Turkey: The Army, Islamism, And Imp

[kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu]

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey: The Army, Islamism, And Imperialism

(Article from 'Kurtulus' #41, August 2, 1997)

The Army, Islamism, And Imperialism

     After the accident in Susurluk, the oligarchy went through
one of its most bitter internal fights. A large part of the
population, and the revolutionaries with them, had been trying for
decades to reveal the real face of the state, risking their lives
in doing so. But these sacrifices had not been in vain because as
a result of the gathered experience, the people were able to
recognize the fascist face of the state in Susurluk, a face it had
not seen before. The suspicions of normal people were confirmed in
Susurluk. The TUSIAD (Turkish Employers and Business Association),
a collaborator of the imperialists which is playing now a
different role as usual, offers the state and numerous
institutions programs containing stabilization packages.
     There was rather a large interest in these programs of the
TUSIAD. Essentially, the TUSIAD stated quite clearly that if the
state was not going to be restored by means of new programs, the
system would be in grave danger. The imperialists forced these
views upon the TUSIAD and they have been developed according to
the character of the collaborators. The imperialists and their
collaborators established their political rule through the
established parties. Despite support by the imperialists and the
monopolies, the parties did not succeed in designing a new policy
which would even partly guarantee the stability of the state and
reduce the potential of opposition among the people's masses. So
the imperialists were forced to look for new ways. When the
existing parties do not sufficiently serve the imperialists and
fascism, new parties are founded. The parties which are no longer
of any use are discarded. Most important, the economical and
political profit of the collaborators of the imperialists is right
and the continuation of the system is guaranteed. In this sense,
anything is possible, all methods are allowed. In case Islam is of
any use, Islam will be used as well. When a junta is needed, a
junta will be put in power. If need be, artificial enemies are
depicted and the support by the left within the system is asked
for under the disguise of democracy. Old governments are brought
down with lies and deceit and new governments are formed.
     When the republic was founded, Mustafa Kemal proclaimed the
aim of achieving "the level of a man of culture" and the despotic
methods he used are still applied in another way. All the
bourgeois parties, and even renown fascist parties and generals of
the junta, tried to practice politics as apostles of democracy.
The junta of September 12 [1980], claiming to bring democracy on
the right track again, in fact aimed at liquidating the
revolutionary movement and the opposition forces for which it used
almost all Islamic structures. It was not forgotten to support
them economically and politically to integrate them into the
system. Islamic forces occupied almost all posts in the state
apparatus and the system. Religion is an important force in
Turkey. The state wanted to exploit religion to secure its future
and for the benefit of profit. The state could not use religion as
it pleased with its bureaucratic cadres. Religion as a power of
sustenance has always been under the influence of the sheikhs and
sectarian leaders. Therefore all the politicians, including
Mustafa Kemal and the army, tried to get this power into their
hands by several manoeuvres. Despite several differences, the
Islamic forces were able to rally behind the demand of the
"Sharia". The continuing support by the system parties and the
army and the discussions about religion in politics gave the
religious forces the impression that it was possible to gain power
within the system in a cunning way. They pursued this thought and
made a theory out of it in the end. This development and the
support by the state prevented a radicalization of the Islamic
movement as occurred in other countries. 
     That's why the Islamic organizations never declared the state
to be a direct target of their attacks. It is only natural that
those who do not make the state a concrete target of the struggle
are opposed to those who do attack the state directly, and that
they seek their place in a peaceful coexistence with the state.
The Islamists followed the tradition of "takiyye" (1) which they
have applied for decades and this caused them to form one front
within the system with the state and the fascists, united against
the opposition forces. The coup of September 12 was meant to
protect the system. But it became apparent that this protecting
was not going to be lasting because of the specific nature of the
oligarchy and that the crisis was becoming even worse. The
governments of the oligarchy are aware of the strength of the army
and they often felt it.
     That's why they are eager not to pursue a policy against the
army, looking for ways to establish their own power so that they
wouldn't wake up one morning being interrogated in Zincirbosan.
When they realized that the MIT (National Intelligence Agency),
traditionally subordinated to the army, could not be controlled,
the Ozal government set up an alternative secret service. The
traditional authority of the secret service, until then with the
MIT, now found its counterpart within the police force. The
massacres, provocations, and all kinds of criminal activities,
perpetrated in the past by the MIT, were now carried out by the
police. With the increase of the revolutionary war, the gendarmes
and special units were deployed more and more and the MIT
disappeared out of the picture. The revolutionary war was
spreading across the country and now the contra-guerrilla gangs
emerged. The contra-guerrilla war against the revolutionaries
increased, as did the struggle for profit. This struggle for
profit caused a struggle for power and a discussion of how to
defend the state ideologically.
     The institutions of the oligarchy, the system parties and its
politicians could not find a solution against the people's
struggle. The massacres and the violence, ostensibly carried out
to end terror, didn't work and they backfired. The system parties
couldn't even supply the beginning of a solution and the crisis
deepened. The imperialists and the monopoly bourgeoisie could not
watch idle. The TUSIAD and the MGK (National Security Council)
have openly taken over the role of the parties. To bring the
system parties under their control, as wished by the imperialists,
campaigns were launched and the solution proposals of the TUSIAD
were presented to the public. These TUSIAD programs were only the
beginning. They were to be followed. In the name of stability, the
oligarchic state mechanism had no other solution than violence to
discipline the bourgeois parties. 
     The task of the TUSIAD was taken over by the National
Security Council. Planned by the general staff and supported by
the monopoly capitalists, the public was exposed the propaganda
about a military coup and the Sharia. By creating an artificial
fear for an interim regime and the Sharia, they tried to broaden
their own front to liquidate those parties who could neither
guarantee the stability of the system, nor could be disciplined.
So many bourgeois parties, trade unions, and several so-called
left-wing groups were drawn into the front of the MGK and the
TUSIAD. Because of the active public appearance of these forces,
the fear for the Sharia and a military coup spread. While many
forces took a military coup seriously, the MGK, like a political
party, entered the arena. However, it did not carry out a military
coup, it just increased fear. And so it increased its own
strength. In this phase, neither a Sharia-led state power existed,
nor the danger of a military coup.
     These notions were brought into the discussions as a result
of the inability to guarantee stability by the system parties.
This theory was brought up by imperialism. The political failure
of the system parties and the contra-guerrilla gangs which reached
a stage where they harmed the system and could no longer defend
it, forced the imperialists to implement changes. Otherwise the
revolutionary people's movement would gain strength and the system
would even be more endangered. The Refah Party, portrayed as a
"Sharia danger", did in fact not move outside of the policy of
imperialism and the MGK. To proof itself, Refah and the DYP
carried out massacres and repression without a second thought. But
despite their efforts, the Refah Party and the DYP could not offer
a solution for the instability in the country. Aware of the fact
that its old allies had fulfilled their function, the imperialists
and their collaborators chose the way of liquidating the Refah/DYP
government. Using the Refah Party as a scapegoat, notions like the
Sharia and sectarianism were to be propagated as a danger,
nationalism was to be stimulated - based on Kemalism - and the
Sharia was to be proclaimed public enemy number 1. Thus the system
forces, including some groups, were to be united in the front of
the TUSIAD and the MGK. The DYP, and especially Tansu Ciller, were
to be linked to the contra-guerrilla gangs. The embezzlements,
carried out by all, the executions which could no longer be kept
secret, the massacres, disappearances, and other means of
oppression by the contra-guerrilla gangs were to be blamed on them
in order to keep the hands of the state clean. The imperialists
called the revolutionary struggle in Turkey terrorism and
considered every method which was applied against the
revolutionaries legitimate.
     Until now no government resisted the economic, political, and
military policy of the imperialists, all of them carried out this
policy. The Refah Party and the DYP became consequent
collaborators of the imperialists as well, but because they have
fulfilled their function, they are no longer needed. However,
there is a need for new actors who are able to reduce the
potential of opposition among the people's masses with their
"democracy games" and who are willing to continue oppression and
exploitation in the name of democracy. Despite some manoeuvres by
Refah, applying "takiyye", the MGK, as well as TUSIAD, know that
there is no threat of a "Sharia state". The real problem lies in
the fact that the oligarchy is unable, despite its willingness, to
overcome the present crisis. The place of the Refah Party could be
taken by any other party. Because of the existing dependency, the
crisis, and the ongoing war, no government is able to offer a
solution.
     This crisis will continue, and get worse, until there is a
revolution. Until then, governments will be brought down and new
ones will be formed. Despite the demagogy about democracy and the
claims to oppose the gangs, oppression, violence, and the gangs
will remain, and it will deteriorate. When the imperialists spoke
about democracy, TUSIAD and the MGK immediately began to implement
this policy. Since the Refah Party became a power in itself
because of the support by the state, the state is no longer in the
position to use religion as its tool as it pleases. As a result of
the demagogy of the Refah Party, religion was seen as a possible
road to liberation by broad masses of the poor people. Because the
people's masses cannot see through the collaborationist and
conformist face of the Refah Party, they take side with Refah and
other Islamic fronts on the basis of religious motives, containing
notions like justice, rights, and resistance against cruelty. This
is one of the contradictions between the state and Refah. 
     The state crisis has reached such a dimension that the state
can't even uphold its status quo. Exactly at this point the
essential task of the imperialists and their collaborators comes
into place. Based on Kemalism, Islam, and Europeanization, the
popular masses are channeled. This program, proposed by TUSIAD,
propagates imperialist democracy. The task force of the MGK,
oriented to the West, constitutes a direct message to the
imperialists. And they do not behave unfavorably towards the
TUSIAD program. Although there were initial reactions against the
proposal of TUSIAD to abolish the MGK, the MGK itself pursued the
policy of the imperialists after the imperialists intervened. In
this way the MGK became the main institution considering the
demands for Kemalism, human rights, against embezzlements and
against the gangs, and for the solving of many other problems. And
many forces who had championed these demands became the unarmed
accomplices of the MGK. Defending the thesis that there will be no
military coup in Turkey anymore would surely be false. In a
country which is constantly in a state of crisis, there is always
the danger of a military coup. However, the fact remains:
without the support of the imperialists, nobody would dare to carry
out a military coup. Imperialism has many other alternatives at
its disposal. In the history of the Turkish Republic, the
political parties have always been relatively powerless. The army
and the bourgeoisie were always considered to be the decisive
powers. In the past, a military coup was always seen as a solution
for a crisis, a crisis which is now culminating. 
     The chain of military coups till now has made coups an
ineffective tool. This forced the imperialists to look out for
other possibilities. This is the reason why the MGK started to act
like a political party, without carrying out a military coup. In
place of the army, institutions like the trade unions were used.
They will create the conditions for a coup when they are convinced
that such a coup would bring a solution. The political call of
some left groups and trade unions against a military coup are also
conforming to the policy of the imperialists and TUSIAD. Without
doubt, the "Sharia threat" is nothing more than a planned,
artificial phenomenon. It is known also that the imperialists and
TUSIAD favor a pseudo-democracy, not a military coup. The notion
of a coup was raised by the MGK to unite the forces against the
Sharia. Under this slogan, the left forces were conscribed as
reserve forces of the MGK. The MGK caused the fall of the Refah
party and it put the new ANAP-led government in its place. It's
public knowledge that this government will do nothing for the
people, that it will continue to implement the decisions of the
MGK, and that it will continue the exploitation and cruelties; they
will in fact get worse. Those who gathered around notions like the
Sharia and a coup are accessories to the Mesut Yilmaz government.
Nowadays the supporters of a Sharia state propagate
anti-system slogans, even slogans which are adopted from the
revolutionaries, and they organize the poor segments of the
population.
     Of course, the revolutionaries wage a struggle against the
governments who hide exploitation and oppression behind the mask
of the "Sharia state". But the fundamentalists are not in power,
in organizing the masses they claim to oppose the system, but in
reality they move within the boundaries of this system. It is not
dangerous for the revolutionaries when the fundamentalists take
away the weapon of religion from the state. It is advantageous for
the people when the weapons, abused by the state against the
people, are taken away from the state. In this, it is not
important whether they are loyal to the system or whether they
oppose it. The only thing important is that all those who are in
contradiction to the oligarchy are fighting against the present
state. There are several contradictions in every period of time.
These contradictions cannot all be seen as the main
contradiction.
     The present main contradiction is not the Sharia, it is
imperialism, it is TUSIAD and the MGK. The fundamentalists will
see that they will not achieve their goals with their sly
manoeuvres and their methods of resistance which are in fact loyal
to the state. They will make no progress. With the fall of the
Refah Party, discussions within Islamic circles increased. The
Refah Party will maintain its share in new elections when there
are no provocations. In this phase it will be even more difficult
for the oligarchy to get out of its crisis. The Refah Party,
striving for power, will have to adopt to the imperialist policy
because only then will they have a chance to get in power.
Otherwise it will have to continue its role in the opposition.
When they get in power, according to the conditions of the
imperialists, this will mean for Refah that its demagogy will be
exposed. It will become clear to the people that there is no
difference with the other system parties. With an electoral
victory of the Refah Party, which will lead them to power, new
cadres will emerge within the party who will start to organize and
fight without the system. We as revolutionaries must be aware that
it is not our primary task to fight against the Sharia state, we
will have to act according to our knowledge of how the state and the
Refah Party are using religion as a weapon. The discussions about
a secular state and the Sharia are just artificial debates,
instigated by the imperialists and the oligarchy to solve their
own internal contradictions and to counter the revolutionary
resistance.
     We must advocate a common struggle of all forces which oppose
fascism, imperialism, and the existing state, even when these
forces are Islamists and want a state which is governed by the
Sharia. Of course, there are no similarities between the
revolutionaries and the fundamentalists. But although they are
loyal to the system and although they collaborate with the
imperialists and the state, a large majority of the
fundamentalists speak out against imperialism, exploitation, and
cruelty. We must make an effort to hold them to their words, to
bring them on a line of struggle against the state. The masses
which are now under the influence of the fundamentalists will
eventually see the demagogy of the Islamists in case we act as
said above. Because those who are propagating against the
Europeanization and an imperialist democracy are not the left,
they are the Islamists. They have changed this war into a war
between Christianity and Islam. We will have to take away this
weapon from the fundamentalists as well. 
     We will have to expand our propaganda in the knowledge that
the history and the traditions of our peoples are not those of
imperialism, they are the history and the tradition of the peoples
of the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans, and we must act
according to the differences in nationality of the Turkish, the
Kurdish, and all other nations.

Notes:
(1) "takiyye" - method used to achieve the establishment of a
Sharia state by which such a state is disguised as a democracy,
leading to an integration within the ruling system. 

(Source: Press Agency Ozgurluk, http://www.ozgurluk.org)

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