatisfied with the system: workers, civil servants,
pupils, students, doctors, lawyers, engineers, craftsmen, housewives,
the unemployed, etcetera. People from every age and gender, religious
creed, nationality, region and city can become member of the council. 

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Mar 31 12:55:04 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 31 Mar 1997 12:55:04
Subject: Turkey: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (III)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2rj3ize.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (III)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

23. How does the People's Council take its decisions? 

There are several possibilities to decide in the People's Council.  

The first possibility is to gather all council members to decide. At
the beginning, all those who are present vote about the agenda. The
issues on the agenda should be discussed with the greatest possible
participation before the council takes a vote. A decision is taken by
a majority vote.  

When the number of members is too large, the delegates take the
decision according to the same procedure. 

These delegates should bring in the thoughts and proposals of those
they represent into the meeting. The members should know about the
meeting of the delegates and they should have the possibility to
express their will to the delegate. The delegates should go from door
to door to personally address the people. The should prepare
thoroughly for the meeting by discussions with the people and thinking
about the possible results.  

24. What is a delegate? 

A delegate represents a certain part of the people in the regions and
the neighbourhoods. He expresses the wishes and demands of the masses
in the council and takes its decisions back to the people. Of course,
he does not limit his work to the events in the council, he also
addresses the general problems in the region. He tries to understand
all the problems of the people and he tries to find possible
solutions.  

At the beginning of the work, the People's Council can take it
decisions by discussions with all members. This is not possible
anymore when the number of member multiplies. Then a system of
delegates has to be introduced.  

The form of this system depends on the area in which the council
works, and from the nature of its activities. The delegates can be
divided according to streets or parts of the neighbourhood, but other
forms are possible as well. It's decisive that the system reflects the
will of the people as good as possible. In the beginning, the People's
Councils will develop different forms in different places, but the
basic idea remains the same. 

25. What are the tasks of a delegate? 

The tasks of the delegates are: 

* establishing the proposals, wishes and demands of the represented
  members, and bringing them into the council. 

* participation in the meetings of the People's Council. 

* reporting the decisions of the council to the people as quickly as
  possible. 

* taking care that the decisions are carried out, and working for that
  in practice with all his hearth. 

* delegating tasks and responsibilities to people who recognise the
  council but who are not members, so  as to move them to co-operate. 

The delegates must strive for it that council's works remains vivid
and that the council carries out many activities. It's important that
the council covers many areas.  

The delegates should be in concordance with the people they represent,
so the system of delegates does not decay to another form of
bureaucracy. In case not all members can join the meeting, they should
meet with their constituency before or after the meeting to exchange
information. Otherwise there is a risk that the members get estranged
from the People's Council and drift away. 

26. What qualities do the delegates have and how are they chosen?  

The delegates will be people who are honest and considerate and who
have the trust of the people. They must be sensitive to the problems
of the people and prepared to fight for their solution. 

The delegates should be representative personalities, able to
represent the masses. They must have shown themselves worthy through
their morals, their way of life, their relations in the neighbourhood,
and their dedication for the interests of the people.  

Delegates are not nominated, they will be appointed by the members of
the People's Council. Delegates for a People's Council in a working
area can be elected by the inhabitants of the several streets, for
instance. The members should discuss the candidates and then vote who
is sent to the council. If possible, those should be elected who
really do the work and who have understood the necessity of the
People's Councils. The People's Council may in no way develop
bureaucratic mechanisms because it differs from the institutions of
the powers that be because of its vividness.  

Special forms of participation can be arranged for cultural, sporting
and other associations who are active in the area of the People's
Council and who want to participate. Furthermore, a special
contingency should be reserved for the families of the martyrs and the
prisoners. The youth too can sent a representation to the council.  

 
27. Can associations participate in the People's Council? 
 
Yes. 
 
The associations, established on the basis of religion or regional
descent, the sporting associations, the cultural associations and the
associations of the small merchants all move certain segments of the
population. Obviously, this is of great advantage to the formation of
the councils.  

These institutions will bring in many problems and demands from
different areas in the neighbourhood. The mutual support and the broad
participation will strengthen the collective activities and they will
enrich the work of the council. It's self-evident that the council
will receive the other institutions with open arms.  

Part of the members of other institutions will become members of the
council, and the council will find solutions for their problems. Of
course they will continue their former activities after the
establishment of the council. Most important is that all institutions
which participate in the People's Council are aware of the existing
problems and needs. 

28. Does the People's Council need a board? 

The People's Council needs an organ which executes its decisions. When
all have a hand in realising the decisions, or when all leave the work
to others, one will find out that the work is not done and that the
problems will not be solved. To prevent this, on organ has to be set
up which takes these tasks upon itself.  

A board is such an organ. It executes the decisions of the People's
Council and it evaluates the results. In a situation where the council
can not be consulted, the board has to take appropriate decisions
itself, according to the emergency. It will be accountable to the
council, as for all its activities.  

The board is chosen from and by the delegates. 

Without a board, a People's Council can not work effectively. 

29. How is the board elected? 

The board will be elected directly by the council. Candidates are put
forward from which the council elects the members of the board. The
council also determines their tasks.  

It should be taken care of that the board members have sufficient time
for their work in the People's Council because it should be convened
regularly, especially in emergency situations. Because work in such an
organ with many members will become arduous, the number of members
should be between 3 and 9.  

The board members will have a hard work at their hands. That's why the
delegates should elect capable, willing and politically conscious
people for this board. 

30. What tasks will the board have? 

The board will have the following tasks: 

* realising the decisions by the council through their own work and by
  delegation to others.  

* organising the activities and evaluating the work that has been
  done.  

* supporting all people who participate in the council's work, trying
  to get others to participate. 

* co-ordination of all the work in case there are changes or problems.
  

* representing the council, the inhabitants of the region and the
  people towards other institutions.  

* convening extra-ordinary meetings in emergency situations.  

31. How are decisions made by the board? 

Yes, the board can take decisions. 

The People's Council is the highest decision making organ in the
area. The board executes the council's decisions, according to the
regulations. It only takes decisions on its own in extra-ordinary
situations, determined by the council. These are cases in which
immediate initiative is needed, such as accidents or fascist attacks.


The board can only decide in the name of the People's Council, because
it is not superior to it, it is intertwined with it. It has to account
for its decisions to the council. If it has taken a decision on
itself, it has to report to the council as soon as possible and
account for it. 

32. Does the People's Council needs subordinated organs? 

The People's Council needs subordinated organs. These will be set up
according to the development and the needs of the struggle to carry
out activities within the structure of the council on special
themes. Among others, there could for instance be a women's'
committee, a cultural committee, a media committee, a small merchants
committee, a sporting committee or a technical committee. Committees
could serve to defend the legitimate interests of the people in case
the lives and the property of the people are threatened or when the
people is to be silenced by oppression.  

They can take on important roles in developing the culture of the
people, in saving the youth from a degenerate way of life, in the
defence against attacks or in educating the people, thus contributing
to the foundation and institutionalising of the People's Council.  

There can also bee temporary committees, for example for the
improvement of the water supply or for organising a concert.  

The committees broaden the range of the people's council, thus
enlarging its significance. The council's members, who take the
initiatives in the committees and who take responsibility, will make
experiences and learn that they can lead themselves. 

33. How can the People's Councils defend the people against attacks? 

We are confronted with a state which has waging war against the people
to its task. Fascist gangs and the Mafia are attacking the
people. When we demand our democratic rights against these attacks, we
are confronted with their truncheons and guns, and they destroy our
lives and our property. Will our people freeze in fear and just watch
silently? Only a people which is not organised has no hope. The
people, organised in the People's Councils, have found a solution and
they will produce the means to defend the people. 

The People's Councils organise the justified defence of the people
against the forces  which attack them and oppress them in the
neighbourhoods. The working areas are almost besieged by the
police. On top of it, there are the fascists of the "Grey Wolves" who
want to silence the activities of the people. And then there are the
different Mafia gangs which constitute a danger to the people. 

Organising is necessary for us to be able to defend ourselves against
these attacks. The councils will  find out the whereabouts of the
fascist associations, the collaborators and the traitors, they will
isolate them and dispel them from the neighbourhood. This is justified
organising to defend the people. The resistance in Gazi against the
attacks and the massacre or an unforgettable example. The people in
the People's Councils should think about defence of their regions and
discuss how the people can be enabled to defend itself
effectively. When this is not done, the people can easily be scared.

Of course, the organs of the People's Council can not wage the fight
against oppression alone. They rather organise the reactions of the
masses in their own area and they direct the people's anger against
the attacks.  

34. How are the decisions of the People's Council and its committees
    put into practice? 

All members of the People's Council and the committees bear
responsibility for realising the decisions. The responsibility of the
delegates and the board members is even bigger, they must be even more
willing to sacrifice. 

Two important principles in realising the council's and the board's
decisions are collectivism and discipline. The activities should be
carried out with the broadest possible participation of the members,
and it may not happen that decisions are not carried out because of
indecisiveness.  

Those in the organs who bear functions should delegate tasks to the
masses and keep an eye on the realisation from the beginning to the
end. They should help the people when they have difficulties with
their work. Only in this manner will the masses be further educated
for the struggle, and new members for the council's organs will arise.


For example, when the council decided to organise a manifestation,
tasks come up like making banners, posters, advertisements and
entrance tickets. Many people should be involved in these tasks. The
committee, set up for arranging the manifestation, co-ordinates the
entire organising  and delegates small tasks to many people. Only then
is a successful implementation of decisions possible.  

To ensure a disciplined implementation of the decisions, the People's
Council appoints an executive organ which divides the work and
controls it. A conduct which does not coincide with the decision at
all, can not be tolerated. For example, when a demonstration is
organised with banners and slogans, there should be no slogans and no
conduct which is contrary to the decisions. It should be custom to
follow the will of the People's Council so every action can go
according to the plan.  

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  Mon Mar 31 12:56:53 1997
From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl)
Date: 31 Mar 1997 12:56:53
Subject: Turkey: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (III)
References: <bac1c849.m3n2rj3ize.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3lo733ix0.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject: Turkey: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (IV)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <ozgurluk at xs4all.nl>

35. Should all members follow the decisions of the People's Council
    and its organs?  

All members of the People's Council should follow the decision of the
meeting, even if they voted against it.  

Those who participate in the People's Council should follow its
decisions. When somebody has a different view about a decision and
then refuses to carry it out, he in fact rejects the People's Council
as a whole. It's therefore impossible to sometimes follow the
decisions, and sometimes not. This would be contrary to the will of
the people and harm them. 

All members with a different opinion than the majority should
nonetheless work seriously for the realisation of a decision. During
the discussions, everybody has the right to make proposals and to
defend them freely, but when a final decision is made, this should be
followed. Those who do not, who in stead try to defer it, violate the
decision, show an individualistic attitude, acts undisciplined and
show disdain for the People's Council. Such an attitude is
unacceptable, because the authority of the parliament is harmed when
its decisions are trampled upon. 

36. How should the members of organisations behave in case the
    decisions do not fit their ideology? 

It should always be clear that no institution or organisation can
dictate a decision to the people's parliament, under no
circumstances. A political or other organisation can present its
proposals to the People's Council, but they can not force decisions,
because the members will discuss all proposals, they will evaluate
them  and then take an independent decision, on their own.  

Also members or sympathisers of organisations which do not agree with
a council's decision should respect and honour  this decision. They
are a conscious part of the population and see the necessity of mass
organisation. Especially they should show great discipline and direct
their thoughts on preserving, establishing and developing the
organisation. That's why they should accept the will of the people.  

If an idea won ground which is contrary to the ideas of a political
organisation, this organisation should explain the eventual problems
to the people. If all who do not agree with a decision carry out their
own policy because their ideas were not accepted, the People's Council
would not be able to work. The organisations should address the
emerging problems on a long term and intend to educate the masses
further.  

In exceptional cases the People's Council could take decisions in the
progressing struggle of the people which in fact serve the
contra-revolution, thus endangering its own foundation. In these rare
situations, all people's forces have the right to act contrary to
these decisions. However, one may not forget to find out the reason
for this false decision. 

Such an exception will however hardly occur when appropriate and
persistent mass work has been carried out before and when the
revolutionaries are really rooted in the neighbourhood and the
masses. False decisions can only be prevented by passing on the right
ideas to the masses.  

37. What's the use when the People's Council learn to govern
    themselves? 

Confrontation is the best school for the people. The masses learn best
when they make their own experiences.  

When the working masses see the resistance or participate in it, they
learn what brings political success and how to achieve it. Depending
on how the People's Councils and their committees work together, the
people will become conscious of its political power. People will learn
how to rule themselves by discussing their problems, working at
solutions, engaging in active resistance and achieving (limited)
success. They will see that they do not need politicians, nor the
bourgeois parliament, for their self-organising. 

It is essential for self-rule that the millions of value creating
people believe in their self-determination capability, showing this by
turning away from the bourgeois politicians and institutions, the
parliaments, courts, regional administrations, bureaucrats like the
governors and councillors, thus demonstrating their independence. An
act of standing up, replacing the bourgeois culture of authority by
the own authority.  

This is the essence we have to grasp.  

When this is not realised, we can not speak about self-determination
in this country, now exploited and oppressed by a fascist regime, a
country where the people have no rights. But when the People's
Councils learn - through practice and their own experiences - to rule
themselves, confidence in the own capacities will grow. 

38. What problems could occur in the development phase of the People's
    Councils? 

There are answers to this questions on several levels: 

A. Problems, caused by the people's enemies 

The present system wants to prevent that the people stand up for their
own interests, solving their own problems. They will try to paralyse
the People's Councils, putting it out of order. 

This is all obvious. The system will try to estrange the people from
the People's Councils by using the mass media, provocateurs and
fascist organisations. They will attempt to discredit the
councils. The people's enemies will use every conceivable method of
terror and demagogy to achieve this. Although their tactics might
change, their goal remains the same. 

They will claim that underground organisations lead the People's
Councils, that they just want to instrumentalise the people, that they
only consists of Alevites or other groups. That's why openness and
determination of the People's Councils are important. It must be
clearly said how the situation is like, what we want and what we
propose. Determination and frankness are the most important means
against the doubts and fears of the value creating people, caused by
the lies of the present system. 

B. Problems, stemming from the people themselves 

To begin with, the division of tasks could be to naive, to
perfectionist, premature or to slow.  

The People's Councils are meant to be lasting institutions. That's why
they should not be set up in haste, they would be limited to a small
circle and possible dissolve again after a few meetings. During the
initial phase, a lot of attention should be paid to addressing the
broad masses, contacting suitable local institutions and organisations
and carrying out joint activities.  

We must not waste time and we have to accelerate our work. 

On the other hand, we should not be tempted to fall into naivety and
easy-going, into a superficial way of work and harmful small
group-building. Like haste, we have to avoid a too perfectionist
approach which could postpone the establishment of the councils into
the far future.  

The founding phase should be quick, but careful.  

Furthermore, problems could emerge in the beginning because of
mistrust among the people. When the purpose of the People's Councils
is not yet fully understood, there could be splits. An attitude of
mistrust could also be found with persons who are already active. This
can be seen as rather natural in a sense, and we should approach such
mistrust with in a grown up manner, aimed at integration. An attitude
of determination and openness creates a necessary base of trust.  

Especially the experiences of people with the previous attitude of
rivalry of the left organisations, causing problems in joint actions,
lead to mistrust and pessimism. There will be fears that the People's
Council will also become an arena of the left organisations where they
will fight their small wars. An open style of police can take away
these fears in time. An attitude of exclusion is not appropriate in
such cases. Continued work at convincing people is needed.  

And then, it is the system which makes people into individualistic,
selfish, mistrusting, scared, lazy, pessimistic and estranged
creatures. These characteristics could lead to unnecessarily
exaggerating smaller problems and abuses, and drawing personal
problems into the council's work. 

We can not prevent such problems, but we should act in a constructive
and balanced manner in such situations. Even more important is our
determination to solve these problems and the exemplary function of
our own way of life.  

C. Problems, stemming from the attitude of the left 

As far as the left has not turned away from a way of working which
could not be understood by the people, it still stuck in rivalry,
putting its particular group interests in front of the public
interests.  

And so situations could emerge in which the left organisations do not
contribute to a solution because they got hung in formal
controversies. We should try to be as warm-hearted as possible, but be
careful for destructive and splitting elements as well. These negative
attitudes of political organisations should get no room in the initial
phase of the People's Council.  

39. Will the People's Councils always be founded in the same way? 

No. 

Of course, the founding processes will show similarities, but there
will also be special patters, depending on: 

* the anti-fascist potential in the neighbourhood 
* the dimension of the problems and their causes 
* the social and cultural structure of the neighbourhood 
* the size of the neighbourhood 
* the activities of the reactionary and fascist forces 
* the way the people are organised 
* the specific characteristics during the initial phase 
* the experiences of the people in previous confrontations and the
  capability of organising, connected with this. 

We should not look too much to the founding of councils in other
places. We should rather take the specific characteristics and
problems of the own region as a start and try to mobilise the social
dynamics of the area, without ignoring the experiences of other
councils completely. In as far as groups of society are involved in
the founding, they determine the character of the organ, and not
different political cliques. 

40. Is the choice of the name "People's Council" important? 

Yes, we should consequently insist on this name. 

Even when there occur problems with the choice of a name, we should
stick to this one. The idea of a council indicates the necessity of
organising the broad masses and describes the essence and actual
characteristics of the desired form of organisation. Letting this
essence go means rejecting self-rule by the people. That's why all
those who agree in principle, can not speak out against this name.  

Names like this do not appear from nowhere, they say something about
the contents, the character and the way institutions work. One does
not first think about a name before plan the institution. On the
contrary, the appropriate organisation is worked out carefully first,
then a name is given. The world "people" is important because it
indicates that no group in society is excluded. But what does
"council" mean? The  word "council" describes the meeting of people's
delegates in an area who discuss certain issues, vote about them and
take care of implementing these decisions.  

People's Councils aim at organising the whole people, and this should
be reflected in the name. In these councils, the people take
responsibility for its own fate, taking back its autonomy which has
been oppressed for hundreds of years. It's obvious that the name
should be in accordance with this responsibility  and determination.  

The notion of councils is not alien to our culture traditionally and
historically. Councils can be found in many fields of society, for
instance in village life, family life, in communal administrations and
also in state politics. The people can deal less with notions like
"Platform", "Initiative" or "Co-ordination" and such names would lead
to several unclearities in the initial phase.  

41. Should the People's Councils have rules and regulations? 

Yes, they should.  

The councils represent the appropriate form of organisation of the
people. The people will meet to solve several problems, decisions will
be made and implemented. This type of organisation involves hundreds,
maybe thousands of people. Decisions have already been made which
should be accepted by all.  

The rules should be summarised in one or two pages of official
regulations, understandable for all. A certain discipline should be
maintained, so people will not act as they please and it will become
impossible to listen to each other. Permanent quarrels, lack of
discipline and direction will lead to the dissolving of the councils
in a short time. 

How could such regulations look like? 

They should address principal questions like the goals of the People's
Councils, the desired activities, the composition, the regularity of
the meetings and the way decisions are made. Furthermore,
co-ordination structures, permanent sub-committees, the implementation
of decisions and the rights and duties of the members could be
addressed as well. 

42. What kind of problems could emerge with  the activities of the
    councils? 

In a time of exploitation and oppression, we have to reckon with
several kinds of attacks, especially fascist attacks. 

There could also emerge other problems: 

a) The name of the People's Council should not be used for groups and
   activities except when this is decided by the council because this
   could harm the trustworthiness, the legitimacy and the democratic
   character of the council. 

b) There could emerge quite different problems within the council's
   work in which the "bureaucratisation" of the elected organs pose
   the biggest problem. This emerges when a lifeless, ignorant and
   spiritless form penetrates everything in stead of a lively and
   productive bond between the people and the council. This is the
   biggest problem because all the problems which were described can
   in principle be solved through a non-bureaucratic structure.  

As long as, for instance, members or delegates do not show up in the
meetings, or pass on the decisions to the people to slowly, the
council can not fulfil its basic functions and activities can not be
carried out.  

c) Another problem emerges when the delegates or committees take the
   workload of all decisions on themselves, or when they - on the
   contrary - only feel responsible for taking decisions. The
   implementation of decisions must be carried out by all members and
   delegates, with the largest possible participation of the people.  

Especially in the initial phase, the number of active people could be
scarce so the practical work comes down to few people as well. But in
case the delegates do not make any essential mistakes, this problem
should within a short time be solved by involving the population.  

Furthermore, problems could emerge because of a practice of orders and
obedience. Tasks should not be passed on by orders, they should be
passed on based on voluntariness and a common spirit. Those who have
difficulties with their tasks should be supported. If this is not
done, we risk loosing vivacity.  

d) Successful activities can lead to complacency and triumphalism. On
   the other hand, the growth of the organ and a great run on the
   council by the population can cause new problems, leading to
   resignation with the activists. In such cases, one assumes -
   erroneously - a linear progression of life and resistance. However,
   there is a long way to go, and nobody should allow to be  deceived
   by success. The work, the tasks and the discipline should be taken
   seriously. Joy and the belief in the people must always be
   maintained. 

As long as exploitation, humiliation, oppression and fascism have not
be erased in our country, resignation because of setbacks and
triumphalism because of successes make us forget reality. 

43. How can we secure the stability of the People's Council? 

The existence of the People's Councils can be secured by sincerity,
determination, solidarity and the will to fight. 

The struggle establishes trust. In struggle, the councils will earn
the trust of the broad masses and the People's Council will be
established as an institution. The council can also discuss the
problems of non-members and make suggestions. When these suggestion
are put into practice, new members can be won.  

When for some reason a seat becomes vacant in the council, new people
can take it and the people's struggle can be continued, led by the
people's parliament.  

Of course, the struggle will not follow a straight line, we will
witness difficult times and processes. But with the trust in the
people as a basic thought, all problems will be solved.  

The stability of the councils depends on how well we fulfil our
tasks. When we do not work hard enough to secure the function of the
council, to promote the participation of all members and expand the
field of work, the people will not notice that something new has
emerged. In this case, the council will not be a mass movement
institution and it will not last long. So stability depends also on
the quality of our analyses and our policy leading to the desired form
of the councils.  

44. Do the councils only address economical or political problems? 

No.  

All economic, political, social, cultural or moral problems of
ordinary life are of interest to the People's Council. This is the
organisation which addresses all problems of the people and therefore
all matters of the people are an issue for the council. The councils
can neither ignore the problems of infrastructure, nor the health
problems, the problem of prostitution, nor the worries of a prisoner's
mother. The councils are set up to deal with all these problems.  

The problems of the people have become worse, seen from a economic,
political, social, cultural and moral view.  

The infrastructure of the streets, the water and electricity supply
and the sewers, the struggle against drugs, gambling and prostitution,
the creation of playgrounds, looking for a job for an unemployed
person, kindergartens, health care, schools, funeral ceremonies for
the martyrs, the support of helpless people, the defence of the people
against the attacks of official and civic fascist forces, the people's
education and the cultural manifestations - all these are issues which
are of interest to the people, and they should thus be of interest to
the People's Council as well.  

45. Do the People's Councils only address the problems in their own
    area? 

This question should be answered with "no".  

A People's Council should be sensitive to the problems of workers,
civil servants and the youth in other areas, especially if these are
workers' areas. The council should support solutions for economical,
as well as political problems in these areas.  

For example, when in a neighbouring areas a struggle is waged against
the problems of infrastructure, this has to be supported by the
People's Council. It should not withdraw to it's own areas of interest
when in a neighbouring areas, or somewhere else in the city, workers
are murdered. The same goes for problems in the rest of the country,
because this is the country the members of the People's Council live
in.  

The system tries to split the working people in many ways. We all know
this. That's why it is a special duty for the council to unify the
people, mobilising all of them to address the problems.  

46. What does it mean, realising the "unity of the people"? Is the
    "unity of the left equal to "unity of the people"? 

Securing the unity of the people means uniting a broad segment of the
people's forces who have become aware that they are the people and
that they have to fight to solve their problems.  

The unity of the people is not equal to the unity of the left. This
would only be the case when most of the people would be organised by
the left. The unity of the left forces, organised and active in
several segments of the population, is indeed a step in the direction
of uniting the people, but when these two are set equal, those workers
are lost which do not see a place for themselves in the left
groups. Such a thought would mean a separation from the people.  

When the left does not want to set itself apart from the people, they
will have to take part in the organising of the people. As is known,
large parts of the people are not organised themselves. This is used
by several system parties, sects and groups to claim them for
themselves. In these organisations, the people denies its interests
and values by accepting directions from above. In this way, it gets
estranged from recognising its own reality. It must be unified in an
organisation of itself, based on its own interests.  

Those who reject such an organisation, is either afraid of the
self-determination of the people, or estranged from the people. All
political institutions at the side of the people should participate
in founding the People's Councils and support them. The political
organisations and the democratic institutions should be aware of not
reciting their thoughts and demands to each other, they should submit
them to the people. The councils are the place where this can be
achieved, and when a group rejects these councils, it essentially
rejects the contact with the people. It does not trust its own ideas,
or it does not care about organising the people.  

The People's Councils should organise the unity of the people,
together with the revolutionaries, democrats, patriots and other
forces which live in the area. This is the decisive point from the
beginning, because when the left are part of the people, and part of
its organisation, they will participate in the councils anyway and
present its views there. And thus the unification of the people in the
councils will be of importance to the unification of the left as well.


47. How will the discussions go between the political groups in the
    People's Council? 

It's normal that there are different views about a theme, and all of
these views could be correct in itself. All participants in the
meeting have the right to present their proposals to convince the
meeting. 

After a theme has been discussed sufficiently, a decision is
made. Discussions will go on until a decision is made, then they are
ended and all will go to work to implement the decision. If the
discussions are continued after a decision has already been made, the
council will become a "debating club". A insulted attitude of those
whose proposals have not been accepted can not be accepted and
tolerated. All have to work to implement decisions with their whole
strength.  

Later, those who have carried out the decisions can discuss the
quality of the decision, and when people are interested, the council
can address the issue once again.  

48. Should we strive for mutual relations between the People's
    Councils in the countryside  and those in the city? 

Yes.  

The People's Councils should build up mutual relations, in the end a
centralised structure will be developed in the countryside and in the
cities.  

Because our problems have one mutual cause, the system. When the
economical, political and military forces of this system unite their
strength, why should we not unite to solve these problems? By uniting,
we will become even stronger and we will gain strength to solve our
problems. The people's interests the same everywhere and the struggle,
waged by the People's Councils, should be united throughout the whole
country. 

Of course, every council has its own particular problems, but this is
no reason not to support each other. A decision of a certain region
can be supported by other councils in different ways to make a
solution easier.  

Not just the councils should maintain mutual relations, the workers,
peasants, civil servants, the youth etcetera should as well. They can
develop joint activities, for instance when there are price increases,
massacres or accidents.  

49. Can People's Councils only be founded in residential
    neighbourhoods? 

No.  

People's Councils can and should be set up everywhere where the people
live. It's possible that the workers, peasants, civil servants,
students, artists and other forces of the people set up their own
councils.  

The councils are not only  an instrument for the people in the
workers' areas, they are an instrument for all toiling people.  

Every segment of the population has the right to speak out and take
its own decisions. All segments have to defend themselves against the
economical and political oppression. All have to fight, and for this
fight organisations are needed of all those who work in the same
field. The unions and other existing organisations are not fulfilling
these needs. People's Councils which secure the interests of the
workers, peasants, civil servants and the youth are needed in every
field. 

50. Is founding the People's Councils an urgent matter? 

Yes, this is a very urgent matter.  

The people are looking for a solution for their problems. It's looking
for a leadership which it can trust and follow. But in fact the people
is looking for itself, it's looking for its own organising. It's
looking for the People's Councils. A revolutionary leadership,
teaching the people how to organise and act themselves, takes over the
leading position in this way.  

The people should get aware that they have been looking  for
themselves all this time, they should get aware that the strength they
need is inside themselves. Otherwise a handful of people's enemies and
their mouthpieces will continue to lie to the people, they will stop
the people on their way, maintaining their system of exploiting and
oppression.  

Urgent tasks are awaiting the People's Councils to solve our problems,
to act for a humane and dignified life, for our rights and freedoms,
for an alternative to the existing system, for self-determination of
our fate and our future, for the leadership of the people by the
people, for developing our own strength, for fraternity, unity and
solidarity. The People's Councils will politicise the people, they
will develop a people's movement, thus taking an important position in
the struggle. The development and expansion of the councils depends on
the activities, led by the revolutionaries.  

The people will defend the People's Councils and expand them in case
there in no mistakes made in the leadership, because they fulfil a
need.

The People's Councils must be founded urgently. We must work for this
with our whole hearth and all our efforts. A powerful and mass
struggle must break out to accelerate the founding and the expansion
of the People's Councils. 

-- 
Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk
Turkey Contra-Guerrilla-State: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/contrind/
Searchable Database: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ozgurluk/ml.html
KURTULUS HAFTALIK SIYASI GAZETE: http://www.kurtulus.com

From Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming  Mon Mar 31 13:07:17 1997
From: Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming (Pleasestartnewmessage at fromaddres-X.due.2spamming)
Date: 31 Mar 1997 13:07:17
Subject: Turky: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (1)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3ragv3j9r.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Subject:  Turky: 50 Questions about the People's Councils (1)
From: Press Agency Ozgurluk <Xozgurluk at xs4all.nl>
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50 QUESTIONS ABOUT THE PEOPLE'S COUNCILS

Haziran Publishers, Istanbul 1996 
 
 
Preface 
 
The People's Councils are now on the agenda. They were much discussed,
albeit not in a very progressive way. It was not asked what was
necessary and urgent now, theoretical and abstract aspects were
discussed instead.  

The People's Councils are now a matter of urgency, but they will have
far reaching consequences for the future. On the way they will develop
in the future, we will only have influence in practice.  

The People's Council is no longer a mere utopian proposal, it has come
to life. This institution is still very young, and participation is
limited. But experiences will be gathered. The idea will spread.  

The booklet "50 Questions about the People's Councils" explains what a
People's Council is and what purposes it should serve, without going
into theoretical and abstract questions. The brochure intends to show
how a People's Council is organised and how it gets started. The
formation process is realised by the workers in a neighbourhood and
the People's Councils themselves, according to the words of a
revolutionary genius: "Get the masses moving and let them have the
initiative..." 

The People's Councils are important for the future of our people and
its struggle. This practice and theory will spread. It will be an
enrichment for our people, for our country and for our struggle. These
Councils will teach us new things. They will give the people an even
stronger coherence against the cruel order and they will serve as a
basis for a better future.  

Let us strengthen the People's Councils to become stronger.  

"The masses are the real stronghold" 

 
1. In what kind of country are we living? 
 
This is a beautiful country. It is rich enough in products and
recourses to take care for everyone. It has rich fields and gardens
for its farmers and enough living and work space for its urban
population. In short, it could be a country worthwhile living in. But
it has been transformed into a country where it has become impossible
for the people to live.  

The policies of the powers that be have given Turkey a two-sided face:
on the one side there are the oppressors, the exploiters and criminals
who squander their profits, on the other side there are the oppressed,
struggling to make a decent living. 

The mendacious propaganda can not hide the facts, taking place for
everybody to see in Turkey. The exploitation and the cruelty are
mercilessly continued. The people have been robbed from their rights
to decide themselves, the powers that be can do whatever they want to.


The  country is ruled by the monopoly bourgeoisie, the Mafia, the
torturers, the contra-guerrilla and the village guards. It's the
Susurluk gang which rules this land.  

The truth, revealed by the accident in Susurluk, gives a small insight
in the condition the government is in. The emerging filth indicates a
state in decay.  

Turkey is a large country with  more than 70 million inhabitants. The
large majority is constituted by the oppressed workers, civil
servants, peasants and the unemployed. They have to work almost 24
hours a day to survive. Most of them can not make plans for the
future, they live day by day. They always have difficulties, what are
their families going to eat today, how will they make the end of the
month, will there be money for the school uniforms and the school
books, how will they pay the electricity bill? 

It's been denied to them to make plans for the future, they are not
allowed to dream of a better future. Their future is locked up in a
dark cell.  

But there are also people who do not have to worry about these
questions, who can live without constantly fear of how to survive. 

These people immediately take a plane to Europe or America when they
have a headache, while millions of seriously ill people are not
accepted in the hospitals because they do not have the money. 

On the one side there are people who can not find drinking water, on
the other side there are people who fill their swimming pools with it.


There are people who daily live in fear that their Gececondus are
being demolished, and there are people  who live in pompous villas.  

Next to the millions of people who have to work themselves to the
bone, who have to do two or three jobs at the same time, there are the
ones which throw dollar notes in the air at their wedding ceremonies.


Next to the millions who fight for their rights and who are therefore
oppressed, jailed, tortured and massacred, there are the Mafia bosses
like Civan, Edes and Bezmen who can roam around freely.  

This is just a short depiction of the two faces of Turkey. This
booklet does not suffice to list all the contradictions in our
country. In this land, full of contradictions, there are millions of
people who are being oppressed and humiliated and who can thus not
satisfy themselves with this order. And there are the happy few,
living in luxury and abundance, tormenting the people in collaboration
with the imperialists.  

In this order, there are the ones that eat, while the others have to
watch. To prevent unrest, the powers that be try to intimidate the
people by oppression, and they try to deceit them with lies and
demagogy. Turkey is a fascist state. 

Fascism is a form of dictatorship, it is the most bloody and most
hostile form of capitalism. For years now, the powers that be are
trying to govern the people with fascist laws. Every day brings new
agony, tears, poverty and grief for the people.  

Laws and rules are not respected in our country. Our young daughters
and sons are being murdered. The neighbourhoods, the villages,
factories and universities are being surrounded, people are beaten
down, dragged across the floor, attacked by gas grenades. Life is
constantly endangered: villages are being wiped of the map or
evacuated by force, there are disappearances, torture, extra-judicial
executions and massacres everywhere. Prostitution flourishes,
desperate people are driven into suicide, impoverished people are
dying because of hunger or lack of medical treatment. Natural
catastrophes have horrendous consequences because of inadequate
precautions. In stead of new factories, prisons are built.  

Freedom of speech and press are trampled upon. Everybody who does not
think as the powers that be and the contra-guerrilla is seen as a
traitor and oppressed.  

Education is in the hands of big capital and the imperialists who
shape it according to their benefit. The children of the people hardly
have a possibility to go through an education because of the high
costs. The government just sees potential criminals in the youth and
the students.  

The economy, depending on the imperialist countries, is falling
apart. The state deficits are out of control, the interests on foreign
debts can no longer be paid. Every new baby is born with a debt of
thousands of dollars. The industry, agriculture and cattle-breeding
are going bankrupt.  

No government, no coalition and no junta has been able to solve this
problem. No wonder, they were in power to continue the exploitation. 

The government and parties are estranged from country and
people. Government seats are given to those who can best sell out the
people and the country, to those who best order torture and
killings. That's why parliament and political parties are only into
dirty jobs, and governments are built and brought down by corruption.


Injustice can no longer be hidden. An accident like in Susurluk
suffices to bring forward the filth. 

The present and the future governments will act in the same way: they
will rage with even more cruelty to increase the exploitation. Their
policy makes living in our country unbearable.  

But we do not have to live with this filth. There is more in our
country. Despite the oppression, the exploitation and all the
cruelties, there have always been people who were willing to fight for
a dignified and human life. 

Our young and old are sacrificing themselves for the people. The
working people did not let themselves be intimidated by oppression,
they have not forgotten their rights, and they took to the
streets. The sharpening crisis and the unbending resistance of the
people make governing more difficult day by day. Soon they will no
longer be able to control the people.  

We have to change the country, so we can live in freedom and
justice. We do not have a choice. This country belongs to us.  

2. Who do the parties of the system represent? 
 
The parties of the system represent the system's interests, of
course. This system serves the monopolists, the usurping big merchants
and the large landowners who all collaborate with the
imperialists. The Sabanci's, the Koc's and TUSIAD have built this
system, and they support it with all their strength because it works
for them. 

The parties of the system, whatever their name, their program and
their slogan, are parties which defend the existing lawless and
exploitative order. Whatever their promises, the survival of the
system and the state security always have priority over the interests
and the demands of the people. This attitude leads to the oppression
of the people's struggle, it maintains injustice and it aims at
continuing the honourless and immoral system.  

ANAP, DYP, RP, DSP, CHP, MHP, BBP, DBH, YDH.... they all work for the
interests of the exploiting classes, directly or indirectly. They know
the problems of the people very well, because they caused them. But
they are not feeling the pain they cause. No board of a system party
has members from the people. The system parties only think about the
workers, the peasants and the civil servants shortly before the
elections, and after them they just continue.  

Although the system parties all have the same goal, protecting and
developing the existing order of injustice, there are also
contradictions between them, stemming from the fight for a part of the
booty. That's why they are calling each other names, while they act
against the people arm in arm. These parties are opportunistic to the
bone: what they spit out yesterday with disgust, is digested today
with great appetite.  

The parties with a democratic facade play a special role within the
system. That's why also social democratic parties like the DSP and the
CHP have nothing to do with the people and with democracy.  

When the interests of the powers that be are concerned, these parties
do not care about the tortured, the people that are being shot, the
destruction of the villages and the massacres. They are not even in a
positions to do so. They don't even speak out when one of their own
representatives is beaten up by the police. One only has to take the
state terror in Sivas, in the neighbourhood of Gazi, or MayDay in
mind, and remember the silence of these parties, to see their real
faces. They remained silent, because the existing order does not allow
any opposition.  

The demand of the Refah Party for a "Just Order" unfolded to be a big
lie when Erbakan took a seat in government. They've used the religious
feelings of the people and the dismay of their voters for the
system. It's mere hypocrisy that the Refah Party still speaks about a
"Just Order", despite the dubious financial dealings of Erbakan,
despite the confiscated gifts for Bosnia, despite the Mercumek-file
and despite the revealed entanglement in the drug trade. And it was
just as false when the Refah Party at one side attacked the forces
abroad and imperialism, even stating that America was "the great
devil", but on the other side Erbakan flew to the USA for open and
secret talks. Later they even admitted that the USA had given their
permission for the Refah Party to join the government.  

To be able to occupy their government seats, the Refah Party distanced
itself from its statement that the Customs Union was "Pact of
Servitude". While the board of the Refah Party promises to "free the
people from poverty", Erbakan spends trillions of Lira in 5-star
hotels to celebrate his daughters wedding. They claim to oppose the
policy of Israel and Zionism, but they are the ones who sign military
and economic treaties with Israel. The Refah Party tries, behind its
Muslim mask, to maintain the system. It nourishes itself, far from its
religious ideals, from the money of the imperialist countries and the
oil sheikhs. As soon as it became a government party, its mask fell. 

> From ANAP, DYP to MHP, all parties were in government in different
combinations, and it was shown that they can not solve the people's
problems. Because all parties are as parties of the system and the
capital united with the torturers, the Mafia, the usurpers and the
large landowners. The chiefs of the contra-guerrilla hold the key
positions in their hand. The connections between the representatives
of the system parties and fascist murderers like Catli cause great
harm to the people.  

In case a system party is not in power, they call upon the people to
protest. But such calls are always within the framework of the
system. The system parties are not principally against opposition
forces, because they know they can not get in government without
support of the people and the media, but they want an opposition which
is aimed against the parties which are in the government, thereby
supporting the own party. They don't want an opposition which comes
from outside the system. That's why they are prepared to collaborate
with the governing parties in case the people's opposition has to be
smashed.  

3. Whom does the parliament serve? 
 
Can the Turkish parliament (the Great National Council) possibly find
a solution for the problems of the people? We know the answer to this
question after long years of experience. 

First we have to conclude this: the parliament is on organ of puppets
without any powers. The puppets are controlled by the National
Security Council, which on its turn is influenced by the
imperialists. This parliament is superfluous because it only confirms
the instructions of the National Security Council and the
imperialists.  

The events in parliament are public and can be seen be everybody. The
agenda is dictated by debates about embezzling money and other
violations of law. All, from the boards from the parties till the
delegates, are covered with this filth. Every day we see this filth,
coming from the parliament into the open, on television and in the
papers.  

Parliament has become a place which is only visited by the delegates
to fill their pockets. Before the elections, they spent billions of
Lira for their propaganda, and after the elections they get this money
back, twofold or threefold. They get this money through corruption,
abuse of power and embezzlement. Whom they really represent, can be
seen also from the fact that they never visit their constituency. 

The fist fights, the insults and the barbecue parties in parliament
can hardly be distinguished from scenes in a pub, and the transfers of
delegates between the parties resemble the transfers between football
teams.  

One can not expect the parliament to take a wise decision or passing a
useful law. It never did. The delegates show up in full when they have
to decide about their holidays, a raise of their wages, or when they
have to extend the state of emergency period. But when it is about the
interests of the people, they keep away and that's how they show how
much they think about the people.  

This parliament is even hostile towards the pseudo-democracy. Remember
how the delegates from the DEP and the HADEP, elected by the people,
were taken in custody and put in jail.  

This parliament isn't a "National Council" at all, and the delegates
are in no way "representatives of the nation". Because all of us know
that it is not the people, it's the boards of the parties and the
bosses of the monopoly bourgeoisie who decide who is becoming a
delegate. They are no representatives of the nation, they are
representatives of the holding firms, the powerful families, the Mafia
gangs and the party leaders.  

That's why they have no ear for the nation's problems, they have only
an ear for the bosses. They do what they are told by these
people. Parliament can not find a solution for the problems of the
people. On the contrary, they share the responsibility for its needs.


4. What's your position towards parties and parliament? 
 
We are forced to live with the plundering and the corruption of the
parties. The representatives of the system organise a race to fill
their treasuries as quickly as possible before the end of their
government period. Their scandalous acts, their working behind the
backs and their lies stink to heaven, so we can't have any trust in
them. The bourgeoisie is panicking because they have to
compromise. Nevertheless, they put thieves and murderers at the top of
their parties.  

Fascists and murderers like Okkes Sendiller or Yasar Dedelek. Pseudo
exporters like Cavit Caglar, contra-guerrilla chiefs like Mehmet Agar,
Unal Erkan, Necdet Menzir or Dogan Gures, they all found a place under
the same roof to continue their hostility towards the people as
delegates and ministers.  

There is a world of difference between the lives of the delegates and
our lives. We curse them every day, in our houses, in the cafes, at
work and in the bus when they try to smooth us with their lies and
promises.  

There is hardly anyone who trusts this system, the existing parties
and the politicians. We have distanced ourselves from the parties we
once were connected to.  

But despite the mistrust and the distance to the system, we do not
really know what we have to do and where we should go to.  

We have to find the right way. When we do not become aware of our
strength and act accordingly, we will fall for the "elections" again
and we will tumble from one system part to the other.  

Whatever party we give our votes to, whether we show our indignation
about the system or not, we all feel a deep anger about the
circumstances in our country. And when we realise that our problems do
not stem form this party or the other, or from individual politicians,
then our anger grows and it is directed against the system and against
the state. 

The uprisings in Gazi and Elbistan were a result of this
development. The people of Gazi did not retreat, despite the massacres
by the state, for days they resisted the state's annihilation policy
on the streets. The people fought, ventilating their anger. And in
Elbistan the state was the target of the people, hurt in its honour.  

Despite the influence of circles which are hostile to progress,
thousands of people attacked the state institutions. Notwithstanding
the large presence of soldiers and policemen, they were not afraid to
take a stand against the power of the state. The confrontations in
Nurtepe, Okmeydani, Kirazli, Gokturk and on MayDay '96 show that the
anger against the existing order has grown and that the attitude of
the people has become more determined and courageous. One must not
forget that not all who participated in the uprisings are progressive
thinking, politically aware and already distanced from the state
people. The people learn form their experiences, they experience the
source of their pain and they direct their protest against the system,
its parties with their false promises and false hopes. It's becoming
clear to them that there is no other way left. 

5. What are the problems and their causes? 
 
Can we count all our worries? 
 
Injustice...  hunger... poverty... homelessness... no
education... threatened by illness and death because of lacking
physicians and midwives... the ban on organisations... the taking away
of the freedom of expression and the freedom of
self-determination... the forces influence of another culture, the
alienation form ourselves and our traditions... the exploitation of
the workers and the toilers... the oppression of the youngsters... the
exploitation and humiliation of women... the loss of identity of the
peoples in Turkey... the police truncheons and the cruelty of the
soldiers... torture, dungeons, fascist attacks, extra-judicial
executions and massacres... the wiping away of our villages, the
forced evacuations and the destruction of the Gececondus...  

The cause of these problems is not the torturing police commissioner,
it is not the chief slave of the bosses, not the corrupt school
director, not the greedy chief physician of the hospital. Therefore
it's short-sighted that only the "sloppy" government is responsible
for our problems. The causes must be looked for at their roots.  

The corrupt directors, torturing policemen and greedy bureaucrats
fulfil the task they were given by the state. Did it ever happen that
a person from the people, a democrat or a revolutionary were asked for
such a position? On the contrary, the state is very busy with throwing
such people out of their positions.  

At the roots of the problems we thus do not find individual persons,
we find the state. The problems result from the exploitative and
oppressive system, erected by the state against the people. 

The ruling class has to force millions of workers into poverty and
starvation to increase it wealth through capitalist
exploitation. Without cruelty against the people, which raises its
voice against injustice, poverty and disgrace, the powers that be in
this system could not hold on to their position. 

By brutal oppression, the rulers try to force us into submission. To
break our strength, they strive to divide us into Alevites and Sunni,
into Turks and Kurds, to incite us against each other.  

No matter which problem one looks at, the cause always is the
same. All our small and greater worries are a result of the system
which representatives try to protect this cruel order with their
fascists acts.  

6. Can our problems be solved within the system? 
 
As long as the exploiting and cruel order exists, there are no
feasible solutions, and our problems will continue.  

The solutions, offered to us by the system parties, lead to
nothing. Nothing will improve because of a change in personalities in
government. 

When we achieve a certain goal today with a lot of efforts, the same
problem could emerge tomorrow again because of the political and
economical developments. The fascist could take away the gained rights
again. A comprehensive solution is only possible through a
revolutionary people's council.  

This doesn't mean of course, that it is not worthwhile to fight for
our rights because there is no people's government yet, or because
they could take away our gained rights the next day again.  

It is possible to force the existing system to grant certain right
through a stubborn, patient and, if need be, open struggle. We can
solve some problems without governing power, just by developing mutual
aid and solidarity and by uniting the strength of the people.  

If we do not start to fight for our rights and freedom today, if we do
not make new experiences, we will stand still on a certain level and
we will not come closer to the struggle for building up our own
government. 

7. Do we have the strength and the capabilities to govern ourselves? 
 
Yes. 
 
When even the representatives of this order, shortly before ruins,
belief that they are strong enough to govern a people, than we can do
that as well, and much better. 

Furthermore, the people's forces will not pursue their own, individual
interests, they will pursue the interests of the entire people. 

When we think of the people, we see a picture of diversity, of great
wealth. All capabilities, all knowledge and experience are to be found
in the people, there we find the people with a purpose, people who are
determined and prepared to sacrifice. The people creates new values
and develops them. There are no difficulties for the people to govern
itself. The only hindrance is the existing order.  

The people's government is best capable to advance the economical,
technical and cultural development and to educate cadres in every
field. The decisive question is who is in government and who will take
over. The bourgeois politicians, in government for decades, humiliate
the people by saying: "We can govern best". No! It is obvious that
they can not. But we can! However, we can only proof this when we take
the government in our hands. The strength is within the people with
its millions of persons, it's not in a handful of parasites who feed
on the sweat and blood of the people.  

These millions of people are the workers in the factories, the civil
servants in the state institutions, the pupils in school and the
merchants on the market. 

They live in the neighbourhoods. And when we talk about
neighbourhoods, we do not mean the noble neighbourhoods like Etiler in
Istanbul, Cankaya in Ankara or Alsancak in Izmir. We mean the workers'
neighbourhoods, the neighbourhoods where the workers and toilers
live. 

8. What problems do the people in these neighbourhoods have? 
 
In the workers' neighbourhoods, there are people from all
segments. Workers, the unemployed, civil servants, merchants,
craftsmen, pupils, pensioners, widows, widowers, orphans, millions of
people confronted with the same problems. No matter what occupation,
what age or what gender, they all have to cope with similar problems.


These problems are manifold. Some of them, like the price increases
and police oppression can be felt everywhere in the country. Other
problems are limited to certain neighbourhoods, like for example the
bad condition of the roads, the miserable water and electricity
supply, or the destruction of the houses by the police. And then there
are the specific problems of the merchants, the housewives or the
youth in the neighbourhoods. Whether it are general of individual
problems, they have something in common: their cause. Because the
cause, that's the system.  

The problems have different priorities, according to neighbourhood and
region. In one place the water supply might be the most urgent
problem, somewhere else the destruction of the Gececondus might need
most attention. Anyway, there are a lot of problems.  

The streets can hardly be used, in winter because of the mud, in
summer because of the dust, so ambulances or fire-engines can only
reach the neighbourhood with difficulty. A lot of people, especially
children, are killed in traffic accidents because there are no
crossings over the  traffic arteries.  

The people in the Gececondus suffer from the bad access to public
transport. City busses usually don't come there, or the frequency is
so low that people have to wait for hours. And when a bus comes, it's
packed like a sardine can.  

One of the biggest problems in the poor Gececondu areas is the water
supply. In some places only dirty and unhealthy water comes from the
taps, in other places there is no water at all.  

While the neighbourhoods of the rich and the shopping centres are very
well lit, the working areas are doomed to darkness. Often the voltage
is to low, and the many electricity failures damage the electric
appliances, bought with great difficulties, so there are additional
costs for the families and the small merchants. Because of the faulty
installation of electric wires, there are many accidents.  

People have to live in desolate buildings, harmful to health. The
houses can not be heated or ventilated properly, water pours in
through the roofs, and the cold in winter causes frost damages,
sometimes leading to dangerous situations like the collapse of the
building. And then there is the worry when the city administration is
going to tear down the buildings or if the house owner is going to
throw out the tenants.  

There are great health risks in every working area. In many areas
there are open sewers and the garbage is not collected. Such
conditions cause  many diseases.  

The working people are excluded from health care because they can not
pay. In the working areas there are no or insufficient health care
institutions in which there are sometimes no doctors available. There
are thousands of cases in which people remained disabled for the rest
of their lives, or even died, as a result of relatively minor
diseases. 

The education supply is also totally inadequate. Sometimes there is no
school in the neighbourhood at all, often there is a primary school
but no secondary school or gymnasium. The children have to travel for
miles everyday to go to school. In the available schools, they are
raised very badly, they start to think egoistically and then they are
of no use, they are no joy to their parents and family anymore. These
schools are estranging them from the values of their people. The state
demands school fees from the students, money for books, for uniforms,
for sports classes and for the heating of the buildings.  

In winter, the workers have problems to heat their houses because
there is a shortage of fuel in quality as well as quantity. The people
are dependent on the merchants and the usurping business men. This
situation endangers the health, especially of the children.  

Youngsters are lured in the quagmire of drugs, prostitution and
gambling. This caused a general problem for family life.  

There are no sports facilities for the youth and the workers. The
available facilities are profit orientated and can only be looked at
by the people.  

The children have to work because the bad economical situation of
their families, and it is often very hard for youngsters to find
education or a place to work. And they only receive very low wages for
their hard labour under bad conditions.  

Millions of people are excluded from social and cultural life. Things
like theatres, cinemas and libraries are very rare in the workers'
areas, and if they are available, the poor in the area can not afford
to go there.  

People are humiliated by the state institutions, especially by the
city administration. Without bribes, nothing can be achieved there. 

It's similar with the police and the gendarmes in the workers'
areas. The police stations have become centres of cruelty, the police
extracts protection money from the merchants and the craftsmen and
they torture the people. When one needs to go to the police station
for something, one is glad to come home again without being tortured.


Fascist gangs, set up with the support of the police and the state,
exercise their terror in the working areas. These enemies of the
people open their meeting places with names like "Ulku Ocagi", "Bizim
Ocak Dergesi" or "Milli Genclik Vakfi". They threaten the small
merchants who are forced to pay protection money, they have become a
plague. At night, they roam the streets in gangs, they fire their
weapons in all directions to intimidate the people, they set fire to
the working places and the houses of the workers. These fascists act
on orders of the state.  

The people gets poorer by the day because of the economic crisis. The
people already got used to the frequent price increases of elementary
things like gas, sugar and bread.  

There are also people without relatives in these areas, disabled
people and people who need care. Some of them are even homeless. And
there are a lot more problems, general ones, as well as specific
ones. The ones we listed are just the most common, the ones that come
to mind first.  

9. Can the state solve our problems? 
 
No, it can not. 

cause the state institutions cause our problems. But the state tries
to cover this fact and the system parties even use the problems as
material for there election propaganda, as if they aren't responsible
for it themselves.  

In their propaganda, the parties pretend they achieved the rights and
successes which were in fact gained by us. And then they just don't
care anymore, they just leave everything as it is. Concepts are made,
but never realised. Services are started, offered for a month, and
closed again. It's not their real goal to solve the problems.  

The city administrations are responsible for the above mentioned
problems. But those who make propaganda with promises like offering
"people's services" to get into the city council just care about their
political career and about filling their pockets. They do not have the
time to serve the people. The small things they get done are not
conceived as a matter of duty, they see it as an expression of their
generosity. The neighbourhoods were the city council gets the least
votes are being punished by exclusion from important services.  

The animosity against the people is continued on the higher state
levels. They also just think about the benefit of the powers that be
because in all institutions of this order, it's the will of the
oppressors and exploiters that counts, not the will of the oppressed
workers.  

10. Can we find solutions ourselves? 
 
Yes.  
 
We can solve a lot of problems ourselves. Some problems can never be
solved within this system, but others can be addressed even within the
framework of the system.  

There are many examples for the latter. If the roads are bad, we can
all do something by taking a spade in our hands and repairing the road
ourselves. But we could also try to get the city administration to
act. But in all cases we depend on one thing if we want to use our
possibilities: organised co-operation. 

It's us who have to deal with all these problems. That's why we know
best which demands have to be made and what measures have to be
taken. It's not enough to know the problems, we must be able to solve
them. This can only be done by unison and fighting together. We will
have to develop the determination to fight, the determination to
win. If we help each other and fight together in solidarity, we will
get ahead step by step. 

-- 
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