From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Sep 13 15:16:52 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 13 Sep 1997 15:16:52
Subject: War News From Kurdistan
References: <bac1c849.Pine.NEB.3.95.960820104..@burn.ucsd.edu>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970912223..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

War News From Kurdistan

ARGK Attacks In Hakkari

     In various parts of the city of Hakkari, the People's
Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK) carried out a series of
attacks in the night of August 8/9. The targets were a radio
transmitter, the region gendarme headquarters, and an officers'
building. 3 village guards were killed in the attack on the radio
transmitter, 2 others were wounded. One police tank was blown up
by an ARGK mine on its way to Sendesta. There are no casualty
reports available at this time.
     In revenge for this ARGK attack, gendarme units opened fire
in downtown Hakkari. A total curfew was imposed on Saturday and
several people were arrested.
     Operations in the area of Semdinli, but over the border in
South Kurdistan, continued, involving 10,000 Turkish troops and
village guards from the Gerdi tribe. At least 15 soldiers were
killed in clashes, and several others were wounded. Turkish army
operations in the regions of Lice, Kulp, and Genc have continued
for about two weeks.

South Kurdistan

     Heavy fighting between the KDP and the PKK, which began
after the Turkish army's invasion of South Kurdistan, continues.
There are continual reports of heavy KDP losses at the front. The
ARGK has repeatedly called on the KDP to lay down its weapons and
surrender itself to the justice of the Kurdish people. The
balance of the last few days is 50 KDP peshmergas killed in the
regions of Zaxo, Batufa, Derkar, and Coman. (Ozgur Politika, 2.8)
     Following the fiasco of the Turkish invasion into South
Kurdistan, there are now reports of attacks directed at
civilians. Following yesterday's bombardment by the Turkish air
force on the Golan and Hinare regions, 23 villagers were killed
and 16 seriously wounded. Among these were women, children, and
elderly people. (Ozgur Politika, 3.8)

North Kurdistan

     In the regions of Dersim, Mus, Hakkari, Diyarbakir, Mardin,
Batman-Sason, and Sirnak, there has been heavy fighting between
the PKK and units of the Turkish security forces. 5 PKK
guerrillas were killed, as were 30 Turkish soldiers, 8 village
guards, and 6 special units members.
     In the Varto-Mus region, military units are searching for
satellite dishes. Stating that these dishes are being used to
view "separatist programs", specifically MED-TV, the army have
been confiscating the devices and bringing their owners in for
questioning. (Ozgur Politika, 2.8)

Agri

     The Union of Immigrants and Refugees from Iran (IFIRIC),
based in the USA, reported that in the past year the Turkish
press and army have reported the deaths of 7 PKK guerrillas, when
in reality the 7 people were Iranian opposition dissidents who
were seeking to flee the country. For days, the Turkish media
reported a victory over 7 PKK fighters. (Ozgur Politika, 7.29)

Northwest Kurdistan

     In the past few weeks, there has been heavy fighting in
Northwest Kurdistan. The reason for the clashes was an ARGK
attack on the Turkish military in commemoration of the 13th
anniversary of the start of the armed struggle of the Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK). A total of 23 Turkish soldiers were killed,
including one officer, and 13 others wounded during clashes in
the cities of Hakkari, Diyarbakir, Batman, Van, Elazig, Semdilli,
Bingol, Erzincan, and Agri.
     A highpoint of the attacks by the ARGK was in the city of
Hakkari. Within one week, military bases in the city center, home
to around 20,000 Turkish troops, were attacked three times by the
guerrillas. No exact casualty figures are known, but hospitals in
the city were being closed to the population in order to reserve
all the beds for injured soldiers.
     The Chairman of the PKK, Abdullah Ocalan, stated on the
anniversary of August 15th: "We will continue our struggle until
the democratic national rights of the Kurdish people are
recognized and an equal, democratic coexistence among the peoples
of the region has been realized." In reference to the fight
against the KDP in South Kurdistan, Ocalan said: "If Turkey had
won the war by means of its latest invasion into South Kurdistan,
that would have been the end of the KDP as well. Because if
Turkey is able to wipe out the PKK then they will wipe out
everything else. We warn the KDP once again. They must end their
collaboration with the colonialists. Only this can save them."
(Ozgur Politika 14-16.8)

Erbil

     The attacks by ARGK guerrillas against the KDP and its bases
continued last week as well in South Kurdistan. There was
especially heavy fighting in Kasiri Sirin and Haci Umran. No
casualty figures are available yet. The Turkish air force has
continued to bombard South Kurdistan. During the raids, two KDP
bases in Rewanduz were hit, by mistake according to Turkish
officials. (Ozgur Politika, 14.8)

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from Kurdistan-Rundbrief #17/97,
26.08.1997)

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From M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de  Tue Sep  2 18:00:00 1997
From: M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de (M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de)
Date: 02 Sep 1997 18:00:00
Subject: Members of the European Peace Train are Barred from Entering Diyarba
Message-ID: <6dADXxco9GB@xp-03210.info-ist.co>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii

## Nachricht zur Information/Dokumentation weitergeleitet
## Orig.-Abs. : akin at kurdish.org (akin)


We received the following Press Release from Appell von Hannover.
We thought you sould get a copy of it.

As always, we thank you for your interest in the Kurds.

AKIN

APPELL VON HANNOVER
Postfach 35
61445 Oberursel

tel:  011 49 61 71-98 13 48
fax:  011 49 61 71-98 13 34

PRESS RELEASE
SEPTEMBER 1, 1997


MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PEACE TRAIN "MUSA ANTER"
ARE BARRED FROM ENTERING DIYARBAKIR

60.000 gather in Kadikoy/Istanbul for a peace rally
57 coaches depart from Istanbul to Diyarbakir
Hundreds detained, including 15 leading HADEP and trade union  
officialsDiyarbakir is under siege
A gendarmerie station set up in Diyarbakir Airport

On August 31, at 19.30 about 3,000 people including 200 delegates from  
13European countries and peace activists from the Kurdish and  
Turkishcommunities arrived in Ankara in 57 coaches from Istanbul.  The  
convoywas met by 3,000 people and 3 more coaches joined the peace  
convoy fromAnkara.

70 coaches traveling from Adana, 30 coaches from Mersin were sent back  
bysecurity forces.  News has reached us that people who joined the  
rallyand wanted to participate in the coaches in Adana were threatened  
withmassacre.

The seven coaches carrying the European delegates were stopped  
bysecurity forces in Birecik where delegation met by 3,000 people.   
Afterdirect telephone link with one of the coaches one of the  
delegates hasreported that Turkish security forces had taken down all  
banners and hadburnt them.  Also the material on busses were  
confiscated.

The city of Diyarbakir is under a complete siege.  According to  
Turkishnews-TV channel, NTV, a temporary gendarmerie station has been  
set up atDiyarbakir Airport.  Constant ID controls are being carried  
out andpeople who want to participate in today's rally in Diyarbakir  
are beingset back either to Istanbul or Ankara.  Yesterday (31 August  
1997) wife,daughter and son-in-law of Musa Anter, Dr. Haluk Gerger, ex- 
DEP MPs SirriSakik and Sedat Yurttas, Dr. Kemal Parlak, seven members  
of Italiandelegation were forced back into flights and sent back to  
Istanbul.  Dr.Haluk Gerger confirmed last night that there will be a  
press conferencetoday at 12 midday (local time) in Istanbul.

Today a German MP, Lord Rea from UK, Norwegian MP Erling Folkvord  
andfive other European delegates were turned back from Diyarbakir  
Airport.

At the same time Diyarbakir Police Directorate has distributed a  
leafletin four different languages declaring that "Permission has not  
been givenby our governor for any demonstration or rally.  Any rally  
ordemonstration which is held will constitute an offense according to  
ourlaws.  The laws of the Turkish Republic will be applied to any  
person whoparticipates..."

HADEP's leading officials and various Trade Union leaders are being  
heldin detention since yesterday.  Dozens of incidents of detentions  
arecontinuously being reported from cities of Istanbul, Van, Adana,  
Mersin.

We call on the Turkish government to stop all attempts to hinder  
thepeace convoy and allow them to enter Diyarbakir.  We call on  
allconcerned governments and institutions in the world and Turkey to  
takedetermined action against these threats.
The  September 1st peace rally committee and the European delegates  
alsoreported that tens of thousands of Kurdish people have already  
reachedDiyarbakir and that they are determined to go ahead with the  
rally.



----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public  
serviceto foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship



From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Sep  4 07:50:00 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 04 Sep 1997 07:50:00
Subject: [NYT] In Turkey, Press Restrictions Are Called Matter of Security
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3rab5kv89.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Date: Mon, 1 Sep 1997 11:56:19 -0700 (PDT)
Message-Id: <199709011856.LAA08787 at igc6.igc.org>
From: Tom Burghardt <tburghardt at igc.apc.org>
To: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl
Subject: [NYT] In Turkey, Press Restrictions Are Called Matter of Security

          http://www.nytimes.com/yr/mo/day/news/world/
 
                              -----
_________________________________________________________________
 
   IN TURKEY, PRESS RESTRICTIONS ARE CALLED MATTER OF SECURITY
_________________________________________________________________
 
     The New York Times      
     September 1, 1997
 
     By STEPHEN KINZER
 
 
     ISTANBUL, Turkey -- In a sunlit office near the Bosporus
shore, Erol Canozkan spends his days reading newspapers in search
of terrorist propaganda.
     
     Canozkan is a government prosecutor assigned to help enforce
Turkey's press laws. Many critics here and abroad say the laws
limit free speech and penalize writers who speak frankly about
social and political problems. But Canozkan is proud to be on the
front line of what he calls a war against subversives who seek to
destroy Turkey.
     
     "We have special laws here because a war is being fought in
this country," he said, referring to the 13-year-old conflict
between the army and separatist Kurdish guerrillas. "As part of
their strategy, the terrorists have set up all kinds of little
newspapers that openly advocate the violent destruction of
Turkey. The people who write for these papers are not real
journalists, but spokesmen for terrorist groups."
     
     When Canozkan finds an article that he deems an incitement
to violence or that he thinks insults the security forces or the
memory of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, founder of the Turkish Republic,
he puts it in a pink folder with the offending passages
underlined. Then he forwards it to his superiors for possible
prosecution.
     
     "I get a very good feeling doing this work," he said. "I'm
defending the Turkish nation and its unity. My only regret is
that we have not been able to explain to our friends in the West
why it is so urgent that we do this."
     
     Although there is no prior censorship in Turkey, laws that
restrict press freedom are considerably tighter than those in the
United States and most Western countries. Foreign governments and
international press organizations have condemned the laws, saying
they are used to suppress not only libel of state institutions
but also legitimate criticism.
     
     It is difficult to ascertain how many Turkish journalists
are currently in prison for actions that would be considered
legal in most Western countries. The Publishers' Association of
Turkey estimates the number at more than 100. The New York-based
Committee to Protect Journalists, which sent a delegation here in
July to urge loosening of press laws, said there were 78 before
the release of six this month.
     
     "We want to save Turkey from the shame of being a country
where writers and intellectuals suffer in prisons," Sezer Duru,
chairman of the writers' organization PEN-Turkey, said in a
recent speech. "Our greatest wish is to live in a modern,
civilized, democratic and peaceful environment."
     
     The two-month-old government of Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz
has pledged to take steps toward greater press freedom; past
governments also made such promises and failed to keep them.
Powerful political forces, among them the military, insist that
restrictive press laws are necessary to fight subversion.
     
     "We are not going to allow debates in which the Turkish flag
is called 'a piece of cloth,' the national anthem is called 'a
piece of music,' and the Turkish Republic's founder and leader,
Kemal Ataturk, is exposed to humiliation," Adm. Guven Erkaya,
commander of the Turkish navy, recently told the Istanbul
newspaper Milliyet. "Debates like these aim to create a vacuum
which would be exploited by those who wish to replace the current
regime with an outdated model."
     
     This month, the Turkish Parliament passed an amnesty that
resulted in the release of six editors who had been jailed for
permitting the publication of illegal articles. Conditions of the
amnesty were very narrow; the laws under which the editors had
been imprisoned were not changed. The six warned that they would
be sent back to prison if they wrote or published more articles
deemed illegal.
     
     Asked a few days after his release why he thought Turkish
governments had been so reluctant to allow broader press freedom,
one of the editors, Ocak Isik Yurtcu, who spent more than three
years in prison, smiled wanly and replied: "I can't really say.
Please understand that I'm on probation. You know what that
means."
 
     One of the most relentless challengers to Turkey's press
laws is a publisher named Ayse Nur Zarakolu. She opened the Belge
International Publishing House in 1976 and now operates it from a
cluttered basement in downtown Istanbul. She describes her
mission as challenging taboos, and she has done that as
relentlessly as anyone in this country.
     
     In the last few years, Ms. Zarakolu has published books that
denounce the government's war against Kurdish guerrillas, accuse
the security forces of involvement with death squads and document
mass killings of Armenians in the early years of the century. She
has served four prison terms since 1982 and was most recently
convicted for publishing a human rights report that quoted an
unnamed diplomat describing some Turkish soldiers as "thugs."
     
     Twenty-two cases are currently pending against Ms. Zarakolu,
but she shows no sign of weakening. After her most recent
conviction, she vowed to continue her work even if it meant more
prison time.
     
     "If we are going to have real democracy in Turkey," she
said, "we have to break away from the official ideology . As long
as people cannot express their identities and their views, they
are not really free."
     
     Some Turks, including Oktay Eksi, president of the Press
Council, an independent group that works closely with the
government, assert that the figures on imprisoned journalists
given by the Publishers' Association of Turkey and the Committee
to Protect Journalists are too high.
     
     "We have looked at every case," Eksi said in an interview,
"and after eliminating journalists who were convicted of crimes
like rape and fraud, and those who directly advocated terror or
violence, we came up with 24 who were truly imprisoned for simply
expressing peaceful beliefs. With the recent releases, we now
count 18. I am not going to tell you that 18 is not a big number.
One is too many. But it's important to give a true picture."
     
     Like many Turkish journalists, Eksi was not very excited by
the recent release of six jailed editors.
     
     "Of course it's a first step," he said, "but it's not
enough. It was done under pressure, and the goal was only to
create some good will, not to change the situation in any serious
way. We are still at the beginning stage."
 
     Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
 
     +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+
     +:        A N T I F A   I N F O - B U L L E T I N        :+
     +:          NEWS * ANALYSIS * RESEARCH * ACTION          :+
     +:     RESISTING FASCISM    *  BY ALL MEANS NECESSARY!   :+
     +:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+:+
 
        to subscribe e-mail Tom Burghardt <tburghardt at igc.org>
 
          ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these 3 sentences in your own sig ++++
  ++++ see: http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Sep  4 09:12:36 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 04 Sep 1997 09:12:36
Subject: EU TO REVISE TURKEY REPORT
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3lo1dkrdd.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

September 04.97
   _EU TO REVISE TURKEY REPORT _
   
   The European Parliament Foreign Relations Commission has agreed to
   revise its report on Turkey prepared during the period when the
   Welfare-True Path Party coalition government was in power in Turkey.
   The report, prepared by British deputy Edward McMillan-Scott, was
   tackled during discussions at the European Parliament yesterday. The
   deputies noted that the rule of the Welfare-True Path Party coalition
   was over and that the new government was demonstrating "a very
   different approach in all issues". McMillan-Scott will now up-date the
   report in a move to reflect in it the latest developments in Turkey.
   /Milliyet/
  
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de  Thu Sep  4 18:00:00 1997
From: M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de (M.MERLIN at TBX.berlinet.de)
Date: 04 Sep 1997 18:00:00
Subject: Turkey's Web Of Covert Killers
Message-ID: <6dIDl2LZ9GB@xp-03210.info-ist.co>

Content-type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii

## Nachricht zur Information/Dokumentation weitergeleitet
## Orig.-Abs. : ats at locust.etext.org (Arm The Spirit)



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        |||   I  N  F  O  -  B  U  L  L  E  T  I  N   |||
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                              *****

||/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\||/\|| || *  
--  SPECIAL -- * -- August 07, 1997 -- * -- EDITION -- * ||
||\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/||\/||

                       * SPECIAL EDITION *
                              _____
_________________________________________________________________

                  TURKEY'S WEB OF COVERT KILLERS
_________________________________________________________________

                                *

     AFIB EDITOR'S NOTE: This "Special Edition" of Antifa-Info
     Bulletin is courtesy of CAQ - CovertAction Quarterly. For
     more than 19 years, publishers Ellen Ray, William Schaap and
     Louis Wolf have provided researchers and the activist
     community with hard-hitting, in-depth investigative
     journalism in the fields of intelligence, state terror,
     corporate crime, international fascism and of course, the
     CIA! Since its inception CAQ has refused to pull any
     punches. From exposing CIA operatives abroad in its "Naming
     Names" column (which earned the magazine Washington's
     censure and legislation making the practice a felony!) to
     blowing the lid off operations by secret U.S. "anti-
     terrorist" courts, CAQ has proven itself time and again to
     be an invaluable resource! Under Terry Allen's editorial
     stewardship CAQ has won four of the top ten "Project
     Censored" awards in 1996, including winner of the year for
     top story; no other magazine can make that claim. CAQ exists
     solely on subscriptions, no corporate deep-pockets, so
     subscribe today!

     The article below appears with the permission of CAQ. Please
     do not re-publish without permission. For re-posting
     information contact: caq at igc.org

                              -----


                               CAQ
                   * COVERT ACTION QUARTERLY *
               1500 Massachusetts Ave., NW, #732
                     Washington, D.C. 20005
                      Tel: (202) 331-9763
                      Fax: (202) 331-9751
                      E-mail: caq at igc.org
               Web: http://www.worldmedia.com/caq
                    http://mediafilter.org/caq

                    - Summer 1997, Number 61 -

                                *
_________________________________________________________________

            TURKEY: TRAPPED IN A WEB OF COVERT KILLERS
_________________________________________________________________

                        by Ertugrul Kurkcu


     ISTANBUL, TURKEY. Human rights activists and opposition
groups have argued for decades that an uninterrupted trail of
mysterious killings and extrajudicial executions leads to the
highest levels of the Turkish state. An extraordinary accident in
November 1996 provided missing links in that chain of evidence.
It also gave further proof of the continued existence of a
Turkish incarnation of Gladio -- the US-orchestrated Stay Behind
operation that placed covert groups around Europe at the end of
World War II.

     The toll of death and terror from Turkey's bitter internal
strife is horrific. In the last three decades, at least 28,000
people have died. The 5,000 casualties in the 1970s served as a
major pretext for the 1980 military takeover when the Turkish
armed forces overthrew Suleyman Demirel's conservative minority
government. Since the 1984 start of the war between the Kurdish
guerrilla PKK (Partiya Karkeran Kurdistan-Kurdistan Workers
Party) and the Turkish army, the country's human losses including
those of the government security forces, Kurdish guerrillas, and
civilians have totaled around 23,000, officials say.[1]

     This toll is not solely the result of combat in the
mountains and forests of southeast Turkey, where the PKK
guerrillas are fighting for greater autonomy. Many of the deaths
and much of the terror resulted from a broad covert program aimed
at assassination, forced exile, or imprisonment of Kurdish
nationalists -- "businessmen," intellectuals, journalists, local
politicians, and public opinion leaders -- who were suspected of
providing political or material support to the PKK.

     A lurid glimpse of this underbelly of the Turkish state
opened suddenly on November 3, 1996, when a Mercedes-Benz
overturned in a traffic accident. The driver was Huseyin Kocadag,
former Istanbul deputy police chief who was known for his part in
organizing the first special counterinsurgency police teams in
southeast Turkey. Their goal was to bring the war to the Kurdish
guerrillas. Also killed was Gonca Us, a former beauty queen with
links to organized crime. Sedat Bucak, a pro-government Kurdish
village guard chieftain and right-wing DYP (True Path Party)
parliamentarian, was seriously injured. Bucak is reportedly in
charge of 2,000 Kurdish mercenaries, armed and paid by the
government to fight Kurdish guerrillas.

     But what raised eyebrows was the seemingly incongruous
presence of another passenger -- one Abdullah Catli -- riding
with the top police and government officials. Police had
supposedly been hunting Catli, a convicted international drug
smuggler since 1978, for his part in the killing of scores of
left-wing activists. At that time, Catli had been head of the
"Gray Wolves," the youth arm of the neo-fascist MHP (National
Action Party). The presence of the bizarre group in the same car
was the most graphic evidence so far of collusion between the
security forces and semi-criminal assassins -- and of their unity
of purpose in targeting both leftists and Turkish Kurds.
     Further proof of the unseemly collaboration was provided by
Interior Minister Mehmet Agar, head of the government's
120,000-person-strong police forces. In the wake of the scandal
that followed the car accident, Agar was forced to resign his
post. But in the course of his defense, he admitted that as
security chief and interior minister, he had overseen "at least
1,000 secret operations."[2]

     In the face of growing public resentment, Deputy Prime
Minister Tansu Ciller had to accept Agar's resignation, but she
continued defending the "gang" -- as the entire network of
"licensed killers" is known in Turkey. Apparently referring to
Catli, Ciller declared during a meeting with her True Path Party
deputies that "those who have fired bullets as well as those who
have been shot in the name of the state are honest."[3]


TRUE `FALSE' LICENSES AND `GREEN PASSPORTS'

     The crash on the northwest Susurluk highway was striking not
only for the extraordinary grouping of the victims, but also for
their baggage. The crumpled car held a large arsenal of automatic
weapons that was missing from police inventories, along with
silencers and a small amount of cocaine.

     The "Susurluk affair" -- named after the accident site --
gained further import when local gendarmes discovered two
documents among Catli's belongings: a license to carry arms
signed by Ciller's security aide, Mehmet Agar, and a "Green
Passport" -- authorized only for senior public servants -- issued
by the Interior Ministry. Both were made out in the name of
Mehmet Ozbay but bore the photo of Catli, the fugitive drug
trafficker.

     Although Interior Minister Agar denied that the documents
were real, gendarmes and forensic specialists confirmed that the
Green Passport was genuine, not forged, and that the related
signatures on it were authentic.[4]

     The special perks and privileges given Catli, a drug dealer
and suspected killer, were not unique. Haluk Kirci, his
accomplice in a series of murders during the Gray Wolves days,
and Yasar Oz, another international drug smuggler, also carried
similar documents signed by Agar.[5]

     The links between one of Turkey's most prominent security
officials and organized criminals and fascist assassins were now
incontrovertible. But the question remained: What was the common
agenda that joined them together?

     One explanation is a shared ideology. Agar's fascist
sympathies are well-known. Although he is a deputy in the
parliament of Tansu Ciller's conservative True Path Party, he is
also considered an heir to the throne of Alpaslan Turkes. After
30 years of unbroken, unrivaled command of Turkey's neo-fascist
National Action Party (MHP), Turkes died in early April. The
party he led is notorious for anticommunist campaigns throughout
the 1960s and 1970s which involved physical attacks against
left-wing activists, intellectuals, and trade union leaders. Agar
was one of his key disciples.[6]

     But investigative journalists, members of the parliamentary
investigation commission to the Susurluk affair, and prominent
"witnesses," found a broader explanation for the government-
extremist-criminal alliance than shared affection for fascism.
They concurred that Ciller, Agar, and other affiliates of the
"gang," even including Turkes himself, are only a few of the many
corrupt links in a long chain of "counterinsurgency strategies"
overseen by Turkey's military high command.


THE MGK VS. THE PKK

     "It all started in early 1992," believes Ismet Berkan,
senior Ankara correspondent for the national daily Radikal. "That
year, the Turkish armed forces high command underwent a dramatic
shift in its counterinsurgency strategy in the combat against
[the] rebel Kurdish guerrilla PKK."[7]

     In 1984, seeking self-determination for Turkey's 15 million
Kurds, the PKK launched its guerrilla war against Ankara. Since
then, the Kurdish rebels and the Turkish army have been
deadlocked in bitter war. According to semiofficial figures from
then-Interior Minister Nahit Mentese, the PKK forces grew from
200 in 1984, to 10,000 active combatants and some 50,000 militias
and 375,000 sympathizers by late 1993.[8]

     According to Berkan, in 1992, faced with the guerrillas'
growing strength, the Turkish army units which had previously
pursued a reactive strategy, shifted tactics "to bring the war to
the PKK." They would not wait, they proclaimed, arms folded,
while the PKK raided gendarme posts and army garrisons. Instead,
the army would seek out and attack guerrilla strongholds in urban
areas, cut the rebels' local support in the southeast
countryside, and forcibly depopulate remote villages and hamlets
suspected of providing support to the rebels. Adopting a
euphemism the US made infamous in the counterinsurgency wars it
sponsors in Central America, then-Chief of Staff Gen. Dogan Gures
designated the overall operation "low-intensity conflict."[9]

     But the PKK was not simply a rural guerrilla force that
could be easily identified and destroyed. It had considerable
support both inside the country and overseas among Kurdish
intellectuals and "businessmen" who were believed to funnel
profits from black market operations to the PKK. Faced with a
strong, well-financed foe, the military launched a two-pronged
strategy: "While the army ruthlessly fought the guerrillas in the
countryside, blows should have been inflicted on PKK's individual
financial and moral supporters," Berkan quotes his anonymous
sources.[10]

     The second prong of this strategic shift -- targeting
civilian PKK support -- was introduced to the National Security
Council (MGK) in 1992. Berkan says that he had the opportunity to
study some MGK files detailing the "new counterinsurgency
concept" after they were leaked to him by an anonymous former
security official. "These documents," he said, "alongside
tactical military schemes, included a list of the prospective
members of the would-be death squads, including Abdullah Catli,
some of his notorious companions from the Gray Wolves days, and
some special police team members."[11]

     For a year, the second prong was not implemented because of
strong opposition, particularly from President Turgut Ozal and
Gendarme High Commander Gen. Esref Bitlis. Then, in 1993, Ozal
and Bitlis both died under controversial circumstances: The
president succumbed to a heart attack for which he allegedly
received tardy and inadequate treatment; Bitlis was killed in a
mysterious plane crash. That same year, according to Berkan, the
National Security Council endorsed the counterinsurgency schemes.
[12]

     During the three fatal years that followed, 1993-95 with
Tansu Ciller as prime minister and Suleyman Demirel as president,
Kurdish civil society was shattered. Kurdish political, cultural
and press organizations faced violent attacks. Their headquarters
were bombed, scores of local Kurdish politicians, including pro-
Kurdish DEP (Democracy Party) deputy Mehmet Sincar were killed by
mysterious assassins, other Kurdish DEP deputies were expelled
from parliament and jailed or forced into exile; and hundreds of
Kurdish activists were disappeared.

     The "gang" was particularly active in eliminating scores of
Kurdish "businessmen" in an attempt to cut off the PKK's
financial base. Behcet Canturk, Savas Buldan, Yusuf Ekinci, Medet
Serhat, Haci Karay, and Omer Lutfu Topal were among those
kidnapped and later found killed.[13]


THE HIGH PRICE OF COVERT OPS

     By the time Ciller left office in 1995, Kurdish nationalism
had been dealt a heavy blow by the two-pronged approach. Although
the "gang" was becoming increasingly violent, its existence and
the extent of operations remained elusive. Then in February, in
the wake of the car crash, a senior police official provided
further confirmation of Berkan's version of the collaboration
among fascist assassins, criminal gangs, and security officials
as part of MGK's new counterinsurgency strategy. Hanefi Avci,
deputy intelligence department chief of Turkish Security,
testified before an investigatory commission convened by
parliament:

     Some officials believed that the Turkish security remained
     incapable of eliminating the PKK supporters as long as [the
     security forces] functioned within legal means. Thus, they
     arrived at the conclusion that the PKK could have been
     fought only through extra-legal methods.

     The first organization to be set up on this guideline was
     the JITEM (Gendarme Intelligence and Counter Terrorism)
     which was first established in the southeast. ... JITEM was
     effectively controlled by now Lt. Gen. Veli Kucuk. Alongside
     JITEM, two other units were carved out of the body of the
     MIT [Turkish Intelligence Organization] and Special Police
     Teams and henchmen were co-opted from among former PKK
     guerrillas who had turned informer.[14]

     Gen. Teoman Koman, the current gendarme general commander,
officially denies the existence of such a unit within his
organization. "There exists a JITEM," Gen. Koman acknowledged,
"but not as an official intelligence organization set up by the
state. [Rather it is run] by some irresponsible elements within
the gendarme. ... I banned the usage of such a title as soon as I
recognized counter-terrorism efforts conducted under such a
name."[15]

     Noncommissioned gendarme Huseyin Oguz, an active
counterinsurgency officer in the southeast, however, contradicted
Gen. Koman. In testimony before the parliamentary investigatory
commission, he asserted that JITEM has existed as an official
unit linked to the Intelligence Department of the Gendarme
General Command.[16]

     According to Hanefi Avci, deputy intelligence department
chief of Turkish Security, "One gang was headed by ex-Interior
Minister Mehmet Agar and seconded by Special Police Teams boss
Ibrahim Sahin and counterinsurgency specialist former army
officer Korkut Eken, with whom Catli was directly linked; and
another [gang] was headed by Mehmet Eymur, chair of the Turkish
Intelligence Organization's (MIT) counterterrorism department."
Shortly after his resignation, Mehmet Agar testified to that same
commission. He confirmed that his "operations" were in line with
his National Security Council-endorsed schemes of"bringing the
war to the PKK."[17]


THE `GANG' PATROLS THE HEROIN HIGHWAY

     As the counterinsurgency campaign escalated, greed became a
driving and ultimately divisive force. According to intelligence
official Avci, "after 1994-95 when the ruthless army crackdown on
the PKK forced the guerrillas to retreat, these [government-
linked] units degenerated into corrupt gangs which were mainly
concerned with grabbing the enormous revenues from drug
trafficking and money laundering that had previously been
controlled by organized criminals of Kurdish origin."[18]

     Journalist Berkan concurred that the state-linked gangs
effectively took over the drug trafficking routes and drove out
the Kurdish "businessmen." It was not long before the massive
profits -- about $20 billion a year -- set off a bitter war
within the extra-legal units.[19]

     The large arsenal of assault weapons found in the crashed
car fueled widespread speculation that when the"Susurluk" trio
died, they may have been on "duty" against a rival "gang" based
in their point of departure Kusadasi. The district is one of
Turkey's prospective casino hubs. The suspicion was further
confirmed when an Istanbul State Security Court prosecutor
indicted Sedat Bucak, the sole survivor of the Susurluk car
crash. He was charged with carrying a quantity of unauthorized
assault weapons beyond what could be justified by self-defense.
The prosecutor charged that the passengers intended to
assassinate as yet unknown targets.[20]

     More light was soon shed on the role of Gray Wolf Abdullah
Catli. Mehmet Eymur, MIT's counterterrorism department chief, and
also his rival, counterinsurgency specialist Korkut Eken admitted
that Catli was not a simple"gang" henchman. Rather, he had a
long-standing official role and had been "used by the state"
during the 1970s, bitter conflict between right- and left-wing
activists.[21]


TRACING THE `GANG' TO CIA

     The parliamentary investigation commission found irrefutable
links between organized criminals, fascist assassins, and senior
counterinsurgency officials. It also established the existence of
a widely organized gang within the state security structures.
Nonetheless, many critics charge that the commission did not go
far enough in digging out the roots of the problem.

     "The links between the illegal right-wing organizations and
the Turkish security should be traced back to Gladio," says
opposition CHP (Republican People's Party) Deputy Fikri Saglar in
his minority report to the parliamentary commission. "Gladio" was
a network of secret security organizations set up largely by the
US in almost all European NATO-member countries after the end of
World War II.

     A secret clause in the initial NATO agreement in 1949
     required that before a nation could join, it must have
     already established a national security authority to fight
     communism through clandestine citizen cadres. This Stay
     Behind clause grew out of a secret committee set up at US
     insistence in the Atlantic Pact, the forerunner of NATO.[22]

     Under these Stay Behind programs, anticommunist elements,
often overtly fascist, were organized, armed, and funded --
supposedly as a bulwark against Soviet aggression. Some had links
to organized crime; many were involved in terrorist incidents
aimed at undermining the left. After public exposure and the
disintegration of Washington's major Cold War rival, most
countries shelved the US-dominated counterinsurgency schemes.
Italy ("Gladio"), Belgium ("SDRA-8"), France ("Rose des Vents"),
Holland ("P:26" or "NATO Command"), Greece ("Sheepskin"),
Denmark, Luxembourg,  Switzerland ("Schwert"), Norway, Austria,
Spain, Britain ("Secret British Network"), Portugal, and Germany
have all acknowledged that they participated in the covert
network. But although Gladio became public knowledge in Turkey
("Special Warfare Department") years ago and former Prime
Minister Bulent Ecevit said "patriotic volunteers" staffed a
US-funded unit that was ready to go into action in the event of a
Communist takeover, Ankara officially denies that such an
organization ever existed.[23]

     Some find this denial -- coming as it does from a NATO
front-line member -- incredible and call for openness. "Unless
the operations of the Gladio, the NATO-linked international
counterinsurgency organization within the Turkish security system
is investigated," says commission member Saglar, "the real source
of the security corruption will not be effectively discovered. It
is necessary to investigate the Special Forces Command,
previously known as Special Warfare Department of the Chief of
Staff."[24]

     Despite the continuing coverup, it is known that during the
1970s, the Turkish army's Special Warfare Department (Gladio)
operated the Counterguerrilla Organization. The department was
headquartered in the US Military Aid Mission building in Ankara
and received funds and training from US advisers to create the
Stay Behind squads. The Gray Wolves, headed by Catli, enjoyed
official encouragement and protection.

     In the late '70s, former military prosecutor and Turkish
     Military Supreme Court Justice Emin Deger documented
     collaboration between the Gray Wolves and the government's
     counterguerrilla forces, as well as the close ties of the
     latter to the CIA. The Counterguerrilla Organization
     provided weapons to terrorist groups such as the Gray
     Wolves, who instigated much of the political violence that
     culminated in a 1980 coup by the Turkish military that
     deposed Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel. State security
     forces justified the coup in the name of restoring order and
     stability. Cold War realpolitik compelled the Gray Wolves
     and their institutional sponsor, the ultra-right National
     Action Party, to favor a discreet alliance with NATO and
     U.S. intelligence. Led by Col. Alpaslan Turkes, the National
     Action Party espoused a fanatical pan-Turkish ideology that
     called for repatriating whole sections of the Soviet Union
     under the flag of a reborn Turkish empire. The Gray Wolves
     forged ties with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, a
     CIA-backed coalition led by erstwhile fascist collaborators
     from Eastern Europe. ... Colleagues of Turkes controlled a
     Turkish chapter of the World Anti-Communist League, an
     umbrella group that functioned as a cat's paw for US
     intelligence in Latin America, Southwest Asia and other Cold
     War battlegrounds.[25]

     As the Susurluk affair illuminated, the clandestine dynamic
had not ended with the Cold War. Citing links dating back to the
1970s between Catli and the state security units, Saglar wrote in
his report that "the gangs that were formed in 1993 were actually
based on an already existing extra-legal mechanism which has been
publicly known as counter-guerrilla during the 1970s." Saglar
quotes government Deputy Niyazi Unsal: "The counter-guerrilla
organization has survived until this day without losing any of
its former influence. All those who testified at the
investigatory commission, says Saglar, "have introduced serious
claims regarding links between `gangs' and the security units,
that undeniably confirm moral and material support to those gangs
from among high security officials."[26]

     Chief among those carrying Gladio's standard into the 1990s
are the Gray Wolves. With little subtlety, Catli's companions in
the neo-fascist Wolves proudly carried a banner in his funeral
procession inscribed: "He fought like a Sword and died like a
sword!" (Gladio means sword in Italian.)


`OUR BOYS HAVE DONE IT!'

     The crash of the Mercedes has not only provided answers
about the relationship between criminal, fascist, and security
elements, but has raised new questions. Fikri Saglar, in his
minority report to the parliamentary commission, expresses
concerns that the presence of Catli, the fugitive drug dealer in
the Mercedes of a police chief 16 years after the military
takeover, might point to the fact that Catli and his kind had
played an effective role in the coup. "Catli, his family and
companions had left Turkey with false passports provided by the
security officials immediately after the coup and under apparent
protection by the state," Saglar charges, referring to Turkey's
military rulers of the 1980s.[27]

     Also being questioned is the role of the US and especially
that of the CIA. Throughout the Cold War era, Turkey was the
frontline state in NATO's Southeastern flank and Washington's
major regional military ally against the former Soviet Bloc. It
was then, and continues to be, a vanguard post for US strategic
interests.

     The close ties between the Turkish, US military, and
intelligence circles, along with US concerns over Turkey's
military cooperation, have been major obstacles in Turkey's path
to broader democracy. Turkey's US-backed military has viewed
movements for increased democracy with hostility and accused them
of undermining the country's stability and consequently its
military might. Turkey's pro-US conservative politicians and
military rulers have continually targeted leftist, democratic,
and labor movements that have striven for broader rights.
Alongside official pressure, the military has frequently resorted
to unofficial force to quell the massive opposition movements
that began in the second half of the 1960s. During the last four
decades, Turkey has been subjected to three military coups, all
of which have declared their obedience to NATO obligations and
all of which have been unreservedly backed and even encouraged by
Washington. Ankara continues to be the fourth largest recipient
of US aid.

     Saglar charges that US interest in Turkish affairs is not
confined to official NATO relations and trade ties. He points to
the notorious message by the CIA's then-Turkey Station Chief Paul
Henze in Ankara to his colleagues in Washington the day after the
1980 coup -- "Our boys have done it!" Henze crowed.[28] Saglar
concludes that foreign intelligence organizations including the
CIA, have coopted collaborators from among the extreme-right and
exploited them for their particular interests.

     Saglar's charge is lent credence by the fact that Yasar Oz -
- one of the drug traffickers carrying the Green Passports signed
by Mehmet Agar -- was arrested by the Drug Enforcement
Administration in New York and immediately released. There is
also evidence that Catli himself entered the US in 1982 in Miami
with his "false" green passport. Traveling with him was Italian
Gladio agent Stefano Delle Chiaie, who has been charged with
involvement in the blast in Italy's Bologna Train Station in the
1980s.[29]


SHIFTING THREATS

     The "Susurluk affair" has capped an overwhelming body of
evidence and testimony against major military and security
officials. If Turkey were a functioning democracy, the immediate
outcome would at the very least have been a series of
prosecutions.

     However, the Turkish military, which set up, conducted, and
oversaw this uninterrupted deadly counterinsurgency operation
against leftists and Kurdish nationalists throughout the last
three decades, is in an enviable position. It has emerged from an
embarrassing period during the first two months of the year when
sweeping public protest rang in the streets of Turkey. Every
night at 9 p.m., angry crowds called for "cleansing the country
from the gangs." Since February 28, the military has regained
confidence and restored its reputation as the traditional
watchdog of Turkish secularism. This recovery is largely due to
an extensive media-backed drive launched by the military high
command against the Islamist-led coalition. The army has
positioned itself as champion of the secular republic against a
fundamentalist "threat" posed by Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan's senior coalition Welfare Party (RP). The military high
command has called on Erbakan and his party to enforce existing
anti-fundamentalist laws and to draft new legislation for
educational reforms, including closure of the religious
seminaries which they consider the hotbed of Islamist
fundamentalism.

     Overnight, the carefully designed and precisely timed
military drive has changed the public agenda from that of
"cleansing the Turkish democracy of the gangs" to "safeguarding
the secular republic against the fundamentalist threat." As a
result, a considerable section of the opposition has realigned
itself behind the military which has positioned itself as
Turkey's hope for maintaining Westernist secularism and modernist
aspirations.

     These days, few of the "modernists" recall the era of
military juntas in the early 1980s when Turkey's military rulers
adopted "a green belt strategy" after the revolution in Iran and
the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. The idea,
promoted in some Washington circles, was to construct a bulwark
alliance of US-backed Muslim countries in order to confine Soviet
southward expansion, and to combat radical Islamist power in Iran
and elsewhere in the region.[30]

     It was in accordance with this "green belt strategy," and in
the name of "secularism," that the army has seized on Erbakan's
"Islamic threat" as a major justification for increasing its
already substantial powers. To a large extent, this stance is
hypocritical. "The constitution drafted by military rulers, for
instance, deemed religious courses obligatory for all levels of
pre-university education, and set up religious seminaries which
served as seedbeds for Islamist ideology. This was much more than
any civilian government, in a political compromise with the
Islamists might have dared to try."[31]

     Turkey is now trapped between the two giants -- the "gang"
and the fundamentalists -- both of which have been nurtured by
the army to serve its needs. At the same time, as Turkey's
secularist establishment seeks salvation by calling on the army
for aid for a fourth time in the last four decades, the country
seems to have lost its historical memory. Meanwhile, Turkey's key
dilemma remains: How to set up and maintain a functioning
democracy on Western standards in a majority Muslim country.


ENDNOTES

  1. Nadire Mater, "Behind Casualty Figures Mothers Weep for
     Sons," InterPress Service, Sept. 30, 1996.

  2. Ertugrul Ozkok, "Agar Sonunda Suskunlugunu Bozdu" (Agar
     Finally Speaks), Hurriyet, Nov. 15, 1996.

  3. "Ciller: Devlet Icin Kursun Atan Sereflidir" (Ciller: Who
     Fires Bullets for the State Is Honest), Sabah, Nov. 27,
     1996.

  4. See the special report by the Prime Minister's Investigation
     Commission, cited in "35 Suc Duyurusu" (35 Charges),
     Hurriyet, Jan. 10, 1997.

  5. According to testimony by former Istanbul Security Chief
     Nejdet Menzir, cited in "Agar's Agir Suclama" (Heavy Charges
     Against Agar), Hurriyet, Jan. 24, 1997.

  6. After the 1980 military takeover, Turkes and MHP's gunmen
     were indicted by a military tribunal for the assassination
     of hundreds of leftists and for scores of incidents of arson
     and sabotage during the civilian strifes of the 1970s.
     Turkes spent four years in prison but was released in 1984
     after the High Court dropped the charges. In the 1980s, he
     and his Gray Wolves espoused a relatively non-violent path
     and were granted semi-official status in the war against the
     PKK. According to a 1995 report by the international human
     rights group, Human Rights Watch Arms Project, special
     forces designed to spearhead the anti-PKK campaign
     reportedly are recruited from MHP and other far-right
     Turkish nationalist groups notorious for their hatred of
     Kurdish nationalism. (Human Rights Watch, "Weapons Transfers
     and Violations of Laws of War in Turkey," Washington, D.C.,
     Nov. 1995.)

  7. Ismet Berkan, "Gladio ya MGK Onayi" (The MGK Sanctions
     Gladio, Radikal (Istanbul), Dec. 5, 1996.

  8. Human Rights Watch Arms Project, op. cit., p. 1.
  9. Mehmet Ali Kislali, Guneydogu Dusuk Yogunluklu Catisma (The
     Southeast Low-Intensity Conflict, Ankara: Umit Publishers,
     1996), p. 26.

 10. Berkan, op. cit.

 11. Ibid.

 12. Ibid.

 13. Ibid.

 14. Testimony by Avci on Feb. 4, 1997, in Veli Ozdemir, ed. The
     Susurluk Documents (Istanbul: SCALA, April 1997), pp. 11-15.

 15. Sedat Ergin, "The General Speaks,: Hurriyet, March 17, 1997.

 16. Testimony by Oguz on Feb. 18, 1997, in Ozdemir, op. cit., p.
     169.

 17. Ibid., pp. 32-33, p. 251.

 18. Testimony at Investigative Commission.

 19. Ismet Berkan, "Eroinler Elde Kalinca," (When Heroin was Left
     Over), Radikal, Nov. 30, 1996.

 20. "Muthis Iddia," Hurriyet, March 13, 1997.

 21. Testimony by Eken, Dec. 27, 1996, in Ozdemir, op. cit., pp.
     371-72.

 22. Arthur E. Rowse, "Gladio: The Secret U.S. War to Subvert
     Italian Democracy," CAQ, n. 49, Summer 1994, p. 21, citing
     Jan Willems, "Gladio" (Brussels: EPO Dossier, 1991), pp.
     148-52; and interview with Lord Carrington, Newsweek, April
     21, 1986.

 23. Charles Richards and Simon Jones, "Skeletons start emerging
     from Europe's closet; Operation Gladio was set up to go
     underground in the Cold War," The Independent (London), Nov.
     16, 1990.

 24. From Investigative Commission's Minority Report.

 25. Martin A. Lee, "The cop, the gangster and the beauty queen,"
     In These Times, April 28-May 11, 1997.

 26. Mehmet Altan, "Susurluk'ta Bayram" (Holiday in Susurluk),
     Sabah, April 22, 1997.

 27. Ibid.

 28. Mehmet Ali Birand, "12 Eylul Saat 04:00 (September 12:04 am)
     Istanbul: Milliyet Publishers, 1985), p. 1.

 29. Dogan Uluc, "Eroin Belgelendi" (Heroin Link Documented),
     Hurriyet, Feb. 2, 1997. See also Rowse, op. cit.

 30. Ertugrul Kurkcu, "The Crisis of The Turkish State," Middle
     East Report, n. 199, v. 26, Spring 1996, p. 6.

 31. Ibid.

     Copyright (c) 1997 by Covert Action Publications, Inc., a
     District of Columbia Nonprofit Corporation. All Rights
     Reserved.

                              -----

     Ertugrul Kurkcu, a political analyst, is an Istanbul-based
     reporter for InterPress Service, a Third World news agency.
     Kurkcu served 14 years in prison from 1972-86 for armed
     resistance against the military rule of the 1970s.

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From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 11:08:18 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 11:08:18
Subject: Pro-Kurdish Foreigners Face Turkish Prosecutor
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m367sfy7c1.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

(4/9) Pro-Kurdish Foreigners Face Turkish Prosecutor

Megak?y, Sept 4 (Reuter) - Eighteen foreign peace activists appeared
before a Turkish prosecutor on Thursday, facing possible deportation
for organising an unauthorised news conference, witnesses said.

Police detained the activists on Wednesday after security forces broke
up an impromptu news conference calling for a peaceful end to Turkey's
Kurdish conflict.

The detainees sung "We shall overcome" before going into a closed-door
meeting with the prosecutor in a court building in central
Megak?y. Some complained that police treatment had been violent.

"One friend was near me (on the police bus). A policeman came and put
a gun to his head and pulled him by the hair. He had a ring in his
nose and they tried to pull that out as well," one of the detainees
told reporters at the court building.

Representatives of the group on Wednesday said police wearing crash
helmets burst into a meeting in a Megak?y hotel and dragged delegates
to police buses outside the main entrance. They said 25 people were
detained.

On Thursday, the accused looked tired and said they had spent the
night on the floor of a police station. Some bore bruises and one had
apparent blood stains on his white shirt

The mostly German group was part of an aborted trans-European "peace
train," organised by a pro-Kurdish group in Germany, which planned to
hold a demonstration in the southeastern city of Diyarbakir earlier
this week.

Security forces prevented foreign and Turkish activists from
assembling in Diyarbakir and stopped the group making statements in
either Ankara or Megakoy.
                                       
Police officials said the news conferences were forbidden under a law
which bars demonstrations in Turkey by foreigners who have not
obtained prior permission.

A spokesman for the activists said on Wednesday there was a "high
probability" the foreigners would be deported.

The activists launched the "peace train" initiative as part of a
campaign to seek a negotiated end to 13 years of conflict between
security forces and Kurdish terrorists. The terrorist Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK) is fighting for independence in the
southeast. More than 26,000 people have died in the conflict.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 11:08:19 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 11:08:19
Subject: Turkey: Fear of Friday-protests
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m390xby85d.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

              Extreme left tries channeling Friday protests
   
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By M. Akif Beki / Turkish Daily News
 
Istanbul - The Islamist anger reflected at the Friday protests, has
set high hopes for extreme leftist organisations. The DHKP-C
(Revolutionary People's Salvation Party - Front), one of the bloody
leftist terrorist organisations, has began to call on the radical
Islamist masses reacting against the educational reform bill, to join
its front.

The harsh appearance of the Friday demonstrations encourages the
Markist-Leninist leftist organisations to pull the radical potential
in the mosques into the underground. The illegal leftist publications
argue that freedom of faith and education for the public cannot be
obtained under the present regime; therefore, islamists reacting
against the closure of the secondary religious schools should fight
against the so-called imperialist regime, side by side with the
leftist organisations.

The DHKP-C put itself forward as the only organisation fighting
against the regime's oppression, in the last edition of its
publication, Kurtulus (Salvation) dated August 23. In the magazine,
the Friday protestors are criticized strongly for not targetting the
regime directly. The magazine invites the radical Islamist groups to
join forces against the so-called regime of oppression.

Kurtulus magazine uses some Islamic concepts such as oppression and
rights and statements similar to verses from Koran to convince the
Islamists and the radical potential of the Friday demonstrators to
become terrorists.

In particular, Kurtulus tries to damage the Islamists' trust in the
legal regime. The magazine seriously criticizes the political
representatives of the Islamists and claims that the Welfare Party
(RP) is a part of the oppressive regime, not an alternative to it. It
defines the democratic struggle by different political tendencies as a
common-interest fight among sisters of the regime.

The magazine finishes the article with the following slogan: "The
source of oppression is the regime itself. The ones that oppress are
the same ones that have interest in the continuation of this system.
Islamists who say they are against oppression, if you are sincere, the
oppressive order is before us. Let's fight it altogether."

It still remains uncertain how radical Islamists attending Friday
protests will respond to this call in their own publications.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
IHD raps government for Peace Train ban and detentions

  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Metin Demirsar / Turkish Daily News
 
Istanbul - Turkish human rights campaigners Thursday criticized Prime
Minister Mesut Yilmaz's government for obstructing a group of 171
foreign human rights activists from attending a World Peace Day rally
in southeast Turkey and preventing them from holding a news conference
in Istanbul.

The human rights activists, who returned to Istanbul this week after
attempting to attend Monday's rally in Diyarbakir, were harassed by
police during the whole duration of the trip and also in Istanbul,
campaigners said.

They also accused the administration of ordering the detentions of
nearly 1,000 people who attended the rally, aimed at ending the
13-year conflict between Turks and separatist Kurds in southeast
Turkey.

"This government has opened a war against a peace initiative with
unparalleled brutality," Ercan Kaner, head of the Istanbul branch of
the Human Rights Association (IHD) told a news conference. "There are
powerful forces in the government that want the conflict (in southeast
Turkey) to continue."

Kaner described the government as a pawn of the military-dominated
National Security Council, a shadow cabinet that advises the
administration.

The foreign human rights campaigners, mostly European, American and
African writers, intellectuals, clergy and parliamentarians, were
members of the so-called Musa Anter Peace Train, an initiative named
after a prominent Kurdish writer and intellectual killed by
unidentified gunmen in 1992.

They were supposed to travel to Diyarbakir from Brussels by train, but
ended up flying to Turkey instead when the government banned the train
from entering Turkish territory.

The participants travelled to the region by bus, but were held in the
garden of the headquarters of the special police in Sanliurfa
overnight and prevented from entering Diyarbakir province.

  The return trip
  
Police stopped the bus carrying the activists in Gebze as they were
returning to Istanbul Tuesday night and detained 20 mainly Turkish
human rights campaigners accompanying the group.

Many of the participants were also forced to find rooms in other
hotels when their reservations were mysteriously cancelled. Some 21
activists were detained at the MIM Hotel in Istanbul and many injured
in a melee with the police.

The foreigners were also prevented from giving a news conference in
Istanbul on Thursday.

Kaner was flanked by Dicle Anter, son of the late Musa Anter; Hikmet
Fidan, provincial head of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party
(HADEP); Mahmut Sakar, a lawyer and vice president of IHD; and Ismail
Sarioglu, a executive committee member of the Istanbul IHD office.

The government from the outset viewed the peace initiative with
suspicion, claiming it was organized by the Kurdistan Workers Party
(PKK), a separatist Kurdish group fighting a bloody guerilla war in
southeast Turkey.

More than 20,000 civilians, soldiers and guerrillas have been killed
in Turkey since the PKK launched its insurgency for an independent
Kurdish state in the southeast in 1984.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                     
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl  mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 11:09:12 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 11:09:12
Subject: Turkey: IHD raps government for Peace Train ban and detentions
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m37mcvy7w5.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

September 5 1997

IHD raps government for Peace Train ban and detentions

  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Metin Demirsar / Turkish Daily News
 
Istanbul - Turkish human rights campaigners Thursday criticized Prime
Minister Mesut Yilmaz's government for obstructing a group of 171
foreign human rights activists from attending a World Peace Day rally
in southeast Turkey and preventing them from holding a news conference
in Istanbul.

The human rights activists, who returned to Istanbul this week after
attempting to attend Monday's rally in Diyarbakir, were harassed by
police during the whole duration of the trip and also in Istanbul,
campaigners said.

They also accused the administration of ordering the detentions of
nearly 1,000 people who attended the rally, aimed at ending the
13-year conflict between Turks and separatist Kurds in southeast
Turkey.

"This government has opened a war against a peace initiative with
unparalleled brutality," Ercan Kaner, head of the Istanbul branch of
the Human Rights Association (IHD) told a news conference. "There are
powerful forces in the government that want the conflict (in southeast
Turkey) to continue."

Kaner described the government as a pawn of the military-dominated
National Security Council, a shadow cabinet that advises the
administration.

The foreign human rights campaigners, mostly European, American and
African writers, intellectuals, clergy and parliamentarians, were
members of the so-called Musa Anter Peace Train, an initiative named
after a prominent Kurdish writer and intellectual killed by
unidentified gunmen in 1992.

They were supposed to travel to Diyarbakir from Brussels by train, but
ended up flying to Turkey instead when the government banned the train
from entering Turkish territory.

The participants travelled to the region by bus, but were held in the
garden of the headquarters of the special police in Sanliurfa
overnight and prevented from entering Diyarbakir province.

  The return trip
  
Police stopped the bus carrying the activists in Gebze as they were
returning to Istanbul Tuesday night and detained 20 mainly Turkish
human rights campaigners accompanying the group.

Many of the participants were also forced to find rooms in other
hotels when their reservations were mysteriously cancelled. Some 21
activists were detained at the MIM Hotel in Istanbul and many injured
in a melee with the police.

The foreigners were also prevented from giving a news conference in
Istanbul on Thursday.

Kaner was flanked by Dicle Anter, son of the late Musa Anter; Hikmet
Fidan, provincial head of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party
(HADEP); Mahmut Sakar, a lawyer and vice president of IHD; and Ismail
Sarioglu, a executive committee member of the Istanbul IHD office.

The government from the outset viewed the peace initiative with
suspicion, claiming it was organized by the Kurdistan Workers Party
(PKK), a separatist Kurdish group fighting a bloody guerilla war in
southeast Turkey.

More than 20,000 civilians, soldiers and guerrillas have been killed
in Turkey since the PKK launched its insurgency for an independent
Kurdish state in the southeast in 1984.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
[LINK]Draft amendment would facilitate prosecution of prime ministers and
ministers for 'shameful crimes'

TDN Parliament Bureau

Ankara- The Motherland Party (ANAP), which is the coalition's senior
partner, is seeking a constitutional amendment, which would limit the
scope of the legislative immunity, of not only the deputies, but also
the prime minister and ministers.

Under the new rules, ministers, including the prime minister, would be
exposed to interrogation and prosecution by the Court of Appeals
prosecutor -- who is the country's highest-ranking prosecutor -- when
accused of the kind of crimes described as "shameful crimes" by the
Turkish law -- such as bribery, embezzlement, larceny, swindling,
counterfeiting, smuggling and committing irregularities in state
tenders -- and then tried at the Constitutional Court, which would
then be serving as the Supreme Court. Under the current system this
can be possible only with Parliament's permission.

Ulku Gokalp Guney, one of the deputy chairmen of ANAP group in
Parliament, noted in a press conference yesterday, that a draft
amendment to Article 83 of the Constitution -- which effectively
shields deputies from any kind of prosecution during their term in
office -- has already been on Parliament's agenda. In addition to
this, ANAP is suggesting a similar constitutional amendment, which
would limit the legislative immunity of the prime minister and other
ministers. This can be achieved by amending Article 100 of the
Constitution. He indicated that the ANAP proposal will be presented in
October when Parliament reconvenes. "Thus, the difficulty in the
stripping of legislative immunity will be overcome. This will
eliminate a problem which has upset the public," Guney said.

A change in the Constitution can be proposed by a minimum of 184
deputies. ANAP and its coalition partner, the Democratic Left Party
(DSP), have enough deputies for that. But to be actually legislated,
the proposed amendment must be debated twice in Parliament and adopted
with the votes of a minimum 330 deputies. If 330 deputies vote in
favor of the proposed changes, a referendum is held on this issue.
Only if a minimum 367 deputies vote in favor, can a constitutional
amendment be finalized without staging a referendum. But the ruling
parties have only 280 deputies. They would be able to amend the
Constitution only with full cooperation from another party, for
example the True Path Party (DYP). And the DYP is reluctant to do this
because the DYP leader, Tansu Ciller, is faced with a variety of
corruption charges herself.

The main opposition Welfare Party (RP) is definitely against such a
change because it has an ongoing verbal duel with the Court of Appeals
prosecutor, Vural Savas, who would be authorized with more extensive
interrogation powers as a result of the proposed changes. Savas has
brought a case to the Constitutional Court, demanding the RP's
closure. He and RP officials have hurled accusations at each other in
recent months. The deep-rooted "confidence crisis" between the RP and
the Court of Appeals prosecutor, rules out any RP support for the ANAP
suggestion.

Under the circumstances, it seems that the constitutional changes will
be very hard to pass. Though aware of the difficulties involved, ANAP
has obviously raised this issue because the DYP leader has been
publicly challenging the government about the charges against her.
This way ANAP will be showing the public that Tansu Ciller is not
sincere in her challenging words, and that she needs to keep the
legislative immunity shield on a continuing basis to be able to thwart
a genuine investigation.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 11:25:10 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 11:25:10
Subject: U.S.-Israeli-Turkish drive for 'new order'
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3zpprwrt5.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

**U.S.-Israeli-Turkish drive for 'new order'**

(Reprinted from the August 30, 1997 issue of the People's 
Weekly World. May be reprinted or reposted with PWW credit. 
For subscription information see below)

By Hans Lebrecht

TEL AVIV - There are almost daily reports in the Israeli 
media of raids by the Israeli air force or army commandos 
into the "security zone" in southern Lebanon. Sometimes, in 
retaliation, Katyusha rockets, fired from Lebanese 
territory, cause damage in settlements in northern Israel.

This mini-war, at times escalated to full-scale war by 
Israel, has continued since the Israeli invasion of Lebanon 
in 1982 which brought death to tens of thousands of 
Lebanese and Palestinians and hundreds of Israeli and U.S. 
army personnel. In 1985 Israel was forced to pull back, 
leaving a security zone in southern Lebanon in the hands of 
Israel.

These hostilities are pictured as a proxy war against Syria 
which still has army units in Lebanon as part of a peace-
keeping force established 1976 at the end of the civil 
strife in that country. In this way Israel and its backers 
hope to force Syria to agree to reopen peace talks without 
requiring Israel to recognize Syria's sovereignty over the 
Golan Heights .

 Just recently Syria's President Hafez el-Assad repeated 
his readiness to reopen talks with Israel at the point they 
were broken off by Israel's Government, after the previous 
government agreed in principle to recognize Syria's 
sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Israel demands that 
negotiations resume without regard to already agreed-upon 
points.

All this should be seen as an effort to establish a "New 
Order" in the Middle East. The long-standing strategic 
military alliance between the U.S. and Israel, now 
remodeled into a neo-colonialist weapon against the 
national liberation movements of the Arab peoples, is a 
main pillar of this policy.

This alliance has resulted in an Israeli-Turkish sub-
alliance and leaves the door open for the Hashemite Kingdom 
of Jordan to join - both aimed at isolating Syria and 
forcing it to agree to Israeli terms. Israel's special aim 
is, of course, to damage international Arab solidarity with 
the Palestinian people's just cause. Anybody looking at the 
mid-eastern map recognizes that Israel and Turkey are 
encircling Syria and Lebanon, both of which oppose the 
U.S.-dictated New Order and Israel's territorial claims.

The other opponent to Washington's designs is Iraq; small 
wonder, therefore, that the Clinton administration is blind 
to the various incursions of the Turkish army into northern 
Iraq.

The U.S., which led a needless war against Iraq in 1991 
after the Iraqi invasion into Kuwait, and continues to 
support Israel's rejectionist positions regarding the Arab 
territories, does not interfere against the aggressive 
Turkish military actions on Iraqi soil. Most certainly, the 
U.S. administration stands behind the common Israeli-
Turkish military maneuvers recently held near Syria's 
northern border, as well as naval maneuvers near Syria's 
territorial waters , heightening the already high tension 
in the area.

Turkey plans to erect 17 dams on the upper reaches of the 
Tigris and Euphrates rivers, without first consulting Syria 
and Iraq, as required by international law. Under these 
circumstances, it was only natural that Syria and Iraq bury 
old grievances and close ranks between the Ba'ath regimes 
of el-Assad and Saddam Hussein. Moreover, several voices 
have emerged among political circles in both countries 
proposing establishment of a Syrian-Iraqi-Iranian axis to 
counter the U.S.-Israeli-Turkish political-military 
alliance.

Interesting in this respect was the surprise visit to Iran 
by President el-Assad, as well as concomitant moves to open 
up towards Iraqi. Moreover, Syria has decided to go ahead 
with renewed economic trade with Iraq, notwithstanding the 
U.S. boycott. As Syrian leaders often say: "Syria gained 
its independence from colonial (French) rule in 1946, and 
it is not about to take orders from imperialist and 
colonialist rulers again, especially when it was aimed at 
harming another Arab country."

These new tendencies of rapprochement and cooperation 
between Syria and Iraq, and possibly with Iran, must be 
seen against the background of rising tensions, caused by 
Israel under the leadership of Benjamin Netanyahu and the 
repeated accusations of the U.S. State Department, accusing 
the Syrian regime of supporting "international terrorism" 
in this way continuing sanctions against Syria and 
excluding it from normal international trade and economic 
support.

Besides reducing the danger of military aggression against 
Syria, the aim of the Syrian-Iraqi rapprochement is to 
counter Israel's pressure to force Syria into giving up all 
claims to the Golan Heights. To counter these trends 
imperiling any peaceful solutions of the Israeli-Arab 
conflict, peace forces in Israel, Palestine and the Arab 
countries, are warning of a dangerous crisis developing 
into a new Middle East war, the consequences of which 
cannot be foreseen.

What is urgently needed is a coordinated struggle of all 
progressive peace forces in the states involved, as well as 
international cooperation and solidarity with the regional 
struggle against the aggressive designs of the U.S.-
Israeli-Turkish alliance.
##30##

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------- End of forwarded message -------

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 12:08:56 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 12:08:56
Subject: List information
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0x73PO.000CGQC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Hello to you all,

We have had some hardwareproblems lately and had to reinstall unix.
In this proces it is possible that some mails you may have send to us
have been lost. Sorry for that.

We want to use this oportunity to inform you about the fact that we
have installed mailinglistsoftware recently.

This gives you more flexability in signing on or -of

If you want to unsubscribe you send a message to english-request
In the body of the message you write:
unsubscribe your.email.address

Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.ozgurluk.org
(END)
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 21:52:41 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 21:52:41
Subject: TDN: Turkey/Israel/US/NATO
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3g1rjjc2d.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

TDN: Sep. 06 1997

                   Israeli trade minister to visit Ankara
                                       
     * Visiting Israeli diplomats visit GAP project
       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
    By Saadet Oruc / Turkish Daily News
    
   Ankara - Israeli trade minister, Natasa Schcheransky, is to pay a
   visit to Ankara, most probably in September, to participate in talks
   on the recently approved free trade deal between Turkey and Israel,
   the Turkish Daily News learned on Friday.
   
   According to an earlier TDN report, a mini-commercial crisis took
   place between the two countries because of Turkey's failure to stop
   charging duties on Israeli imports, in violation of a free-trade
   agreement.
   
   Then, after repeated pressure from Israeli officials, Turkey began
   implementing the free-trade agreement with Israel.
   
  Israeli diplomats visit GAP
  
   A group of Israeli diplomats, visiting Turkey, left Ankara on Friday
   evening for the southeastern cities in order to gain detailed
   information about the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP).
   
   "There are Israeli private companies participating in some of the
   constructions in the framework of the GAP project. We are interested
   in the project," said Israeli diplomats.
   
   Diplomats from various departments of the Israeli Foreign Ministry
   were invited by the Turkish Foreign Ministry's training center to hold
   discussions with their Turkish counterparts on a variety of foreign
   policy issues, regional problems and bilateral relations during their
   one-week visit to Ankara.
   
   The group also visited the plant of the Turkish Aerospace Industry
   (TAI) where the F-16 fighter jets are being produced.
   
   Turkey and Israel have been having close contact, not only in defense
   and security fields but, also in areas related to the economy. Israel
   and Turkey are making efforts to increase their cooperation not only
   in the energy field, concerning Caspian oil reserves, but also in
   water.
   
   Meanwhile, Arab countries have voiced their concerns over the joint
   Turkish-Israeli-United States naval maneuver which is reportedly
   planned to take place between Nov. 15-25.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                      Cohen praises Turkish role in NATO
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen said in Florida
   thatwith Turkey's participation in NATO since 1952, the democratic
   wall in Europe had been strengthened.
   
   Speaking at a meeting in Florida, Cohen said that he doesn't agree
   with some circles which think that the enlargement of NATO will weaken
   the body's structure, saying that on the contrary, such enlargement
   will strengthen NATO.
   
   "NATO, which was established in 1949, fortified its defenses with
   Greece and Turkey's participation in 1952, Germany's in 1955 and
   Spain's in 1982, and the recent enlargement of NATO will further
   strengthen NATO," Cohen stated.
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 21:53:07 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 21:53:07
Subject: Turkey: Oligarchy in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3en73jbvb.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

TDN: 06 Sept. 1997
 
                     Alevi businessmen set up CUSIAD
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
    By Neslihan Ozturk / Turkish Daily News
    
   Istanbul - A new businessmen`s association is joining the ranks of the
   Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (TUSIAD) and the
   Independent Industrialists' and Industrialists' Association (MUSIAD).
   Leading Turkish Alevi businessmen will soon set up an association
   called the Republican Industrialists and Businessmen's Association
   (Cumhuriyetci Sanayici ve Isadamlari Dernegi, CUSIAD).
   
   CUSIAD intends to become an alternative to the other organizations.
   CUSIAD already includes many business people such as Ibrahim Polat,
   Ali Tanriverdi and Cemal Canpolat. CUSIAD Coordinator Prof. Dr.
   Ibrahim Dogan has announced the following goals: "Cooperation among
   members; keeping alive national culture and ideals; improving the
   scientific and cultural values of Turkish society; providing
   scholarships for successful students; printing publications to provide
   communication among businessmen; establishing dialogue and channels of
   cooperation with other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that
   comply with republican principles; setting up new companies or
   supporting and participating in already running companies in order to
   achieve these targets."
   
   The chairman of the Cem Foundation, Prof. Dr. Izzettin Dogan said the
   idea of establishing CUSIAD came about because of the requests of
   Alevi businessmen who support Cem Foundation. "We`ve been getting
   reactions from the public who are asking 'Why, if everybody else is
   organizing, aren't the republic supporters doing so?' and from small
   and medium sized businessmen who are not represented by associations
   such as MUSIAD and TUSIAD.
   
   "CUSIAD has been set up to meet this need. Policies that ignored the
   Alevi masses ignited this enterprise." he said. Dogan also added that
   CUSIAD welcomed everybody without distinguishing whether they were
   Alevi or Sunni, spoke a different language or were of a different
   religion or origin. "The only principle we require is that of being
   faithful to the Republic. CUSIAD business people have no intentions of
   becoming richer. CUSIAD is being founded to help in the country`s
   development and provide support for people in need," he said.
   
  One hundred thousand dollars for the building
  
   CUSIAD is planned to open headquarters by the end of September. One
   hundred thousand dollars has already been put aside for the building,
   donated by founding members. The building will have modern high tech
   offices and will be in a central place such as Taksim or Mecidiyekoy.
   
   Prof. Dr. Ibrahim Dogan says CUSIAD will meet everybody`s needs. He
   adds "This association will be open to all business people who believe
   in Ataturk's principles, value human rights and comply with the basic
   principles of the Republic. The purpose here is not to be separated
   into different camps, but to help raise enlightened republican
   children in our country, based on the power we will create with our
   own means."

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 21:53:09 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 21:53:09
Subject: Dogfight in Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3hgbzjc9b.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

                                      
              [LINK]Ciller hits low 'body bag' blow to government
                                       
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - Tansu Ciller, chairperson of the opposition True Path Party,
   has called the coalition a "plastic bag" government and said: "Do you
   know who they want to put into those plastic bags? They want to put
   your sister [indicating herself] into those bags and bury her."
   
   Ciller was quoted by the Anatolia news agency on Friday, referring to
   the issue of body bags, which the Transport Ministry want to be kept
   in motor vehicles, workplaces and houses.
   
   While addressing residents of the Bandirma district of Aegean
   Balikesir province, Ciller criticized the government over the issues
   of the S-300 missiles, agricultural policies and the new traffic
   regulations.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
              Mazlumder reports human rights violations in Turkey
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Istanbul - A pro-Islamic human rights group has reported widespread
   human rights violations in Turkey in August, including 2,350
   detentions and 247 deaths in clashes with security officials.
   
   The head of the Istanbul branch of the Association of Solidarity for
   Human Rights and the Oppressed (Mazlumder) Sadi Carsancakli said the
   violations were alarming developments.
   
   "We are now becoming familiar with oppressions that used to be told by
   our grandfathers, which were foreign to our generation,"Carsancakli
   declared in a written statement Thursday.
   
   He pointed out that old people were being harassed in front of
   Imam-Hatip preacher schools and female students were being questioned
   at universities for wearing head scarves.
   
   Carsancakli, a lawyer, accused authorities of banning people from
   entering the famed Haci Bayram Mosque in Ankara to pray. He also said
   a hunger strike (to death) was taking place in Nigde prison.
   
   He also criticized the government for banning foreign peace activists
   from attending a World Peace Day meeting in southeast Turkey and
   holding a news conference in Istanbul.
   
   He said 416 women had been harassed for wearing head scarves and
   likewise seven men had faced harassment for wearing religious robes.
   
   "The government is attempting to control the people," he claimed.
   "This is the understanding of a one-party system. The state exists
   along with the people. It is shaped by the tendencies of the people
   and must follow this direction."
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                   DGM may prosecute LDP leader Besim Tibuk
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
    By Metin Demirsar / Turkish Daily News
    
   Istanbul - The State Security Court (DGM) may prosecute the leader of
   the Liberal Democrat Party (LDP) for criticizing the detention of a
   political party leader and demanding the removal of the chief
   prosecutor of the court, LDP officials said Friday.
   
   LDP officials in Istanbul said their controversial leader, Besim
   Tibuk, was to appear at the DGM in Ankara yesterday to answer the
   questions posed by court's prosecutor about his statements criticizing
   the 24-hour detention of conservative Rebirth Party leader, Hasan
   Celal Guzel, in July.
   
   They said the DGM could open a court case against Tibuk, 52, founder
   and former chairman of Net Holding, Turkey's biggest tourism
   conglomerate. Tibuk has led the small LDP since its founding in the
   early 1990s.
   
   The LDP isn't represented in parliament and hasn't contested any
   elections to date.
   
   Guzel was detained after holding a news conference in which he
   disclosed secret army documents allegedly showing preparations for a
   military coup in Turkey against the then Islamist-led government.
   
   Tibuk had said no political leaders should be arrested for their
   views. He had also demanded the removal of the DGM's chief public
   prosecutor, Nuh Mete Yuksel, for demanding Guzel's arrest.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                High Board of Human Rights meets in Diyarbakir
                                       
     * _Minister Turk: _'Southeast failed to develop as much as the other
       regions'
       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - Hikmet Sami Turk, State Minister responsible for human
   rights, pointed out that the southeastern region of Turkey had not
   developed as much as other parts of the country, the Anatolia news
   agency reported.
   
   "Investments to be made in the region have gained importance" said
   Turk.
   
   Organizing a press conference after the eight gathering of the High
   Board of Human Rights in Diyarbakir, Turk stated that such gatherings
   in the southeastern region confirmed the importance that the
   government gave to that region.
   
   Turk briefed that the government would announce its projects for the
   southeast after its meeting in Siirt to be held on Sept. 16.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                 Justice Ministry will amend broadcasting laws
                                       
     * RTUK objects to the transfer of its excess revenues to the
       Treasury
       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - The Ministry of Justice has called the representatives of
   national radio and television stations to a meeting on Sept. 18 in
   order to discuss amendments to the law regulating radio and television
   broadcasts, the Anatolia news agency reported.
   
   The amendments, which are planned to be introduced, will cover a
   National Security Council (MGK) suggestion on separatist and
   subversive broadcasts, the position of the general director of the
   Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT), the revision of TV
   shutdown punishments, and the transfer of the excess revenues from the
   Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK) -- an iron-fisted
   regulatory body controlling broadcasts -- to the Treasury.
   
   The RTUK's deputy chairman, Fatih Karaca, who spoke with an Anatolia
   reporter, said the RTUK's opinions were polled on whether to impose
   fines on the violators of broadcast regulations. He said Parliament
   would give the amendment proposal its final shape, adding that
   broadcast shutdowns must be the last step in punishments which follow
   fines.
   
   Karaca confirmed that he had heard the Justice Ministry intended to
   transfer the excess revenues of the RTUK to the Treasury. However he
   did not regard the development positively, saying they would not have
   an optimistic view of this.
      _________________________________________________________________
                                      
 Chief judge says court rapporteur of RP closure case is receiving threatening
                                    letters
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara-Yekta Gungor Ozden, the chief judge of the Constitutional
   Court, disclosed on Friday that the court rapporteur dealing with a
   case against Necmettin Erbakan's pro-religion Welfare Party (RP) was
   receiving threatening letters, reported the Anatolia news agency. The
   RP is faced with the threat of being closed for "becoming a focal
   point of anti-secular criminal activity."
   
   Speaking to reporters during a visit to the Turkish Industrialists and
   Businessmen's Foundation (TUSIAV) premises, Ozden said, "Very ugly
   things are taking place in Turkey. (But) the Constitutional Court will
   not be influenced by anyone. I have been a judge for 41 years. To whom
   can I possibly sell out? There is no way they can say I have received
   credits or money from the prime minister's slush fund. So they are
   making irrational claims."
   
   Stressing that democracy could not exist without the principle of
   secularism, that the army is democratic, and the National Security
   Council is not above the Constitutional Court, he said, "We are not
   against or on the side of anyone. We attach importance to cooperation
   among institutions."
   
   In reply to a question, Ozden said the Constitutional Court's staff
   had not been consulted about the planned changes in Article 100 of the
   Constitution as a result of which the prime minister and ministers of
   the country would become liable to prosecution, without having to
   obtain the permission of Parliament, for crimes such as corruption and
   irregularities. "Parliamentary seats should not be used as a tool to
   enable persons to commit crimes and get away with it. Any deputy who
   commits a crime should be tried immediately," he said.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                      [LINK]Baykal urges Susurluk solved
                                       
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Izmir - Opposition Republican People's Party leader Deniz Baykal said:
   "We would welcome any attempt to put Susurluk on the agenda even when
   this amounts to staging a show." Baykal, reported the Anatolia news
   agency, was commenting on True Path Party leader Tansu Ciller's trip
   to Susurluk nearly a year after a road accident in the Western
   Anatolian town triggered the "state gang" scandal in which two DYP
   deputies have been implicated.
   
   Baykal said Ciller and her friends should vote in favor of stripping
   these two deputies of their legislative immunity. He said: "A new
   attempt is needed to strip them of their legislative immunity. The
   initial attempt to do so failed in Parliament because Necmettin
   Erbakan and Sevket Kazan [both of the Welfare Party] obstructed it."
   
   In reply to questions about the Southeast, Baykal said his party was
   suggesting an Economic Development Council to counter the outlawed
   Kurdistan Workers' Party in the region. Represented in the council
   would be civic and business organizations of the region. The council's
   chairman would be a government minister.
   
   Referring to the economy, he said: "The August monthly inflation
   figures are too high. We have experienced under this government the
   biggest price increases in the history of the republic. This is
   worrisome. Inflation is on the brink of exploding."
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                   RP charged with tampering with documents
                                       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - A Constitutional Court rapporteur has completed his report on
   the 1990 rent value of the Welfare Party (RP) headquarters building
   located in Ankara's Balgat district, the Anatolia news agency
   reported. The report was sent to the Constitutional Court by the
   prosecutor in chief of the Court of Appeals.
   
   Prosecutors have revealed that according to the RP's lease agreement
   the monthly rent for its headquarters building was TL 250,000 rent in
   1990, but receipts showed that the RP paid TL 450,000 monthly.
   However, according to the report, the real rent value of the building
   in 1990 was TL 5,950,000, far above the rent paid by the RP.
   
   The report prepared by a civil engineer, said the RP's rent receipts
   indicated that it was paying TL 450,000 from March to December of
   1990. But a one-year lease signed between the RP and a private
   corporation on Feb. 1990 said the tenant would have to pay TL 250,000.
   
   However, the RP should have paid nearly TL 6 million for its monthly
   rent of the whole building, when its real rent value was considered,
   the report added.
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
                                       
                   [LINK]Ciller faces protestors in Susurluk
                                       
     * The DYP leader attacks Mesut Yilmaz and claims, referring to the
       recent body bag fiasco, that the government wants to put her into
       a plastic body bag
       
     _________________________________________________________________
                                      
   Turkish Daily News
   
   Ankara - Tansu Ciller, chairperson of the opposition True Path Party
   (DYP) was confronted by a protest group while making a speech in
   Balikesir's Susurluk district where last year's highly controversial
   traffic accident occurred, which revealed the illegal relationships
   between the state, the police force and the mafia.
   
   According to the information received by the Anatolia news agency,
   during Ciller's speech in the city center of Susurluk, a group
   consisting of members of the Democratic Left Party (DSP), Motherland
   Party (ANAP), People's Republican Party (CHP) and Freedom and
   Democracy Party (ODP) supporters held banners saying, "Ciller, welcome
   to Susurluk accident." The group shouted slogans such as, "The gangs
   will answer to the people," and "Block the gangs, not the people." DYP
   supporters tried to prevent the group from demonstrating, but security
   forces intervened and escorted the group from the scene.
   
   "The gangs behind the Susurluk accident are those who brought Mesut
   Yilmaz to the prime ministry," Ciller stated. She denied all the
   claims about herself. Ciller accused those making the claims of
   carrying out a slander campaign and she challenged them to reveal
   their proof.
   
   Meanwhile, DYP leader Ciller has called the coalition a "plastic bag"
   government and said: "Do you know who they want to put into those
   plastic bags? They want to put your sister [indicating herself] into
   those bags and bury her."
   
   Ciller was quoted by the Anatolia news agency on Friday, referring to
   the issue of body bags, about which the Transport Ministry recently
   decreed should be kept in motor vehicles, workplaces and houses. This
   decree was subsequently revoked.
   
   While addressing residents of the Bandirma district of Balikesir
   province in northwestern Turkey, Ciller criticized the government over
   the issues of the S-300 missiles, agricultural policies and the new
   traffic regulations.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep 12 19:07:55 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 12 Sep 1997 19:07:55
Subject: Dogfight in Turkey
References: <bac1c849.m3hgbzjc9b.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0x9gsl.000CG3C@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


ANKARA, Sept 11 (Reuter) - A Turkish military court on Thursday began
the trial of a former senior police intelligence officer alleged to
have spied on the secularist army for the former Islamist-led
government, Anatolian news agency said.

Bulent Orakoglu is accused of taking documents and information
gathered by a "mole" at the naval headquarters and passing them to the
government of former Islamist Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan. Orakoglu faces a maximum 10 years in prison.

Former interior minister Meral Aksener earlier acknowledged that
police had watched the army to spot possible preparations for a
military coup against the Islamist-led coalition.

The secularist military saw Erbakan's government as a serious threat
to Turkey's secular traditions.

The police force, at that time answerable to the junior coalition
partner True Path Party of Tansu Ciller, appeared to side with the
Islamist-led coalition in the secularism row with the powerful
military.

Erbakan, modern Turkey's first Islamist leader, resigned in June after
months of back-stage pressure from the military and the mainstream
media. Former policeman Kadir Sarmusak, one of six suspects in the
case, denied charges of acting as a mole at naval headquarters, the
agency said.

ANKARA, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey's former ruling Islamists used the
anniversary of the 1980 military coup Friday to launch an attack on
the influence of the country's armed forces, the Anatolian news agency
said.
                                       
"The anti-democratic traces of Sept. 12 are still evident," Welfare
Party deputy chairman Ahmet Tekdal said in reference to the day in
1980 when the military staged its third coup in 20 years. "Those who
see themselves as obliged to protect the republic can oust the
political power. The name of it is a militarist system," he told a
news conference.
                                       
The country's powerful generals played a key role in easing Necmettin
Erbakan's Welfare Party out of government in June in a fierce row over
the alleged resurgence of Islamist activism under his leadership.
                                       
Three times, the generals' predecessors had deposed civilian regimes
they said were incapable of protecting the republic from various
domestic threats.
                                       
At a briefing last spring on Islamist activism, the military
leadership said it was the military's duty to protect the country's
secular system "by force of arms" from domestic and external threats.

Political analysts described the collapse of Erbakan's Islamist-led
coalition as the result of a "soft coup."

"You cannot go anywhere with oppression. There is a need to respect
human rights," said Tekdal, referring to the execution of 49 people
and the sentencing of journalists to a total of 3,315 years in jail
during the Sept. 12, 1980, coup.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep  5 22:08:02 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 22:08:02
Subject: Turkey Deports Foreign Peace Activists
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3d8mnjbgx.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

                                       
Megak?y, Sept 5 (Reuter) - Turkish police began on Friday to deport 15
foreign peace activists detained for organising an unauthorised news
conference, security officials said.

"Three German citizens were expelled this morning. The other 12 will
be deported later in the day," a police officer told Reuters.
                                       
The activists were detained on Wednesday after security forces broke
up the impromptu news conference at an Megak?y hotel about ways to
find a peaceful end to Turkey's Kurdish conflict.

They came to Turkey to campaign for a negotiated end to 13 years of
conflict between security forces and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
terrorist group. More than 26,000 people have died in the fighting.

Police officials said earlier that the news conference was forbidden
under a law which bars demonstrations in Turkey by foreigners who
have not obtained prior permission.

The activists were remanded in police custody following an Megak?y
court's rule on Thursday not to drop charges against the group. The
mostly German group was part of an aborted trans-European "peace
train," organised by a pro-Kurdish group in Germany, which was
prevented by police from demonstrating in the southeastern city of
Diyarbakir earlier this week.

Turkey suspects them of sympathy with the PKK, which is fighting for
independence in the mainly Kurdish southeast. Some of the detainees
were asked by the court prosecutor if they had any links with the
terrorists.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Sep  8 05:41:15 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 08 Sep 1997 05:41:15
Subject: Turkey Deports Foreign Peace Activists
References: <bac1c849.m3d8mnjbgx.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970908003..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey Deports Foreign Peace Activists

Turkey Deports Foreign Peace Activists 

     ISTANBUL, Sept 5 (Reuter) - Turkish police began on Friday
to deport 15 foreign peace activists detained for organizing an
unauthorized news conference, security officials said. 
     "Three German citizens were expelled this morning. The other
12 will be deported later in the day," a police officer told
Reuters.
     The activists were detained on Wednesday after security
forces broke up the impromptu news conference at an Istanbul
hotel about ways to find a peaceful end to Turkey's Kurdish
conflict.
     They came to Turkey to campaign for a negotiated end to 13
years of conflict between security forces and the Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK) rebel group. More than 26,000 people have
died in the fighting.
     Police officials said earlier that the news conference was
forbidden under a law which bars demonstrations in Turkey by
foreigners who have not obtained prior permission.
     The activists were remanded in police custody following an
Istanbul court's rule on Thursday not to drop charges against the
group.
     The mostly German group was part of an aborted
trans-European "peace train", organized by a pro-Kurdish group in
Germany, which was prevented by police from demonstrating in the
southeastern city of Diyarbakir earlier this week.
     Turkey suspects them of sympathy with the PKK, which is
fighting for self-rule in the mainly Kurdish southeast. Some of
the detainees were asked by the court prosecutor if they had any
links with the rebels.

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Sep  8 01:52:18 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 08 Sep 1997 01:52:18
Subject: Turkey: fascists: "Cyprus crucially important for Turkey"
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3g1rgjj8o.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

September 8, 1997

MHP: Cyprus crucially important for Turkish foreign policy

  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Ankara - The Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) declared Sunday that the
Cyprus problem was vitally important for Turkish foreign policy.

Speaking in Corum, MHP's Secretary-General Muharrem Semsek said if
Turkey compromises and gives the image of a "loser" country in the
Cyprus issue, it will lose its credibility in the Turkish world as
well.

Semsek said a "defeat in Cyprus" would have drastic impacts not only
on the credibility of the Turkish foreign policy but also result in
Ankara losing its psychological strength in the region.

He said such a defeat would create the impression that Turkish
diplomacy has lost the fight against the Greek diplomacy and that
Greece has captured the "upper hand."

The MHP secretary-general said rather than pursuing unrealistic
polices such as the creation of a Turkish-Greek Cypriot federation on
the island, "Turkey should wake up" and start telling the world that
there was only one solution to the issue and that was side-by-side
coexistence of two states on the eastern Mediterranean island.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglist: mailto:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Sep 11 10:55:25 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 11 Sep 1997 10:55:25
Subject: Another arm of the Turkish state?
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2lj52ya.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

We don't have any information about this organisation, so we can't say 
anything definit about it, but simular organisations and initiatives
are directed by the Turkish government and used in it's fight against
political oponents all over Europe..


Sept. 11 1997

                                      
              Turks Abroad Assembly moves closer to establishment
   
 _________________________________________________________________

 Turkish Daily News
 
 Istanbul - The Turkish Workers' Associations' Federation of Sweden
 (TWAFS) has announced that it was pleased about the efforts concerning
 the establishment of the "Assembly of Turks Abroad" (ATA). TWAFS
 Chairman Yasar Pektas said it could become an important tool to
 provide solutions for the problems of Turks abroad, should it be
 formulated and organized properly. News which appeared last week in
 Hurriyet, stating that the assembly and technical committee would be
 appointed, showed that the issue had reached a serious stage.
 
 Speaking on behalf of TWAFS, Pektas said that the creation of such
 bodies by appointment was not a healthy way to proceed as it bypassed
 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that have been working to solve
 the problems of Turkish citizens abroad for many years.
 
"We have been operating for 20 years"

 "Despite the fact that TWAFS has been operating since 1977 and has
 12,000 members in 25 regions, it was not consulted for its ideas about
 the assembly or the technical board," Pektas complained. "It would be
 a great mistake to think that an assembly of appointed people would
 represent the Turks abroad, excluding the NGOs that are experienced in
 dealing with Turkish ex-pats' problems," he added.
 
 Pektas said the operational principles, authority, responsibilities
 and aims of the assembly and the technical board should be identified
 clearly and the NGOs must be consulted. He added that it was not too
 late to correct the mistake at this stage because such an important
 project would come to an end before it ever started if the assembly
 and the technical board were formed by appointment.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep 12 20:52:36 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 12 Sep 1997 20:52:36
Subject: Dogfight in Turkey II: TDN Comment
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3sov9evrt.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


13 September, 1997, Copyright ? Turkish Daily News
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 [INLINE] If only coups were a thing of the past

  * Everyone agrees that past coups have not contributed to progress
 in Turkey. Yet, there are still those who encourage military
 takeovers in our country...
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 Editorial by Ilnur Cevik
 
On Friday we marked the 17th anniversary of the 1980 coup. When we
look back at what this military takeover achieved we have to say: NOT
MUCH.

Today Suleyman Demirel, the prime minister who was deposed by that
coup is the president of the country. The main opposition leader,
Bulent Ecevit, who was jailed during those days is now the deputy
prime minister, and another opposition leader Necmettin Erbakan is now
the main opposition leader.

The military banned all these leaders for several years and made life
hell for them.

Today the Turkish nation has much respect and affection for these
deposed leaders and yet we do not see the same attention given to
those who staged the coup...

It is also interesting to note that retired general Kenan Evren, also
the former head of state, is frequently seen exchanging friendly
remarks with Demirel who he deposed.

Times change and past grievances are forgotten. People decide to live
with the facts of life and thus nations continue on their quest for a
better future.

This is what has happened in Turkey as well. People are criticizing
Suleyman Demirel for making peace with the former coup leader Evren.
They say he has forgotten the past.

We feel this is a gross injustice to Demirel. The president has not
forgotten his past. On the contrary he remembers what has happened in
Turkey in the past four decades and his latest attitude shows he has
taken more lessons from past mistakes committed in our country than
anyone else.

Thus Demirel has managed to outmaneuver the coupmongers in Turkey and
prevent a direct military intervention in the past six months. It is a
fact that he was aided by Chief of Staff General Ismail Hakki Karadayi
who has always proven his loyalty to democratic ideals.

We wish other people had taken the necessary lessons from the past
coups and mistakes committed in Turkey like Demirel. But unfortunately
they haven't. They are still encouraging coups.

What hurts us most is the fact that coups are not a thing of the past.
We still feel the threat of such interventions which hurt our
democracy even though they are called "post-modern coups" which means
the military does not topple the government directly but does this
indirectly through civilians...

Let no one forget that if there is a problem of fundamentalism today
it is because of the policies of the military administration that
ruled Turkey after 1980. They felt Islamists could be the antidote to
communism and encouraged their progress...

_Editor's note: _Our dear reader Harriet Davis will be celebrating her
89th birthday on Sept. 14. Ilnur Cevik and the staff of the Turkish
Daily News wish her a happy birthday full of health and hope she will
be with us for many more years to come.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: mailto:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep 12 20:52:56 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 12 Sep 1997 20:52:56
Subject: Dogfight in Turkey III: TDN Domnestic news
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3raatevcm.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


13 September,1997, Copyright ? Turkish Daily News
  

  _________________________________________________________________
  
 Military: Government and armed forces should work cooperatively against
  fundamentalism

  * Turkey will never be allowed to turn into another Iran or Algeria.
 In association with the public and civilian bodies in Turkey, the
 Turkish Armed Forces will try to do its best to prevent any
 attempts at changing the secular regime
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Metehan Demir / Turkish Daily News
 
Ankara - The Turkish Military, the government and the civilian
authorities must work in harmony and cooperate in an effort to
maintain the democratic and secular Turkish Republic against the
fundamentalist threat which is still alive and strong, despite the
resignation of the previous Islamist-led government, high level
military sources declared.

Turkish Daily News probed current allegations that there is
disagreement between the military and the government over the
government's policies on anti-fundamentalist measures.

The TDN confirmed that the military's sensitivity on the
fundamentalist threat is still at a high point but there is no
large-scale crisis between the military and the government on this
issue as was reported.

  Government is briefed by military
  
Military sources state that the current government headed by Mesut
Yilmaz is briefed and advised periodically by the military on the
radical Islamist threat in reports prepared by the West Working Group.
However, this doesn't mean that the there is dissatisfaction on the
part of the military over the government's policies related to their
anti-radical Islamist measures because the military -- as one of the
most sensitive bodies in Turkey to the radical Islamist threat -- is
merely performing its duty under the Constitution when taking
necessary measures against such threats in the country. This role
should not be misunderstood, sources said.

"Yes, during the previous government's term, we harshly criticized
former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan and his former coalition
partner Tansu Ciller over some of their popular policies which granted
concessions in the face of the fundamentalist threat. We slammed them
many times at numerous meetings for dragging their feet in taking
measures against the growing fundamentalist threat but we do not have
the same complaint with the new government," said a senior general.

He pointed out that briefing the current government by reminding them
of the radical Islamist threat and of the necessity for taking
countermeasures, and slamming the former government over its poor
policies are two completely different matters. He added that these
should not be mixed and that briefing should not be regarded as the
military slamming the current government.

  West Working Group will continue
  
There is no reason to create unrest between the government and the
military as they are very pleased with the new government but of
course, the West Working Group is still functioning because, despite
the change of government, the threat of fundamentalism still persists
in Turkey," said senior military sources.

The powerful Turkish military is also waiting for further measures
including, the full implementation of the 18 anti-radical Islamist
points recommended by the military-dominated National Security Council
on Feb. 28, according to the military sources.

The senior generals add that nobody should stop action against
fundamentalism. Until the roots are demolished the threat will remain,
everybody should guard the secular regime.

  Neither Iran nor Algeria
  
The resignation of the former government which dragged its feet in
taking anti-fundamentalist measures was a victory for the armed forces
but further steps -- including keeping the country aware of the
continuing threat -- should be taken.

The Turkish Republic will never be allowed to turn into another Iran
or Algeria. Along with public and civilian bodies in Turkey, the
Turkish Armed Forces will try to do its best to prevent all attempts
at changing the secular regime.

They say that the state was seriously damaged during the period of the
previous Islamist Welfare Party (RP)-led coalition government. The
anti-establishment fundamentalist elements have been rapidly organized
in a systematic manner within the state and in the country, adding
that those which are like an iceberg, mostly unseen, should be cleared
as soon as possible.

  Message to Yilmaz
  
Reminding of Yilmaz's earlier statements that governing the country is
the government's task. Since there cannot be two governments at the
same time, the fight against religious fanaticism will also be
conducted by them, the senior general said that the West Working Group
will continue to work because the spirit of the threat is circling in
the country. He added that they should closely monitor and recommend
to the government the necessary measures to be taken, adding that they
will be done in cooperation.

West Working Group is a body specially established by the General
Staff last February after the remarkable National Security Council
(MGK) meeting to closely monitor the recently growing radical Islamist
activities aimed at changing the secular regime in the country. The
group is being headed by the chief of the General Staff Operation
Bureau (J3). Its planning team consists of generals. The intelligence
department chiefs of land, navy, ground forces and the operation
bureau chief of the gendarmerie forces as well as two major generals
of the General Staff are the key figures -- which determine the agenda
-- of the West Working Group.

The remarkable Feb. 28 MGK meeting lasted nine hours as the top
generals harshly criticized former Prime Minister Islamist Prime
Minister Necmettin Erbakan and his coalition partner Tansu Ciller over
dragging their feet against fundamentalist threat.

The reports prepared by the group on increasingfundamentalism in
Turkey are periodically being presented to the military top brass in
an effort to reveal the nationwide picture of political Islam. They
are also intended to enable the military to develop countermeasures.
The West Working Group is investigating many different spheres:
including various levels of government; local administration of
provinces and towns; the radical Islamists alleged efforts to
infiltrate the army; outlawed fundamentalist organizations such as
Hezbollah; pro-Islamist businessmen, who allegedly back the
fundamentalists; pro-Islamist media outlets; certain parties' youth
branches; implementation of the MGK decisions taken on Feb. 28,
pro-Islamist persons-controlled schools, and universities.

The DYP and RP circles have reacted strongly to the West Working
Group. The former interior minister Meral Aksener while trying to
defend her term in office accused the military's West Working Group of
being an illegal organization itself and of being involved in
preparations for a military coup.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
  Justice ministry prepares RTUK law amendment

  * Justice Minister Oltan Sungurlu says the ministry will open
 discussions on the proposal with representatives from all
 television and radio stations broadcasting countrywide at a
 meeting on Sept. 18 in Ankara
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Ankara - The Ministry of Justice has prepared a new proposal to amend
the law regulating radio and television broadcasts, the Anatolia news
agency reported.

The proposal would alter the structure of the Supreme Board of Radio
and Television (RTUK), the watchdog organization monitoring radio and
television stations, which sanctions them if necessary. In addition,
RTUK members who have resigned will be banned from taking part in
active politics or being employed by a radio or television station for
five years from the day they resign.

Justice Minister Oltan Sungurlu said that the ministry will open the
proposal for discussion with representatives from all television and
radio stations broadcasting country-wide at a meeting on Sept. 18 in
Ankara.

Sungurlu said there were some issues emphasized by the ministry in the
proposal. One of them, he said, was on the punitive measures against
television channels which violate existing RTUK laws. The ministry
intends to fine these channels large sums of money, instead of
shutting down their broadcasts for a day or two, he said.

According to Sungurlu, the new proposal also bans radio and television
station owners from using their own stations to broadcast propaganda
for their own private motives. The amendments will also oblige the
RTUK to transfer the excess of its revenues to the treasury. The RTUK
raises revenues through collecting a certain percentage of advertising
profits from public and private radio and television stations.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
TOBB to face trial over opinion poll

  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Ankara - The Turkish Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges (TOBB)
is preparing for a trial scheduled next week because of an opinion
poll it conducted among its own members during the former Islamist-led
administration, the Anatolia news agency reported. The suit was filed
by the Justice Ministry which, at that time, was controlled by the
Islamist Welfare Party.

TOBB Chairman Fuat Miras said the opinion poll asked the union members
whether or not they were pleased with the policies of the Welfarepath
government headed by then-Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. "The poll
did not have any political purpose. In any case, the Constitution
allows us to involve ourselves in political affairs," he said. He also
criticized the former government for not resorting to the law to deal
with its problems.

"They should have sued us for our published opinion, in which we said
the Welfarepath government should step down. But instead, they are
suing us for this kind of opinion poll," Miras said. He added that he
believed the case will be concluded during the first session, which
will start on Sept. 16.

Atil Akkan, one of the managing board members of the TOBB, said the
poll was limited only to union members, and its results had not been
not publicized. He said there was a 90 percent participation in the
poll. Another board member, Saim Gursoy, said the poll was aimed at
helping political parties gain stability.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 [LINK]DISK's tenth annual meeting begins

  * _Labor and Social Security Minister Cagan:_ If unions and workers
 still seek pre-1980 rights, it shows we have important problems.
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Istanbul - Nami Cagan, the Minister for Labor and Social Security,
said that if labor unions and workers in Turkey still felt a longing
for the labor union activity and conditions which existed before the
military coup of September 12, 1980, the situation indicated that the
country had important problems.

Cagan was speaking at the tenth annual meeting of the Turkish
Confederation of Progressive Labor Unions (DISK) which began three
days of deliberations at the Dedeman Hotel Friday.

Stressing that the government's goal was to raise living standards,
increase production and provide a just distribution, Cagan noted that
it was also aiming at realizing the government's debates on these
issues "in a democratic atmosphere and in a form in which every part
of society would be represented."

Turning to the unregistered economy, the Minister emphasized that this
sector would be taken inside the system and many people would be
covered by the umbrella of social security. He drew attention to the
difficulty of making the present social security system autonomous and
noted that work was under way to make the hospitals under this system
more productive and more democratic.

  Baykal speaks about inflation problems
  
Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal said Turkey had
been struggling with an inflation rate of 60-90 percent. Baykal
commmented that the reason for the high inflation rate was the lack of
political will in power.

Baykal warned that the policies of borrowing and price increases would
cause serious problems for Turkey, and said "as political parties and
unions, we must express our reaction against this situation with a
louder voice."

The opening was also attended by Freedom and Solidarity Party (ODP)
Chairman Ufuk Uras, Turk-Is Chairman Bayram Meral, Hak-Is Chairman
Salim Uslu, Employers' Union (TISK) Chairman Refik Baydur, Motherland
Party Istanbul District Chairman Erdal Aksoy, CHP Istanbul District
Chairman Mehmet Ali Ozpolat and a number of parliamentarians.

DISK Chairman Ridvan Budak is up for reelection. Other possible
candidates include Nakliyat-Is Chairman Ali Riza Kucukosmanagaoglu,
Sine-Sen Chairman Yusuf Cetin and Genel Is Union's Organizing Office
Chairman Erol Ekici.

Among the guests are the Secretary General of the European Trade
Unions Confederation Emillo Gabaldio, representatives of the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and labor union
members from a number of European countries.

DISK was founded in 1967. It was closed in 1971 and in 1980 following
military coups and reopened in 1992.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
[LINK]President honors veterans and martyrs' relatives

Turkish Daily News

Ankara - President Suleyman Demirel gave medals of honor to the
families of 17 security personnel killed, and to seven veterans. The
president, who also presented one civilian with a medal for high
service to the state, said: "If somebody has to die for something,
then it should be the country. Nations who have understood that with
their hearts and minds will survive forever," reported the Anatolia
news agency.

Participating in the ceremony in the presidential palace alongside the
families and veterans were Acting Parliament Speaker Hasan Korkmazcan,
Supreme Court Head Judge Mehmet Uygun, State Council Chairman Firuzan
Ikinciogullari, Interior Minister Murat Basesgioglu, Supreme Court
Chief Prosecutor Vural Savas, Ankara Governor Erdogan Sahinoglum and
Security Department General Director Necati Bilican.

President Demirel said that martyrdom is to meet God at heaven's door.
"How happy must be these people. A person's most important possession
is life and when they die for their country, they become saints," he
expressed.

After the medals were presented and before the reception, the
president told the families: "Our martyrs leave you a great heritage.
They are heroes who will be a source of pride for you for your whole
life. They are our nation's honour."
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 'Mole case' hearing continues

  * Another defendant, Mehmet Tomruk told the judge that he did not
 understand which documents were stolen from the Naval Forces
 headquarters
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Turkish Daily News

Ankara - The Naval Forces Military Court on Friday continued hearing
the case concerning alleged spying by police to obtain secret military
documents.

Six people have been charged in the "mole affair," including the
acting chief of the intelligence branch of the Security Department,
Bulent Orakoglu. Others on trial include Kadir Sarmusak, the person
who allegedly stole the secret documents from Navy headquarters;
Mehmet Tomruk, a bureau chief in the intelligence branch of the
Security Department; and Ugur Kocaefe, a policeman who worked in the
same department. The other two military personnel being tried are a
colonel and an enlisted officer who are accused of neglecting their
duties at Navy Headquarters under Article 230 of Turkish law.

The court heard the testimony of the remaining defendants after
Sarmusak and Orakoglu. Tomruk told the judge that he did not
understand which documents were stolen from the Naval Forces
headquarters. Tomruk who headed a police office responsible for
monitoring Islamic reactionary activities, minorities,
ultranationalists and sectarian movements denied the accusations that
Sarmusak had brought him confidential documents.

Tomruk had a little argument with Maj. Mesut Kursun, the judge of the
trial, over the reliability of his confession. "I plead not guilty. I
never ordered Sarmusak to bring me documents from the Naval Forces
Headquarters. I have never seen such documents either," he said. He
added that his meetings with Sarmusak took place only for official
reasons.

Ugur Kocaefe, who spoke after Tomruk, said he went to the Naval Forces
Headquarters only once to repair an electronic device, and was awarded
by naval commanders for that. He was accused of having been handed
over the secret documents allegedly stolen by Sarmusak.

The "mole scandal" broke after press reports in July revealed that
Orakoglu had allegedly obtained military documents with the help of
Sarmusak, who was doing his military service in the intelligence
section of Naval Forces Headquarters in Ankara.

The military prosecutors demanded a 12-year prison term for Sarmusak
and Orakoglu and an eight-year prison term for the two police
officers. Sarumsak and Orakoglu are being detained in a military jail
in Ankara. The prosecutor is expected to demand a one-year prison term
for the two military personnel.
  _________________________________________________________________
  

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org  
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl 
mailinglists: mailto:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Sep 16 05:54:44 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 16 Sep 1997 05:54:44
Subject: Turkish Court Sends Blind Rights Activist to Jail
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3n2ld1oh8.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


Turkish Court Sends Blind Rights Activist to Jail
                                       
ANKARA, Sept 15 (Reuter) - The Turkish appeals court on Monday
confirmed a sentence against a blind rights activist that would lead
to his imprisonment for more than 20 years.

"Now a sentence of nearly 23 years has been confirmed for me after the
appeal court stage," the activist and lawyer Esber Yagmurdereli who
did not attend the court told Reuters.

He said the court rejected an appeal against a 10-month jail sentence
handed down by a state security court for a speech he made seven years
ago calling for a peaceful solution to the country's long-running
Kurdish conflict. The appeal court decision will automotically bring
into effect a former sentence given to Yagmurdereli for a similar
conviction.

"I was released by another court years ago on the condition that I
would not commit the same crime again and I had 22 years left to serve
from that case," he said.

The 22 years left on Yagmudereli's sentence were conditionally
suspended on his release in 1991.

Yagmurdereli, 52, will stay behind bars a total of almost 23 years
until the year 2019. He is one of several rights workers jailed for
what they said, particularly on the sensitive Kurdish issue.

<...>
                                       
"Freedom of expression is under pressure in Turkey. It is everyone's
problem who wants to fight for democracy," Yagmurdereli said, adding
that he would not give up his struggle for human rights.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl          mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 19 03:11:10 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 03:11:10
Subject: Turkish Court Sends Blind Rights Activist to Jail
References: <bac1c849.m3n2ld1oh8.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970918220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkish Court Sends Blind Rights Activist To Jail

Turkish Court Sends Blind Rights Activist to Jail
                                       
     ANKARA, Sept 15 (Reuter) - The Turkish appeals court on
Monday confirmed a sentence against a blind rights activist that
would lead to his imprisonment for more than 20 years.
     "Now a sentence of nearly 23 years has been confirmed for me
after the appeal court stage," the activist and lawyer Esber
Yagmurdereli who did not attend the court told Reuters.
     He said the court rejected an appeal against a 10-month jail
sentence handed down by a state security court for a speech he
made seven years ago calling for a peaceful solution to the
country's long-running Kurdish conflict. The appeal court decision
will automatically bring into effect a former sentence given to
Yagmurdereli for a similar conviction.
     "I was released by another court years ago on the condition
that I would not commit the same crime again and I had 22 years
left to serve from that case," he said.
     The 22 years left on Yagmudereli's sentence were
conditionally suspended on his release in 1991.
     Yagmurdereli, 52, will stay behind bars a total of almost 23
years until the year 2019. He is one of several rights workers
jailed for what they said, particularly on the sensitive Kurdish
issue.

[...]
                                       
     "Freedom of expression is under pressure in Turkey. It is
everyone's problem who wants to fight for democracy," Yagmurdereli
said, adding that he would not give up his struggle for human
rights.

--
Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.ozgurluk.org
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Sep 16 05:54:50 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 16 Sep 1997 05:54:50
Subject: Contra Guerrilla State Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3lo0x1o9l.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

             16 September,1997, Copyright ? Turkish Daily News
                                      
Four accused police freed in Metin Goktepe trial
                                       
     * Further postponement: Court hearing in battered journalist case
 adjourns until 9 October due to witnesses' failure to appear
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Hasan Ustun / Turkish Daily News
 
Afyon - Of the 11 policemen accused of beating journalist Metin
Goktepe to death, four were yesterday released from custody pending
the continuation of trial hearings. When four witnesses, Deniz Ozcan,
Hayati Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar and Ali Ekber Palabiyik, who had been
summoned at the previous hearing to confront the accused police
officers for identification purposes failed to appear, the case was
adjourned until 9 October.

At the hearing which commenced yesterday at 10.00 a.m. at the Afyon
Courts of Juztice under presiding judge Kamil Seref, nine of the
officers who had, at previous hearings, used their right to remain
silent and refused to make statements, declared that they had nothing
further to add to their original statements made in Istanbul. These
were Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Metin Kusat, Selcuk Bayraktaroglu,
Burhan Koc, Ilhan Sarioglu, Tuncay Uzun and Fikret Kayacan. Seyidi
Battal Kose and Suayip Mutluer said that their previous statements had
been extracted from them by pressure and threats from Civil Inspectors
and Sedat Demir, Assistant Security Director responsible for public
order, who carried out the questioning. They denied the accusations of
involvement in Metin Goktepe's death.

Despite protests from lawyers for the accused that the publication in
newspapers of the photographs of the policemen had removed the
necessary preconditions for identification by witnesses, the court
decided that these witnesses should be present on 9 October. Advocates
for the accused further claimed that the Metin Goktepe event was a
scenario put into effect to remove from the public agenda the
assassination of industrialist Ozdemir Sabanci which took place on the
same day, and that Evrensel, the paper for which Metin Goktepe worked,
was financed by illegal organisations. However, the judge disregarded
these statements after being reminded by lawyers for Metin Goktepe's
family that it was not the journalist who was on trial but the
policemen.

Approximately 1000 "Friends of the Metin Goktepe Trial", including
more than 30 representatives of international media organisations and
human rights associations which have been following events from
abroad, were halted by police barricades when they tried to enter Ordu
Street where the Courts of Justice are located in an attempt to
observe the trial hearing. The Court decided to summon the Civil
Inspectors referred to and police chief Sedat Demir as witnesses, and
released Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Burhan Koc and Metin Kusat on
bail. Thus the number of policemen who have been left free pending
further hearings has increased to 6.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Susurluk gang released, Ciller demands apology

  * A surprise decision to release suspects in a gang linked to the
 state elicits surprise reaction from Ciller
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Hakan Aslaneli / Turkish Daily News
 
A surprise decision in the Susurluk road accident trial was announced
by the Istanbul State Security Court (DGM) after the trial finished
late Friday evening. Members of the Special Operation Teams including
former Chief of Teams Ibrahim Sahin, accused of membership in a
criminal organisation, were released due to lack of evidence.

The trial was attended by the arrested suspects Ibrahim Sahin, Ayhan
Akca, Ziya Bandirmalioglu, Ayhan Carkin, Ercan Ersoy and Oguz
Yorulmaz.

Five witnesses including Ekrem Marakoglu, an advocate of mysteriously
assassinated King of Casinos Omer Lutfu Topal, were heard by the
court. At around 7 pm the court declared its surprise decision as all
suspects were found innocent of involvement in a criminal
organisation.

Members of the Special Teams Ibrahim Sahin, Ayhan Akca and Ziya
Bandirmalioglu were welcomed by their relatives in front of the Metris
Prison, while the rest of the suspects were not released due to
involvement in the Topal trial.

  Ciller on Susurluk
  
True Path Party leader Tansu Ciller's statements concerning the
special team people and Ibrahim Sahin, the former deputy director of
the police's Special Activity Office, after the Susurluk court case
was dismissed, were met with surprise. Ciller insisted that Sahin and
the other policemen should be given apologies and didn't hesitate to
show them as heroes.

But remember a photograph taken at the circumcision ceremony for
Sahin's son two years ago, where he and the special team police were
playing arm in arm with Abdullah Catli. There was a Turkish Republic
state's police chief and policemen arm in arm with a defendent in a
murder case and a fugitive from the law. The police whose duty it is
to arrest fugitives and haul them up before the court have been
cleared of charges despite the fact that this photo had been
published.

Yet the former prime minister of Turkey didn't hesitate to describe
the police chief who let himself be pictured with a fugitive as a
persecuted hero. Speaking in Ankara at a meeting of the True Path
Party's chairman's council she said, "Sahin has been one step away
from martyrdom and his pardon must be begged for -- he and the other
members of the special teams must also be restored to their jobs."

The one possible reaction to this behavior is a saying such as
"appearances speak for themselves."
  _________________________________________________________________

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Sep 18 04:53:12 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Sep 1997 04:53:12
Subject: Warnews from Turkey
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0xBf5C.000CG3C@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

 
 Metin Goktepe: Inside and outside the courtroom

  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Hasan Ustun / Turkish Daily News
 
Afyon - When I climbed over the police barricade placed in front of
those attending the trial in the case of journalist Metin Goktepe and
reached Ordu Street where the Afyon Courts of Justice are located.
Outside the Courts of Justice lawyers, journalists, international
observers and Metin Goktepe's family were waiting to be admitted and
greeting one another.

At 9.45, after a second head-to-foot police search, we were given
permission to enter the garden of the Courts of Justice. I passed
through the security cordon of soldiers to left and right, one facing
forward the next to the rear, and all with latest-model riot shields
in their hands. As I climbed to the top floor where the courtroom was
located, I took my own precaution. Before my automatic camera was
observed, I placed it in a large pocket of my waistcoat and closed the
zip. Leaving behind the slogans, "A free press cannot be silenced,"
and "Independent judiciary, democratic Turkey," which penetrated the
Courts of Justice through the rear windows and could be heard in the
corridors, I was able to cross the threshold of the courtroom at whose
door I had been turned back at the previous hearing.

To the left of the approximately 5 x 8 m. courtroom a cordon of
gendarmes was surrounding one sixth of the available space into which
the accused police would shortly be led. I had to sit crosslegged on
the floor in such a way as to make it impossible to get up again at
the feet of the gendarmerie.

When Judge Kamil Serif started the proceedings, it was a little after
10.00. By contrast with Nilgn Ucar who had presided over two hearings
of the case as Duty Judge during the official court holiday, and who
had been accused of biased behavior in ordering the arrest of four
more policemen and of taking instructions from her husband, the
authority of this male judge could be felt immediately. Because the
accused police were disturbed, permission was not even given to
observe proceedings from outside the door. (As the hours went on,
despite the suffocating atmosphere inside, the doors remained
completely closed.) At the previous hearing, some of the accused
police had used medical reports to avoid attendance, while those who
did attend contented themselves with stating that they were taking
advantage of their right to remain silent. At that hearing, it had
also not been easy for the judge to question the accused. Insistent
reminders by lawyers for Goktepe's family that the period for
questioning the accused had been completed at the previous hearing,
that they had used their right to remain silent and that for this
reason it was now necessary to move on to hearing the witnesses
produced no result. During this period of tension the words, "Your
Honour, are you legally representing the accused?" were heard. On
complaints by the accused's lawyers that these words were an insult to
the Court and should be entered as such in the written record, Judge
Kamil Serif went into action and established that they had come from
Metin Goktepe's brother Dervis. When he asked whether they were
directed towards the President of the Court personally or towards the
whole Court, the Judge received the answer, "Your Honor, I, too, am
using my right to remain silent!" and this brought a smile to all the
tense faces in the courtroom.

This time, of the eleven police accused who were all present without
exception, Saffet Hizarci, Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Metin Kusat,
Suayip Mutluer, Burhan Koc, Ilhan Sarioglu, Tuncay Uzun and Fikret
Kayacan, asserted that they stood by the statements they had
previously made at the First Criminal Court of Eyup, Istanbul, and
demanded their release. Seyidi Battal Kose and Selcuk Bayraktaroglu
alleged that their previous statements had been extracted from them
under pressure and threats from Civil Inspectors and for Assistant
Director of Security Sedat Demir and denied allegations that they had
killed Metin Goktepe.

The Judge asked the police officers, who had previously made
statements accusing one another, "Is the relationship between you of
friendship or of enmity?" This question was necessary to establish
whether the statements were genuine testimony or the result of some
personal rivalry. One by one the policemen gave the answer, "There is
no enmity between us. We are colleagues."

After a 15-minute break following the accused's statements, the
hearing began again. The usher shouted the names, "Deniz Ozcan, Hayati
Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar, Ali Ekber Palabiyik," loudly through the
corridors of the Courts of Justice and the garden, but nobody stepped
forward to say, "I am here." Because these witnesses were not present,
their identification of the accused could not be carried out. However,
despite the absence of the witnesses, the accused's lawyer's
insistently asserted that the decision to hear them should be revoked.
The lawyers' claim that, "Conditions for identification have been
removed," was based first on the claim that photographs taken at the
previous hearing had been published in a large number of newspapers in
Turkey and elsewhere and that this had brought them to a position
where everybody would recognize them. Secondly, the lawyers alleged,
the "past of persons bearing witness against the honorable Turkish
police" was very important. According to the lawyers, the witnesses
had been members of illegal organisations. One of them was even under
arrest for murder.

While lawyers for the family were insisting that the time to make such
protests was when the witnesses appeared in court, one of the lawyers
for the accused, Guzin Koprulu continued speaking despite the Judge's
warning to stop. Upon her statement that, "All the newspapers Metin
Goktepe worked for, especially Evrensel, were completely financed by
illegal leftist organisations," the lawyers for the family reacted
strongly, and demanded that these accusations, which had the character
of "slander", be entered in the record. The Judge had difficulty in
making his voice heard as he cried, "Be quiet! Speak one at a time!"
When the atmosphere calmed, one of the family lawyers, Hasan Huseyin
Evin, stated, "The accused are on trial here. Not Metin Goktepe and
the witnesses." Shortly after this, another defense lawyer increased
tension in the courtroom once again by alleging that Metin Goktepe's
murder had been brought forward to force the killing of Ozdemir
Sabanci off the public agenda. Lawyers for the family pointed out that
Metin Goktepe had been killed before industrialist Ozdemir Sabanci and
described this kind of statement as a delaying tactic.

As 1.00 p.m. approached, Judge Kamil Serif gave a few minutes' break
to allow him to reach his decisions, then listed these as follows:
Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Burhan Koc and Metin Kusat were released
because of the state of the evidence in their files; it was decided to
summon witnesses Deniz Ozcan, Hayati Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar and Ali
Ekber Palabiyik to identify the accused;the Civil Inspectors
(inspectors for the Interior Ministry) and the police who took the
accused's original statements were to be summoned as witnesses, and
the case was adjourned until October 1997.

After the hearing, I went to the square which has been nicknamed
"Metin Goktepe Square" by those following the trial. Even if the
hearing was over for the day, around 1000 people gathered here were
chanting, "The Metins are here, where are the killers?" In
explanations in the square made on behalf of the Contemporary Lawyers
Association and the Labor party, speakers reminded listeners that
police accused in the Susurluk case had been set free and that the
trial was faced with the danger of being suppressed, but that the
press and defenders of human rights would not allow a similar
development in the Metin Goktepe case and would continue to pursue his
killers until they were punished. Those who had arrived in about 20
buses promised that they would return on 9 October before dispersing
homewards.

"Those who burn people are defending human rights!"

Seeing the delegation of 30 overseas observers cross the police
barricade at "Metin Goktepe Square" and walk towards the courthouse, a
young policeman, about 20 years old, screwed up his face and told the
colleague beside him, "Those who burn people in their own countries
come here to defend human rights!"While they were waiting to enter the
courtroom, I had the opportunity of asking some of the foreign
observers what they thought of the above words and why they found the
Metin Goktepe trial important enough to come and observe it.

Professor Hans Reerink, Social Worker, began by saying, "I am very
interested in human rights all over the world." "Of course," he
continued, "these are questions of democracy. In our country I oppose
similar occurrences. Everybody who calls himself a democrat, a human
being, must oppose them. But the Metin Goktepe trial is an occurrence
not encountered in our country."

Prof. Reerink connected Metin Goktepe's death to the effort he had
expended for rights, freedoms and democracy. "Both the German and the
Turkish states are afraid of these things," he said. The German
Professor stated that the death of a journalist freely pursuing his
occupation was a negative situation for both Turkey and the world, but
that he believed justice would be done as Turkish intellectuals and
the media had adopted the case.

Klaus Peter Dillman, who had traveled from Germany to Afyon as the
representative of the Federation of Democratic Workers Associations,
said, "This case is the first in which Turkish policemen are on trial.
That is the important thing. It is in the Turkish government's
interest to finish this trial process as fast as possible, because it
is causing very great interest throughout the world."

Alain Calles, General Secretary of the MRAP organisation which works
against racism in France, also evaluated the Goktepe case as a symbol.
"Here we are witnessing the enforced relationship between power and
justice," he said. Alain Calles reported that he has spoken of his
observations in Turkey in meetings with the Foreign Minister in
France. In previous meetings, MRAP had reported to the French Foreign
Minister that Turkey had not carried out its responsibilities in the
matter of human rights.
  _________________________________________________________________
  
Third assault on police headquarters

  * DHKP-C militants once again have targeted Istanbul police
 headquarters with a LAW missile but hit their target this time
 either.
 
  _________________________________________________________________
  
 By Hakan Aslaneli / Turkish Daily News
 
Istanbul - The illegal Revolutionary Peoples' Liberation Party - Front
(DHKP-C) has carried out its third assault on what has become their
number one target, the Istanbul police headquarters in Aksaray.
Tuesday evening about 19:30 the assailants - it is thought there were
two - approached from the street next to the hospital across from the
headquarters building and where they climbed to the second floor of a
vacant building there. The organization's members then trained their
light anti-tank weapon (LAW), a rocket launcher, on the building but
were unable to achieve their goal because it fired too early.

The rocket had only gone one or two meters before it exploded in the
air. The attackers then fled leaving behind a surgeon's glove, the
weapon and the case which had held it.

The police headquarters was 500 meters away from the assailants'
weapon, which only has a range of 200 meters. Experts have not yet
been able to ascertain the goals of the organization's members since
even if the weapon were working normally it couldn't have reached its
target.

Police have now taken heavy security measures in order to protect
their headquarters' building, which has been attacked twice, first on
June 16 and then on July 14. The illegal DHKP-C also was responsible
for the attack on the Officers' Club at Harbiye. The police launched
an operation following this attack and arrested five people who were
shown to have planned the attack. The assailants are members of the
illegal organization are now in prison charged with the assault and
are being tried by the Istanbul State Security Court; the death
penalty has been requested.

  What is the aim?
  
Following the latest assault, anti-terrorism squads havemounted a
broad operation and have been searching everywhere, including the
roofs of houses. Experts say it is impossible for the rocket launcher,
LAW, to hit a target 500 meters away and are of the opinion that the
target might have been the petrol station which is just opposite the
building but nonetheless belongs to the police headquarters' grounds.

Ten minutes before the attack, Police Chief Hasan Ozdemir and his
deputies had been holding a meeting and officials say that the target
might have been this group.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Thu Sep 18 08:38:44 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 18 Sep 1997 08:38:44
Subject: Paris: Police attacks 150 sympathisers and revolutionary activists o
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m167rytzjo.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

September 18, 1997

Paris: Police attacks 150 sympathisers and revolutionary activists,
originating from Turkey

Last Tuesday night, the French police launched a large wave of arrests
against friends and sympathisers of the revolutionary front in Turkey.
The police searched dozens of houses and locked up our comrades in
police stations, without giving any reason. What was the reason for
one of the largest searches in recent years? Where they searching drug
dealers or a serial killer? Maybe somebody who smuggles people? Or
were they trying to dismantle a prostitution ring? Nothing of the
kind. The French police just wanted to silence the voices of
revolutionaries from Turkey. The only crime our comrades are guilty of
is being revolutionaries or supporters of revolutionaries. Looking at
the crimes which are committed by French policemen and their bosses,
we ask ourselves: what interests do they have in these attacks? What
were they looking for? Why are they  collaborating with the fascist
regime in our country, using their methods?

We demand the immediate release of our comrades and an end to the
arbitrary punishments. Our struggle will continue as long as fascism
rules in our country and there will always be sympathisers and
militants who support our struggle in the countries where our people
seek asylum. The French police would do better with occupying
themselves with the real criminals in France like drug dealers and
people who deal in human beings. 

We strongly condemn these arbitrary and despicable acts, perpetrated
by the French police and we appeal on the democratic and progressive
public opinion to express its protest. 

-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Front)
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc                          
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Sep  3 07:45:40 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Sep 1997 07:45:40
Subject: Erbakan Meets Le Pen
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970903024..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Erbakan Meets Le Pen

ANKARA, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey's Islamist leader Necmettin Erbakan
and French far-rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen held an unlikely meeting at
a Turkish seaside retreat, the Turkish media said Friday.
                                       
The Milliyet daily said the pair held six hours of talks Thursday in a
hotel at the Aegean Sea town of Altinoluk, where former Prime Minister
Erbakan regularly takes breaks.
                                       
"A meeting of opposites took place. Our leader made recommendations to
Le Pen and told him about Turkey," Milliyet quoted Welfare Party MP
Mehmet Ali Sahin as saying.
                                       
Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz, a bitter critic of Erbakan, responded
wryly to news of the meeting in comments to reporters at his summer
home in the southern tourist resort of Bodrum.  "I did not find it at
all strange. Extremists speak with extremists. (That is) totally
normal.  They are made for each other," he said when asked about his
thoughts on the talks.

A secularist coalition under Yilmaz took over from Erbakan's
beleaguered one-year coalition with conservatives in June.

Other newspapers carried similar stories on the Erbakan-Le Pen
meeting. They said the French politician was on vacation in Turkey. Le
Pen heads the far-right National Front which campaigns fiercely
against immigration into France, mostly from Muslim North Africa. The
Sabah newspaper said Le Pen expressed sympathy for the Turkish
Islamists in their fight against closure by the constitutional court.

The country's top prosecutor has asked the court to ban Welfare for
allegedly threatening Turkey's secular system. Erbakan stepped down as
prime minister in June under pressure from the secularist army after a
stormy year as modern Turkey's first Islamist leader.


Kurdish "Peace Train" Not Allowed in

ANKARA, Turkey (Reuter) - Turkey will close its borders to a planned
trans-European "peace train" trip by activists calling for an end to
the Kurdish conflict in southeast Turke, Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz
said Friday.

"If this train sets off, it won't be let in across the border,"
Anatolian news agency quoted Yilmaz as saying. He said Turkey had been
in contact with European countries about the train journey, due to
begin Aug. 26.

The train is due to leave Brussels and travel through Europe and
Turkey en route to the main southeastern city of Diyarbakir. The
five-day journey is being organized by a pro-Kurdish group in Germany.

Turkey's foreign ministry Wednesday said it thought the Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK) terrorist group was behind the initiative.

More than 26,000 people have been killed in 13 years of conflict
between security forces and the PKK, fighting for Kurdish
independence. Turkey refuses to negotiate with the PKK which it
regards as a terrorist group.

(Source: Press-Agency Ozgurluk: http://www.ozgurluk.org)

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Sep  3 13:27:21 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Sep 1997 13:27:21
Subject: Bulgaria To Send Back 53 Kurdish Re
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970903082..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Bulgaria To Send Back 53 Kurdish Refugees

Bulgaria To Send Back 53 Kurdish Refugees 
 
     SOFIA, Aug 27 (Reuter) - Romanian border authorities
returned to Bulgaria 53 Kurdish refugees hidden in a
Turkish-registered truck carrying scrap metal to Germany, police
said on Wednesday. 
     "The refugees were discovered when they cut the tarpaulin
covering the truck to get some fresh air while queueing at the
Romanian border," police said. 
     The truck was sealed in a Turkish customs office and
Bulgarian customs on the Turkish and Romanian borders waved it
through. 
     The Kurds will be extradited to Turkey. The truck driver, a
Turk, took flight in Romania and is being sought, police said.

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Sep  3 15:50:45 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Sep 1997 15:50:45
Subject: Turkish Police Gag Kurdish "Peace T
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970903104..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkish Police Gag Kurdish "Peace Train" Group

Turkish Police Gag Kurdish "Peace Train" Group 

     ISTANBUL, Sept 3 (Reuter) - Turkish police on Wednesday
prevented activists calling for an end to the Kurdish conflict in
southeast Turkey from holding a news conference in Istanbul. 
     "We will not allow them to hold a news conference...You are
waiting in vain," Istanbul deputy police chief Mehmet Caglar told
reporters gathered near a landmark city hotel where the group
was set to make a statement. 
     Several hundred police, backed by an armored vehicle, were
deployed near the Pera Palas hotel, in the heart of European
Istanbul. 
     Security forces earlier this week stopped the foreign and
Turkish activists from holding a demonstration in the main
southeastern city of Diyarbakir and ordered a convoy of seven
buses to return to Istanbul. 
     The group had previously scrapped a trans-European "peace
train", planned by a pro-Kurdish group in Germany, after the
Turkish government exerted pressure on Western governments. 
     Ankara had said it believed the rebel Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK), fighting for self-rule in the southeast, was behind
the trip. 
     Police official Caglar said the news conference was
forbidden under a law which bars demonstrations in Turkey by
foreigners who have not obtained prior permission. 
     Members of the group said on Wednesday a written statement
would be issued later. 
     The activists launched the "peace train" initiative as part
of a campaign to seek a negotiated end to 13 years of fighting
between the PKK and the Turkish state. More than 26,000 people
have died in the conflict.


Peace Activists Refused Entry To Turkish Capital 

     ANKARA, Sept 2 (Reuter) - Police backed by armored cars on
Tuesday stopped a convoy of buses carrying peace activists from
entering Turkey's capital city to campaign for a political
solution to the country's Kurdish conflict. 
     Witnesses said around 200 foreign and Turkish activists gave
up an attempt to drive into Ankara after a stand off with police
on a road on the outskirts of the city. 
     Police on Monday had prevented the convoy from reaching the
southeastern regional capital of Diyarbakir as part of a
large-scale operation to stop a planned pro-Kurdish demonstration
there.
     Authorities had vowed to prevent the Diyarbakir rally, which
was intended to call for a peaceful end to 13 years of conflict
between Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) rebels and troops. 

Police in Diyarbakir said more than 400 people had been detained
in and around the city on Monday but that only 14 people were
still in custody.


Turkish Police Stop Kurdish Demonstration 

     DIYARBAKIR, Turkey [sic], Sept 1 (Reuter) - Security forces
prevented a Kurdish demonstration in southeast Turkey's main city
on Monday, witnesses said.
     Police intercepted a convoy of seven buses bound for
Diyarbakir carrying foreign and Turkish activists and ordered it
to return to Istanbul. 
     Witnesses said a police helicopter hovered overhead as large
numbers of security personnel gathered to meet the convoy in the
town of Siverek, some 100 km (60 miles) short of Diyarbakir.
     Police also carried out strict identity checks on the roads
to Diyarbakir and detained several people. Armored cars were
positioned at key points in the city center. 
     Authorities had vowed to prevent a Kurdish demonstration in
Diyarbakir which was intended to call for a negotiated end to 13
years of conflict between Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)
rebels and troops. 
     Security officials said they had refused to allow a
seven-strong foreign delegation of peace campaigners to enter
Diyarbakir on Sunday. 
     Anatolian news agency said British anti-nuclear activist
Bruce Kent and a Labour Party peer were part of the delegation,
which was put back on board a plane to Ankara shortly after
flying into Diyarbakir. 
     A trans-European "peace train" trip, planned by a
pro-Kurdish group in Germany as part of the protest, was canceled
last week after Ankara put pressure on European countries through
which the train was to travel. 
     Turkey had said it believed the PKK, fighting for autonomy
or independence, was behind the planned trip. More than 26,000
people have died in the conflict, which began in 1984.

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Sep  3 15:59:18 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 03 Sep 1997 15:59:18
Subject: Turkey's Web Of Covert Killers
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970903104..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>


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        |||                                           |||
        |||             A  N  T  I  F  A              |||
        |||                                           |||
        |||   I  N  F  O  -  B  U  L  L  E  T  I  N   |||
        |||                   _____                   |||
        |||                                           |||
        |||  * News * Analysis * Research * Action *  |||
        |||                                           |||
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                              *****
 
||/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\|/\||/\||  
|| * --  SPECIAL -- * -- August 07, 1997 -- * -- EDITION -- * ||
||\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/|\/||\/||
               
                       * SPECIAL EDITION *
                              _____
_________________________________________________________________
 
                  TURKEY'S WEB OF COVERT KILLERS
_________________________________________________________________
 
                                *
 
     AFIB EDITOR'S NOTE: This "Special Edition" of Antifa-Info
     Bulletin is courtesy of CAQ - CovertAction Quarterly. For
     more than 19 years, publishers Ellen Ray, William Schaap and
     Louis Wolf have provided researchers and the activist
     community with hard-hitting, in-depth investigative
     journalism in the fields of intelligence, state terror,
     corporate crime, international fascism and of course, the
     CIA! Since its inception CAQ has refused to pull any
     punches. From exposing CIA operatives abroad in its "Naming
     Names" column (which earned the magazine Washington's
     censure and legislation making the practice a felony!) to
     blowing the lid off operations by secret U.S. "anti-
     terrorist" courts, CAQ has proven itself time and again to
     be an invaluable resource! Under Terry Allen's editorial
     stewardship CAQ has won four of the top ten "Project
     Censored" awards in 1996, including winner of the year for
     top story; no other magazine can make that claim. CAQ exists
     solely on subscriptions, no corporate deep-pockets, so
     subscribe today! 
 
     The article below appears with the permission of CAQ. Please
     do not re-publish without permission. For re-posting
     information contact: caq at igc.org
 
                              -----
 
 
                               CAQ
                   * COVERT ACTION QUARTERLY *
               1500 Massachusetts Ave., NW, #732
                     Washington, D.C. 20005
                      Tel: (202) 331-9763
                      Fax: (202) 331-9751
                      E-mail: caq at igc.org
               Web: http://www.worldmedia.com/caq
                    http://mediafilter.org/caq
 
                    - Summer 1997, Number 61 -
 
                                *
_________________________________________________________________
 
            TURKEY: TRAPPED IN A WEB OF COVERT KILLERS
_________________________________________________________________
 
                        by Ertugrul Kurkcu
 
 
     ISTANBUL, TURKEY. Human rights activists and opposition
groups have argued for decades that an uninterrupted trail of
mysterious killings and extrajudicial executions leads to the
highest levels of the Turkish state. An extraordinary accident in
November 1996 provided missing links in that chain of evidence.
It also gave further proof of the continued existence of a
Turkish incarnation of Gladio -- the US-orchestrated Stay Behind
operation that placed covert groups around Europe at the end of
World War II.
 
     The toll of death and terror from Turkey's bitter internal
strife is horrific. In the last three decades, at least 28,000
people have died. The 5,000 casualties in the 1970s served as a
major pretext for the 1980 military takeover when the Turkish
armed forces overthrew Suleyman Demirel's conservative minority
government. Since the 1984 start of the war between the Kurdish
guerrilla PKK (Partiya Karkeran Kurdistan-Kurdistan Workers
Party) and the Turkish army, the country's human losses including
those of the government security forces, Kurdish guerrillas, and
civilians have totaled around 23,000, officials say.[1]
 
     This toll is not solely the result of combat in the
mountains and forests of southeast Turkey, where the PKK
guerrillas are fighting for greater autonomy. Many of the deaths
and much of the terror resulted from a broad covert program aimed
at assassination, forced exile, or imprisonment of Kurdish
nationalists -- "businessmen," intellectuals, journalists, local
politicians, and public opinion leaders -- who were suspected of
providing political or material support to the PKK.
 
     A lurid glimpse of this underbelly of the Turkish state
opened suddenly on November 3, 1996, when a Mercedes-Benz
overturned in a traffic accident. The driver was Huseyin Kocadag,
former Istanbul deputy police chief who was known for his part in
organizing the first special counterinsurgency police teams in
southeast Turkey. Their goal was to bring the war to the Kurdish
guerrillas. Also killed was Gonca Us, a former beauty queen with
links to organized crime. Sedat Bucak, a pro-government Kurdish
village guard chieftain and right-wing DYP (True Path Party)
parliamentarian, was seriously injured. Bucak is reportedly in
charge of 2,000 Kurdish mercenaries, armed and paid by the
government to fight Kurdish guerrillas.
 
     But what raised eyebrows was the seemingly incongruous
presence of another passenger -- one Abdullah Catli -- riding
with the top police and government officials. Police had
supposedly been hunting Catli, a convicted international drug
smuggler since 1978, for his part in the killing of scores of
left-wing activists. At that time, Catli had been head of the
"Gray Wolves," the youth arm of the neo-fascist MHP (National
Action Party). The presence of the bizarre group in the same car
was the most graphic evidence so far of collusion between the
security forces and semi-criminal assassins -- and of their unity
of purpose in targeting both leftists and Turkish Kurds.  
 
     Further proof of the unseemly collaboration was provided by
Interior Minister Mehmet Agar, head of the government's
120,000-person-strong police forces. In the wake of the scandal
that followed the car accident, Agar was forced to resign his
post. But in the course of his defense, he admitted that as
security chief and interior minister, he had overseen "at least
1,000 secret operations."[2]
 
     In the face of growing public resentment, Deputy Prime
Minister Tansu Ciller had to accept Agar's resignation, but she
continued defending the "gang" -- as the entire network of
"licensed killers" is known in Turkey. Apparently referring to
Catli, Ciller declared during a meeting with her True Path Party
deputies that "those who have fired bullets as well as those who
have been shot in the name of the state are honest."[3]
 
 
TRUE `FALSE' LICENSES AND `GREEN PASSPORTS'
 
     The crash on the northwest Susurluk highway was striking not
only for the extraordinary grouping of the victims, but also for
their baggage. The crumpled car held a large arsenal of automatic
weapons that was missing from police inventories, along with
silencers and a small amount of cocaine.
 
     The "Susurluk affair" -- named after the accident site --
gained further import when local gendarmes discovered two
documents among Catli's belongings: a license to carry arms
signed by Ciller's security aide, Mehmet Agar, and a "Green
Passport" -- authorized only for senior public servants -- issued
by the Interior Ministry. Both were made out in the name of
Mehmet Ozbay but bore the photo of Catli, the fugitive drug
trafficker.
 
     Although Interior Minister Agar denied that the documents
were real, gendarmes and forensic specialists confirmed that the
Green Passport was genuine, not forged, and that the related
signatures on it were authentic.[4]
 
     The special perks and privileges given Catli, a drug dealer
and suspected killer, were not unique. Haluk Kirci, his
accomplice in a series of murders during the Gray Wolves days,
and Yasar Oz, another international drug smuggler, also carried
similar documents signed by Agar.[5]
 
     The links between one of Turkey's most prominent security
officials and organized criminals and fascist assassins were now
incontrovertible. But the question remained: What was the common
agenda that joined them together?
 
     One explanation is a shared ideology. Agar's fascist
sympathies are well-known. Although he is a deputy in the
parliament of Tansu Ciller's conservative True Path Party, he is
also considered an heir to the throne of Alpaslan Turkes. After
30 years of unbroken, unrivaled command of Turkey's neo-fascist
National Action Party (MHP), Turkes died in early April. The
party he led is notorious for anticommunist campaigns throughout
the 1960s and 1970s which involved physical attacks against
left-wing activists, intellectuals, and trade union leaders. Agar
was one of his key disciples.[6]
 
     But investigative journalists, members of the parliamentary
investigation commission to the Susurluk affair, and prominent
"witnesses," found a broader explanation for the government-
extremist-criminal alliance than shared affection for fascism.
They concurred that Ciller, Agar, and other affiliates of the
"gang," even including Turkes himself, are only a few of the many
corrupt links in a long chain of "counterinsurgency strategies"
overseen by Turkey's military high command.
 
 
THE MGK VS. THE PKK 
 
     "It all started in early 1992," believes Ismet Berkan,
senior Ankara correspondent for the national daily Radikal. "That
year, the Turkish armed forces high command underwent a dramatic
shift in its counterinsurgency strategy in the combat against
[the] rebel Kurdish guerrilla PKK."[7]
 
     In 1984, seeking self-determination for Turkey's 15 million
Kurds, the PKK launched its guerrilla war against Ankara. Since
then, the Kurdish rebels and the Turkish army have been
deadlocked in bitter war. According to semiofficial figures from
then-Interior Minister Nahit Mentese, the PKK forces grew from
200 in 1984, to 10,000 active combatants and some 50,000 militias
and 375,000 sympathizers by late 1993.[8]
 
     According to Berkan, in 1992, faced with the guerrillas'
growing strength, the Turkish army units which had previously
pursued a reactive strategy, shifted tactics "to bring the war to
the PKK." They would not wait, they proclaimed, arms folded,
while the PKK raided gendarme posts and army garrisons. Instead,
the army would seek out and attack guerrilla strongholds in urban
areas, cut the rebels' local support in the southeast
countryside, and forcibly depopulate remote villages and hamlets
suspected of providing support to the rebels. Adopting a
euphemism the US made infamous in the counterinsurgency wars it
sponsors in Central America, then-Chief of Staff Gen. Dogan Gures
designated the overall operation "low-intensity conflict."[9]
 
     But the PKK was not simply a rural guerrilla force that
could be easily identified and destroyed. It had considerable
support both inside the country and overseas among Kurdish
intellectuals and "businessmen" who were believed to funnel
profits from black market operations to the PKK. Faced with a
strong, well-financed foe, the military launched a two-pronged
strategy: "While the army ruthlessly fought the guerrillas in the
countryside, blows should have been inflicted on PKK's individual
financial and moral supporters," Berkan quotes his anonymous
sources.[10]
 
     The second prong of this strategic shift -- targeting
civilian PKK support -- was introduced to the National Security
Council (MGK) in 1992. Berkan says that he had the opportunity to
study some MGK files detailing the "new counterinsurgency
concept" after they were leaked to him by an anonymous former
security official. "These documents," he said, "alongside
tactical military schemes, included a list of the prospective
members of the would-be death squads, including Abdullah Catli,
some of his notorious companions from the Gray Wolves days, and
some special police team members."[11]
 
     For a year, the second prong was not implemented because of
strong opposition, particularly from President Turgut Ozal and
Gendarme High Commander Gen. Esref Bitlis. Then, in 1993, Ozal
and Bitlis both died under controversial circumstances: The
president succumbed to a heart attack for which he allegedly
received tardy and inadequate treatment; Bitlis was killed in a
mysterious plane crash. That same year, according to Berkan, the
National Security Council endorsed the counterinsurgency schemes.
[12]
 
     During the three fatal years that followed, 1993-95 with
Tansu Ciller as prime minister and Suleyman Demirel as president,
Kurdish civil society was shattered. Kurdish political, cultural
and press organizations faced violent attacks. Their headquarters
were bombed, scores of local Kurdish politicians, including pro-
Kurdish DEP (Democracy Party) deputy Mehmet Sincar were killed by
mysterious assassins, other Kurdish DEP deputies were expelled
from parliament and jailed or forced into exile; and hundreds of
Kurdish activists were disappeared.
 
     The "gang" was particularly active in eliminating scores of
Kurdish "businessmen" in an attempt to cut off the PKK's
financial base. Behcet Canturk, Savas Buldan, Yusuf Ekinci, Medet
Serhat, Haci Karay, and Omer Lutfu Topal were among those
kidnapped and later found killed.[13]
 
 
THE HIGH PRICE OF COVERT OPS
 
     By the time Ciller left office in 1995, Kurdish nationalism
had been dealt a heavy blow by the two-pronged approach. Although
the "gang" was becoming increasingly violent, its existence and
the extent of operations remained elusive. Then in February, in
the wake of the car crash, a senior police official provided
further confirmation of Berkan's version of the collaboration
among fascist assassins, criminal gangs, and security officials
as part of MGK's new counterinsurgency strategy. Hanefi Avci,
deputy intelligence department chief of Turkish Security,
testified before an investigatory commission convened by
parliament:
 
     Some officials believed that the Turkish security remained
     incapable of eliminating the PKK supporters as long as [the
     security forces] functioned within legal means. Thus, they
     arrived at the conclusion that the PKK could have been
     fought only through extra-legal methods.
 
     The first organization to be set up on this guideline was
     the JITEM (Gendarme Intelligence and Counter Terrorism)
     which was first established in the southeast. ... JITEM was
     effectively controlled by now Lt. Gen. Veli Kucuk. Alongside
     JITEM, two other units were carved out of the body of the
     MIT [Turkish Intelligence Organization] and Special Police
     Teams and henchmen were co-opted from among former PKK
     guerrillas who had turned informer.[14]
 
     Gen. Teoman Koman, the current gendarme general commander,
officially denies the existence of such a unit within his
organization. "There exists a JITEM," Gen. Koman acknowledged,
"but not as an official intelligence organization set up by the
state. [Rather it is run] by some irresponsible elements within
the gendarme. ... I banned the usage of such a title as soon as I
recognized counter-terrorism efforts conducted under such a
name."[15]
 
     Noncommissioned gendarme Huseyin Oguz, an active
counterinsurgency officer in the southeast, however, contradicted
Gen. Koman. In testimony before the parliamentary investigatory
commission, he asserted that JITEM has existed as an official
unit linked to the Intelligence Department of the Gendarme
General Command.[16]
 
     According to Hanefi Avci, deputy intelligence department
chief of Turkish Security, "One gang was headed by ex-Interior
Minister Mehmet Agar and seconded by Special Police Teams boss
Ibrahim Sahin and counterinsurgency specialist former army
officer Korkut Eken, with whom Catli was directly linked; and
another [gang] was headed by Mehmet Eymur, chair of the Turkish
Intelligence Organization's (MIT) counterterrorism department."
Shortly after his resignation, Mehmet Agar testified to that same
commission. He confirmed that his "operations" were in line with
his National Security Council-endorsed schemes of"bringing the
war to the PKK."[17]
 
 
THE `GANG' PATROLS THE HEROIN HIGHWAY
 
     As the counterinsurgency campaign escalated, greed became a
driving and ultimately divisive force. According to intelligence
official Avci, "after 1994-95 when the ruthless army crackdown on
the PKK forced the guerrillas to retreat, these [government-
linked] units degenerated into corrupt gangs which were mainly
concerned with grabbing the enormous revenues from drug
trafficking and money laundering that had previously been
controlled by organized criminals of Kurdish origin."[18]
 
     Journalist Berkan concurred that the state-linked gangs
effectively took over the drug trafficking routes and drove out
the Kurdish "businessmen." It was not long before the massive
profits -- about $20 billion a year -- set off a bitter war
within the extra-legal units.[19]
 
     The large arsenal of assault weapons found in the crashed
car fueled widespread speculation that when the"Susurluk" trio
died, they may have been on "duty" against a rival "gang" based
in their point of departure Kusadasi. The district is one of
Turkey's prospective casino hubs. The suspicion was further
confirmed when an Istanbul State Security Court prosecutor
indicted Sedat Bucak, the sole survivor of the Susurluk car
crash. He was charged with carrying a quantity of unauthorized
assault weapons beyond what could be justified by self-defense.
The prosecutor charged that the passengers intended to
assassinate as yet unknown targets.[20]
 
     More light was soon shed on the role of Gray Wolf Abdullah
Catli. Mehmet Eymur, MIT's counterterrorism department chief, and
also his rival, counterinsurgency specialist Korkut Eken admitted
that Catli was not a simple"gang" henchman. Rather, he had a
long-standing official role and had been "used by the state"
during the 1970s, bitter conflict between right- and left-wing
activists.[21]
 
 
TRACING THE `GANG' TO CIA 
 
     The parliamentary investigation commission found irrefutable
links between organized criminals, fascist assassins, and senior
counterinsurgency officials. It also established the existence of
a widely organized gang within the state security structures.
Nonetheless, many critics charge that the commission did not go
far enough in digging out the roots of the problem.
 
     "The links between the illegal right-wing organizations and
the Turkish security should be traced back to Gladio," says
opposition CHP (Republican People's Party) Deputy Fikri Saglar in
his minority report to the parliamentary commission. "Gladio" was
a network of secret security organizations set up largely by the
US in almost all European NATO-member countries after the end of
World War II. 
 
     A secret clause in the initial NATO agreement in 1949
     required that before a nation could join, it must have
     already established a national security authority to fight
     communism through clandestine citizen cadres. This Stay
     Behind clause grew out of a secret committee set up at US
     insistence in the Atlantic Pact, the forerunner of NATO.[22]
 
     Under these Stay Behind programs, anticommunist elements,
often overtly fascist, were organized, armed, and funded --
supposedly as a bulwark against Soviet aggression. Some had links
to organized crime; many were involved in terrorist incidents
aimed at undermining the left. After public exposure and the
disintegration of Washington's major Cold War rival, most
countries shelved the US-dominated counterinsurgency schemes.
Italy ("Gladio"), Belgium ("SDRA-8"), France ("Rose des Vents"),
Holland ("P:26" or "NATO Command"), Greece ("Sheepskin"),
Denmark, Luxembourg,  Switzerland ("Schwert"), Norway, Austria,
Spain, Britain ("Secret British Network"), Portugal, and Germany
have all acknowledged that they participated in the covert
network. But although Gladio became public knowledge in Turkey
("Special Warfare Department") years ago and former Prime
Minister Bulent Ecevit said "patriotic volunteers" staffed a
US-funded unit that was ready to go into action in the event of a
Communist takeover, Ankara officially denies that such an
organization ever existed.[23]
 
     Some find this denial -- coming as it does from a NATO
front-line member -- incredible and call for openness. "Unless
the operations of the Gladio, the NATO-linked international
counterinsurgency organization within the Turkish security system
is investigated," says commission member Saglar, "the real source
of the security corruption will not be effectively discovered. It
is necessary to investigate the Special Forces Command,
previously known as Special Warfare Department of the Chief of
Staff."[24]
 
     Despite the continuing coverup, it is known that during the
1970s, the Turkish army's Special Warfare Department (Gladio)
operated the Counterguerrilla Organization. The department was
headquartered in the US Military Aid Mission building in Ankara
and received funds and training from US advisers to create the
Stay Behind squads. The Gray Wolves, headed by Catli, enjoyed
official encouragement and protection.
 
     In the late '70s, former military prosecutor and Turkish
     Military Supreme Court Justice Emin Deger documented
     collaboration between the Gray Wolves and the government's
     counterguerrilla forces, as well as the close ties of the
     latter to the CIA. The Counterguerrilla Organization
     provided weapons to terrorist groups such as the Gray
     Wolves, who instigated much of the political violence that
     culminated in a 1980 coup by the Turkish military that
     deposed Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel. State security
     forces justified the coup in the name of restoring order and
     stability. Cold War realpolitik compelled the Gray Wolves
     and their institutional sponsor, the ultra-right National
     Action Party, to favor a discreet alliance with NATO and
     U.S. intelligence. Led by Col. Alpaslan Turkes, the National
     Action Party espoused a fanatical pan-Turkish ideology that
     called for repatriating whole sections of the Soviet Union
     under the flag of a reborn Turkish empire. The Gray Wolves
     forged ties with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, a
     CIA-backed coalition led by erstwhile fascist collaborators
     from Eastern Europe. ... Colleagues of Turkes controlled a
     Turkish chapter of the World Anti-Communist League, an
     umbrella group that functioned as a cat's paw for US
     intelligence in Latin America, Southwest Asia and other Cold
     War battlegrounds.[25]
 
     As the Susurluk affair illuminated, the clandestine dynamic
had not ended with the Cold War. Citing links dating back to the
1970s between Catli and the state security units, Saglar wrote in
his report that "the gangs that were formed in 1993 were actually
based on an already existing extra-legal mechanism which has been
publicly known as counter-guerrilla during the 1970s." Saglar
quotes government Deputy Niyazi Unsal: "The counter-guerrilla
organization has survived until this day without losing any of
its former influence. All those who testified at the
investigatory commission, says Saglar, "have introduced serious
claims regarding links between `gangs' and the security units,
that undeniably confirm moral and material support to those gangs
from among high security officials."[26]
 
     Chief among those carrying Gladio's standard into the 1990s
are the Gray Wolves. With little subtlety, Catli's companions in
the neo-fascist Wolves proudly carried a banner in his funeral
procession inscribed: "He fought like a Sword and died like a
sword!" (Gladio means sword in Italian.)
 
 
`OUR BOYS HAVE DONE IT!'
 
     The crash of the Mercedes has not only provided answers
about the relationship between criminal, fascist, and security
elements, but has raised new questions. Fikri Saglar, in his
minority report to the parliamentary commission, expresses
concerns that the presence of Catli, the fugitive drug dealer in
the Mercedes of a police chief 16 years after the military
takeover, might point to the fact that Catli and his kind had
played an effective role in the coup. "Catli, his family and
companions had left Turkey with false passports provided by the
security officials immediately after the coup and under apparent
protection by the state," Saglar charges, referring to Turkey's
military rulers of the 1980s.[27]
 
     Also being questioned is the role of the US and especially
that of the CIA. Throughout the Cold War era, Turkey was the
frontline state in NATO's Southeastern flank and Washington's
major regional military ally against the former Soviet Bloc. It
was then, and continues to be, a vanguard post for US strategic
interests.
 
     The close ties between the Turkish, US military, and
intelligence circles, along with US concerns over Turkey's
military cooperation, have been major obstacles in Turkey's path
to broader democracy. Turkey's US-backed military has viewed
movements for increased democracy with hostility and accused them
of undermining the country's stability and consequently its
military might. Turkey's pro-US conservative politicians and
military rulers have continually targeted leftist, democratic,
and labor movements that have striven for broader rights.
Alongside official pressure, the military has frequently resorted
to unofficial force to quell the massive opposition movements
that began in the second half of the 1960s. During the last four
decades, Turkey has been subjected to three military coups, all
of which have declared their obedience to NATO obligations and
all of which have been unreservedly backed and even encouraged by
Washington. Ankara continues to be the fourth largest recipient
of US aid.
 
     Saglar charges that US interest in Turkish affairs is not
confined to official NATO relations and trade ties. He points to
the notorious message by the CIA's then-Turkey Station Chief Paul
Henze in Ankara to his colleagues in Washington the day after the
1980 coup -- "Our boys have done it!" Henze crowed.[28] Saglar
concludes that foreign intelligence organizations including the
CIA, have coopted collaborators from among the extreme-right and
exploited them for their particular interests.
 
     Saglar's charge is lent credence by the fact that Yasar Oz -
- one of the drug traffickers carrying the Green Passports signed
by Mehmet Agar -- was arrested by the Drug Enforcement
Administration in New York and immediately released. There is
also evidence that Catli himself entered the US in 1982 in Miami
with his "false" green passport. Traveling with him was Italian
Gladio agent Stefano Delle Chiaie, who has been charged with
involvement in the blast in Italy's Bologna Train Station in the
1980s.[29]
 
 
SHIFTING THREATS
 
     The "Susurluk affair" has capped an overwhelming body of
evidence and testimony against major military and security
officials. If Turkey were a functioning democracy, the immediate
outcome would at the very least have been a series of
prosecutions.
 
     However, the Turkish military, which set up, conducted, and
oversaw this uninterrupted deadly counterinsurgency operation
against leftists and Kurdish nationalists throughout the last
three decades, is in an enviable position. It has emerged from an
embarrassing period during the first two months of the year when
sweeping public protest rang in the streets of Turkey. Every
night at 9 p.m., angry crowds called for "cleansing the country
from the gangs." Since February 28, the military has regained
confidence and restored its reputation as the traditional
watchdog of Turkish secularism. This recovery is largely due to
an extensive media-backed drive launched by the military high
command against the Islamist-led coalition. The army has
positioned itself as champion of the secular republic against a
fundamentalist "threat" posed by Prime Minister Necmettin
Erbakan's senior coalition Welfare Party (RP). The military high
command has called on Erbakan and his party to enforce existing
anti-fundamentalist laws and to draft new legislation for
educational reforms, including closure of the religious
seminaries which they consider the hotbed of Islamist
fundamentalism.
 
     Overnight, the carefully designed and precisely timed
military drive has changed the public agenda from that of
"cleansing the Turkish democracy of the gangs" to "safeguarding
the secular republic against the fundamentalist threat." As a
result, a considerable section of the opposition has realigned
itself behind the military which has positioned itself as
Turkey's hope for maintaining Westernist secularism and modernist
aspirations.
 
     These days, few of the "modernists" recall the era of
military juntas in the early 1980s when Turkey's military rulers
adopted "a green belt strategy" after the revolution in Iran and
the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. The idea,
promoted in some Washington circles, was to construct a bulwark
alliance of US-backed Muslim countries in order to confine Soviet
southward expansion, and to combat radical Islamist power in Iran
and elsewhere in the region.[30]
 
     It was in accordance with this "green belt strategy," and in
the name of "secularism," that the army has seized on Erbakan's
"Islamic threat" as a major justification for increasing its
already substantial powers. To a large extent, this stance is
hypocritical. "The constitution drafted by military rulers, for
instance, deemed religious courses obligatory for all levels of
pre-university education, and set up religious seminaries which
served as seedbeds for Islamist ideology. This was much more than
any civilian government, in a political compromise with the
Islamists might have dared to try."[31]
 
     Turkey is now trapped between the two giants -- the "gang"
and the fundamentalists -- both of which have been nurtured by
the army to serve its needs. At the same time, as Turkey's
secularist establishment seeks salvation by calling on the army
for aid for a fourth time in the last four decades, the country
seems to have lost its historical memory. Meanwhile, Turkey's key
dilemma remains: How to set up and maintain a functioning
democracy on Western standards in a majority Muslim country.
 
 
ENDNOTES
 
  1. Nadire Mater, "Behind Casualty Figures Mothers Weep for
     Sons," InterPress Service, Sept. 30, 1996.
 
  2. Ertugrul Ozkok, "Agar Sonunda Suskunlugunu Bozdu" (Agar
     Finally Speaks), Hurriyet, Nov. 15, 1996.
 
  3. "Ciller: Devlet Icin Kursun Atan Sereflidir" (Ciller: Who
     Fires Bullets for the State Is Honest), Sabah, Nov. 27,
     1996.
 
  4. See the special report by the Prime Minister's Investigation
     Commission, cited in "35 Suc Duyurusu" (35 Charges),
     Hurriyet, Jan. 10, 1997.
 
  5. According to testimony by former Istanbul Security Chief
     Nejdet Menzir, cited in "Agar's Agir Suclama" (Heavy Charges
     Against Agar), Hurriyet, Jan. 24, 1997.
 
  6. After the 1980 military takeover, Turkes and MHP's gunmen
     were indicted by a military tribunal for the assassination
     of hundreds of leftists and for scores of incidents of arson
     and sabotage during the civilian strifes of the 1970s.
     Turkes spent four years in prison but was released in 1984
     after the High Court dropped the charges. In the 1980s, he
     and his Gray Wolves espoused a relatively non-violent path
     and were granted semi-official status in the war against the
     PKK. According to a 1995 report by the international human
     rights group, Human Rights Watch Arms Project, special
     forces designed to spearhead the anti-PKK campaign
     reportedly are recruited from MHP and other far-right
     Turkish nationalist groups notorious for their hatred of
     Kurdish nationalism. (Human Rights Watch, "Weapons Transfers
     and Violations of Laws of War in Turkey," Washington, D.C.,
     Nov. 1995.)
 
  7. Ismet Berkan, "Gladio ya MGK Onayi" (The MGK Sanctions
     Gladio, Radikal (Istanbul), Dec. 5, 1996.
 
  8. Human Rights Watch Arms Project, op. cit., p. 1. 
 
  9. Mehmet Ali Kislali, Guneydogu Dusuk Yogunluklu Catisma (The
     Southeast Low-Intensity Conflict, Ankara: Umit Publishers,
     1996), p. 26.
 
 10. Berkan, op. cit.
 
 11. Ibid.
 
 12. Ibid.
 
 13. Ibid.
 
 14. Testimony by Avci on Feb. 4, 1997, in Veli Ozdemir, ed. The
     Susurluk Documents (Istanbul: SCALA, April 1997), pp. 11-15.
 
 15. Sedat Ergin, "The General Speaks,: Hurriyet, March 17, 1997.
 
 16. Testimony by Oguz on Feb. 18, 1997, in Ozdemir, op. cit., p.
     169.
 
 17. Ibid., pp. 32-33, p. 251.
 
 18. Testimony at Investigative Commission.
 
 19. Ismet Berkan, "Eroinler Elde Kalinca," (When Heroin was Left
     Over), Radikal, Nov. 30, 1996.
 
 20. "Muthis Iddia," Hurriyet, March 13, 1997.
 
 21. Testimony by Eken, Dec. 27, 1996, in Ozdemir, op. cit., pp.
     371-72.
 
 22. Arthur E. Rowse, "Gladio: The Secret U.S. War to Subvert
     Italian Democracy," CAQ, n. 49, Summer 1994, p. 21, citing
     Jan Willems, "Gladio" (Brussels: EPO Dossier, 1991), pp.
     148-52; and interview with Lord Carrington, Newsweek, April
     21, 1986.
 
 23. Charles Richards and Simon Jones, "Skeletons start emerging
     from Europe's closet; Operation Gladio was set up to go
     underground in the Cold War," The Independent (London), Nov.
     16, 1990.
 
 24. From Investigative Commission's Minority Report.
 
 25. Martin A. Lee, "The cop, the gangster and the beauty queen,"
     In These Times, April 28-May 11, 1997.
 
 26. Mehmet Altan, "Susurluk'ta Bayram" (Holiday in Susurluk),
     Sabah, April 22, 1997.
 
 27. Ibid.
 
 28. Mehmet Ali Birand, "12 Eylul Saat 04:00 (September 12:04 am)
     Istanbul: Milliyet Publishers, 1985), p. 1.
 
 29. Dogan Uluc, "Eroin Belgelendi" (Heroin Link Documented),
     Hurriyet, Feb. 2, 1997. See also Rowse, op. cit.
 
 30. Ertugrul Kurkcu, "The Crisis of The Turkish State," Middle
     East Report, n. 199, v. 26, Spring 1996, p. 6.
 
 31. Ibid.
 
     Copyright (c) 1997 by Covert Action Publications, Inc., a
     District of Columbia Nonprofit Corporation. All Rights
     Reserved.
 
                              -----
 
     Ertugrul Kurkcu, a political analyst, is an Istanbul-based
     reporter for InterPress Service, a Third World news agency.
     Kurkcu served 14 years in prison from 1972-86 for armed
     resistance against the military rule of the 1970s.
 
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Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
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the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
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called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

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P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
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M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
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 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep  4 07:12:46 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 04 Sep 1997 07:12:46
Subject: WIDERSTAND Homepage
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970904020..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

WIDERSTAND Information & Analysis

WIDERSTAND tries to inform the public in Germany about the
developments in Turkey, Kurdistan, and about actual political
problems. WIDERSTAND is a part of the anti-fascist, anti-racist,
and socialist movement.

http://www.nadir.org/nadir/periodika/widerstand/
mailto:widerstand at koma.free.de

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep  5 07:40:30 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 05 Sep 1997 07:40:30
Subject: Japan Detains Kurdish Asylum-Seeker
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970905023..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Japan Detains Kurdish Asylum-Seeker

By Sumire Kunieda
The Daily Mainichi - July 19, 1997

     In an unprecedented move by immigration authorities, a
Kurdish man seeking political refugee status was taken into
police custody last week for not having a visa, a group of
lawyers said Friday.
     It was the first time the Justice Ministry has ordered the
detainment of a foreigner applying for refugee status. Until now,
the applicants have been detained only after their applications
have been rejected, the lawyers said.
     The Kurdish man, a Turkish national in his late 20s, was
arrested July 9 at his home in Saitama Prefecture, according to
lawyers representing him. He was put in a detention center in
Tokyo under the control of the ministry's Immigration Bureau.
     The man, whose name is being withheld by the lawyers,
applied for political asylum last year. Kurds in Turkey who
assert their ethnicity can be charged with violating
anti-terrorism laws, the lawyers said.
     The man apparently came to Japan in 1995 to flee from
Turkish police surveillance which continued after he was tried
for political crimes several years ago, according to Masahi
Ichikawa, one of his lawyers. He claims to have been tortured on
several occasions by Turkish police and required surgery as a
result.
     Ichikawa says that an official of the ministry told one of
the defense lawyers on July 10 that the ministry may arrest more
refugee applicants in the future.
     Such moves would contravene the Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees. The international agreement, which Japan
endorsed in 1982, stipulates that member countries should
not penalize refugees for the reason of entering the country
illegally or staying in the country without valid visas, Ichikawa
said.
     Yuichi Suzuki, a Justice Ministry official, told the
Mainichi Daily News that refugee recognition and the arrest of
foreigners who overstay their visas are separate issues requiring
separate procedures which can take place simultaneously. However,
detainees are only deported after the ministry rejects their
applications for political refugee status, Suzuki added.
     Meanwhile, a separate group of lawyers to support political
refugees was established in Tokyo on Friday.
     The lawyers claim that many foreigners in Japan who are
eligible for refugee status have been rejected simply because
they failed to apply for the status within the required 60 days
after their entry to the country.
     The group is also urging greater transparency of the refugee
application procedure. Even lawyers are barred from sitting with
applicants during the ministry's interview, said the lawyers.

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From support at gn.apc.org  Sun Sep  7 02:17:22 1997
From: support at gn.apc.org (support at gn.apc.org)
Date: 07 Sep 1997 01:17:22 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Repression in Turkey
Message-ID: <APC.2.0.4a1526a6.456@gn.apc.org>

From: GreenNet User Support <support>

Date: Thu, 04 Sep 1997 18:39:05 +0200
From: ayuda at nodo50.ix.apc.org (Ayuda)

Hola amigos

Os escribo desde Nodo50, servidor de IPANEX, miembro de la APC en
Espa?a.

En los ?ltimos d?as algun at s compa?er at s han sido detenidos y apaleados en
Turquia por su participaci?n en la campa?a pacifista "Tren por la paz al
Kurdistan" siendo su situaci?n actual muy preocupante. Os pedimos la
mayor difusi?n de esta noticia. La informaci?n sobre estos hechos, la
pod?is encontrar en:

http://nodo50.ix.apc.org/actualidad/represion-turquia.htm

Gracias por todo



Hello friends

I write you from Nodo50, IPANEX server, APC member on Spain.

On the last day some comrades have been retained and beated on Turkey.
They was participating on the pacifist campaign "Train for peace for
Kurdistan" and the situation is very dificult today. We request you the
most diffusion of this new. The information about this succes is in:

http://nodo50.ix.apc.org/actualidad/represion-turquia.htm

Thanks for all



_________________________________________
Juli?n A?over (Coordinaci?n NODO50)
ayuda at nodo50.ix.apc.org
http://nodo50.ix.apc.org


rg
http://nodo50.ix.apc.org



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Sep  8 07:31:11 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 08 Sep 1997 07:31:11
Subject: IHD Human Rights Balance - First Si
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970908022..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: IHD Human Rights Balance - First Six Months Of 1997

Human Rights Association (IHD)
Balance Of Human Rights Abuses In Turkey
First Six Months Of 1997

Crimes by "unknown assailants"          78 murdered, 46 injured
Deaths in custody                       53
Deaths in battle                        1,172
Casualties in civilian confrontations   65 dead, 60 wounded
Disappeared persons                     44
Cases of torture                        146
Arrests                                 8,410
Persons sent to prison                  808
Depopulated villages and hamlets        8

(Source: Yeni Yuzyil, 14.8 via Kurdistan-Rundbrief #17,
26.8.1997)

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Mon Sep  8 07:32:32 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 08 Sep 1997 07:32:32
Subject: Agar And Bucak Back In Parliament
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970908022..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Agar And Bucak Back In Parliament

     M. Agar (former Interior Minister) and S. Bucak (village
guard from Urfa), both members of the True Path Party (DYP), are
back in the Turkish parliament. Both were deeply implicated in
the Susurluk scandal. A special parliamentary commission failed
to vote to strip the two of their parliamentary immunity when
members of the ruling ANAP and DSP parties failed to appear. The
commission members present from the former Erbakan/Ciller
government were able to pass a motion to put off the matter until
the end of the legislative period.

(Source: Kurdistan-Rundbrief #17, 26.8.1997)

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
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From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Sep  9 05:04:27 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 09 Sep 1997 05:04:27
Subject: PKK/DHKP-C Active In Northern Turke
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970909000..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: PKK/DHKP-C Active In Northern Turkey

Troops Chase Kurdish Rebels In North Turkey 

     TUNCELI, Turkey, Sept 8 (Reuter) - Thousands of Turkish
troops are pursuing Kurdish separatist rebels in northern Turkey,
where the guerrillas have begun to operate for the first time in
13 years of conflict, security officials said on Monday.
     "Up to 4,000 troops and around 300 members of the crack
police unit launched an operation three days ago in a triangle of
territory where the provinces of Sivas, Tokat, and Ordu meet," an
official told Reuters.
     The troops were chasing about 50 members of the rebel
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) who had originally been based in
the eastern province of Tunceli [Dersim], he said.
     Anatolian news agency said the Kurdish guerrillas were
reported to have penetrated into the area after coming under
attack in the mainly Kurdish southeast, where the group has been
fighting for autonomy or independence.
     The PKK has not been active before in the northern
provinces, some of which border the Black Sea. But the rebels
have attacked security officials in the area in recent weeks in
collaboration with far-left guerrillas. Anatolian said troops
were also looking for 11 members of the leftist Revolutionary
Peoples' Liberation Party-Front [DHKP-C] in the north.
     More than 26,000 people have died in southeast Turkey and
northern Iraq in the conflict between troops and the PKK.

----
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From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep 11 05:22:34 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Sep 1997 05:22:34
Subject: ARGK War Balance - June 1997
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970911001..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan
War Balance - June 1997

     During this month, the guerrilla carried out 106 ambushes, 54
armed raids, 33 attacks, 80 mine attacks, 4 assassinations, 44
battles, 17 roadblocks, and 50 acts of sabotage. There were a total 
of 388 military actions by the ARGK.
     During these military actions, the ARGK killed 18 enemy
officers, 543 soldiers, 6 police, and 4 enemy agents. A total of
92 village guards were also killed in the fighting. During clashes
in South Kurdistan (northern Iraq), 5 high-ranking KDP officials
and 410 KDP peshmergas were killed.
     The Kurdish guerrillas also destroyed 1 helicopter, 66 army
vehicles, and 1 armored vehicle belonging to the Turkish military.
13 KDP members and 40 village guards were taken prisoner.
     A total of 111 ARGK guerrillas lost their lives during
fighting in North and South Kurdistan. 46 guerrillas were wounded.
A total of 258 people in South Kurdistan joined the ranks of the
ARGK guerrillas.

(Translated from Kurdistan-Rundbrief #15/97, 29.7.1997)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
ATS Archive: http://www.etext.org/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep 11 08:02:12 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Sep 1997 08:02:12
Subject: Time-Warner's "Net Guerrillas"
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970911025..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

[The following article appeared on Time-Warner's Pathfinder web
site a few weeks ago. - ATS]

http://cgi.pathfinder.com/@@HidSpAYAxeoGC5v1/netly/

The Real Revolution: Net Guerrillas

By Elizabeth Frantz - July 21, 1997

     The recent kidnapping and assassination of Spanish
politician Miguel Angel Blanco by the Basque separatist group ETA
has ignited a violent backlash that is spilling into cyberspace.
     In the wake of the widespread protest against ETA, the
Spanish government requested last week that the Cable News
Network (CNN) remove its link to the group's web site. Miguel
Garzon, spokesman for the Spanish Embassy in Washington D.C.,
defended the move by saying the ETA should be considered
terrorist and not separatist, and therefore links should not be
made to them. The ETA has killed nearly 800 people since it took
up arms in 1968 to fight for independence for Spain's northern
Basque provinces.
     CNN refused the Spanish government's request, saying that it
was standard practice to provide links that relate to the subject
matter -- even if the subject is terrorism. More and more
terrorist groups are creating pockets of resistance online, a
fact that is beginning to raise serious questions, especially for
educational institutions, where John Q. Taxpayer might be
indirectly paying for a Zapatista web site.
     Meanwhile, warring factions are simply taking their fight
onto the information battlefield. The Institute for Global
Communications (IGC), a nonprofit Internet service provider for
activist groups, has seen its system crippled by a deluge of mail
bomb attacks against a site maintained by the Euskal Herria
Journal (EHJ -- a New York-based group supporting Basque
independence in Spain and France.) It contains information on the
ETA as well as human rights and lawful Basque groups. A flood of
mail with bogus or no return addresses from anonymous automated
mail relay systems swamped the IGC's servers last week.
     "It's bringing our business to a standstill," said Maureen
Mason, program coordinator for IGC. "The legitimate protest mail
we receive from Europe we take very seriously. However, there is
no way we would ever cancel a client's site because of a mail
bombing attack on IGC."
     On Friday, however, IGC suspended the EHJ site.
     "This destructive campaign has overwhelmed our ability to
keep our system running and we have made the difficult decision
to suspend the Euskal Herria Journal Web site -- under protest --
so that we can continue to serve the many other individuals and
organizations who depend on our services," IGC said in a press
release.
     On the page now replacing the EHJ site, the IGC asked for
support from organizations and individuals concerned with freedom
of expression on the Internet. Audrie Krause, director of the
Internet policy and educational organization NetAction, responded
by saying that "mailbombers need to know that vigilante
censorship is just as unacceptable as government censorship."
     IGC's Maureen Mason remarked, "If a nonprofit Internet
provider like us can't keep up a controversial site, I don't know
who can."
     In fact, IGC is not the only group under fire for its links
to guerrilla group web sites. Along with the ETA, rebel groups
such as the MRTA, FARC-EP and Zapatistas have joined the
burgeoning ranks of political groups that are bringing their
message to the Internet. Some are even finding cyberspace allies
on American university servers, raising a hot debate on First
Amendment rights.
     In early May of this year, officials at the State University
of New York at Binghamton learned that the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP), Latin America's largest guerrilla
group, was running a web site on the university network. Though
uncertain as to how the group originally gained access, the
school's administration quickly shut down the site.
     "It [the FARC site] was in clear violation of university
policy," said Anita Doll, director of communications at
Binghamton. "For us, it was not an issue of academic freedom. It
was an issue of resource use. Our facilities are supposed to be
used by university faculty, staff and students. It was an issue
of the appropriate use of university resources."
     Officials at the University of California at San Diego,
however, had a far different reaction to their taxpayer-funded
guerrilla site. Shortly after the Peruvian rebel hostage crisis
began at the Japanese embassy in December, Tupac Amaru
Revolutionary Movement sympathizers posted an MRTA web site, the
Solidarity Page, on the school's computer. The Communications
Department at UCSD provides the web space for the site.
     "We're proud that our students are part of that
communications network. We don't see any reason to get rid of it
because it's controversial," said Dan Hallin, chairman of the
Communications Department at UCSD.
     In the give-'em-an-inch-they'll-take-a-mile school of
thought, the students who run the Solidarity Page and go by the
name the Burn! Collective also provide links to a lot of other
fringe political groups and radical organizations, including
Radikal, the German resistance magazine banned in Germany; Arm
The Spirit, the Toronto-based anti-imperialist collective; and
the Zapatistas, who launched an uprising in Chiapas, Mexico,
three years ago. The Zapatistas were among the first rebel groups
to bring their revolution to cyberspace.
     The Burn and FARC-EP sites have prompted criticism from
predictable outside groups, such as the Heritage Foundation, a
national conservative public policy research group.
     "It is outrageous that groups who have attacked Americans
repeatedly in the past were allowed to worm their way into a
situation where American taxpayers subsidized their propaganda
on the Internet," insisted Jim Phillips, terrorism specialist at
Heritage. "SUNY-Binghamton was correct to shut down their site
when they discovered what was going on. I think that UCSD
has a hard time explaining why they are subsidizing terrorists."
     On the other hand, SUNY-Binghamton may have violated the
First Amendment by closing down its FARC-EP site. "The question
turns on whether the university is censoring students' sites
based on content or whether the university has a neutral,
non-content-based rule," said James Dempsey, senior staff counsel
for the Center for Democracy and Technology, a nonprofit Internet
civil liberties group. "If it looks like the government singled
out this one site because of its content, then it's impermissible
under the First Amendment."
     On a similar note, Carl Kadie, president of Computers in
Academic Freedom, said that SUNY-Binghamton was reinventing an
old censorship trick that universities used to restrict
unpopular speakers from off-campus. In 1958, for example, the
University of Illinois established rules for visiting speakers
which said that no employee of the university shall allow any
subversive, seditious and un-American organization the use of
university facilities for publicizing the activities of that
organization. Kadie said that in the 1950s, the University of
Illinois was more the norm than the exception, and that many
state universities maintained similar policies.
     However, this changed in 1967 with the American Association
of University Professors' (AAUP) Joint Statement on Rights and
Freedoms of Students. The main declaration of student
academic freedom in the U.S., it said that university control of
campus facilities should not be used "as a device of censorship,"
and that students should be allowed to invite and hear any person
they chose. Though the AAUP's Joint Statement was not
automatically binding on universities, according to Kadie, many
have adopted parts of it.
     "I suspect that SUNY-Binghamton does not even realize that
it is falling back into the old patterns of university
censorship. I hope it will reconsider its policy," Kadie said.
     A full copy of the AAUP's Joint Statement on Rights and
Freedoms of Students is available at:
http://eff.org/pub/CAF/academic/student.freedoms.aaup

----
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MRTA Solidarity Page - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep 11 08:08:28 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 11 Sep 1997 08:08:28
Subject: MRTA: Solidarity With The Kurdish P
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970911030..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: MRTA: Solidarity With The Kurdish People!

Solidarity With The Kurdish-Turkish People And With The Peace
Train!

     From the Human Rights Commission of the Tupac Amaru
Revolutionary Movement, in the name of the men and women who from
the Andes and the Peruvian Amazon aspire and struggle to achieve
the peace with social justice that all human beings deserve.
     The Kurdish people, like the Andean people, have suffered
for many years colonial oppression against their culture and the
right to free self-determination that belongs to them as to any
other people of the world.
     This was the understanding of the diverse human rights
delegations of the "peace train", men and women who aspire to
live in peace and harmony, respecting the decision of each human
group to develop its own culture, language, and customs. The
mobilization had a strictly peaceful character and its purpose
was the search for a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.
     Nevertheless, the Turkish government, in a show of
authoritarianism that has nothing to do with the democratic
aspirations of its people, not only closed the possibilities of
an attempt at peaceful solutions, but also, emulating fascist
regimes or like that of the sadly famous Fujimori in Peru, has
detained, mistreated, and heaped indignities on fighters for
peace.
     The Turkish government ought to keep in mind that
authoritarianism leads to dictatorship and murder, which will
isolate it like the Peruvian dictator Fujimori, who, following
the horrible massacre in the residence of the Japanese
ambassador, has touched bottom, repudiated by the Peruvian people
and the international community and who has received
demonstrations of repudiation from the peoples of the world.
     We condemn the repression of the Turkish government against
the peace train and those in solidarity with the Kurdish people,
because it violates the most basic human rights of free
association and expression. We reiterate our conviction that in
this globalized world there remains to the poor of the world only
the militant solidarity among ourselves.

Against Neo-Colonialism And Against Neo-Liberalism!
Solidarity And Internationalism With The Kurdish People!

Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA)
August 1997

----
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MRTA Solidarity Page - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm

----
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From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 12 03:10:55 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Sep 1997 03:10:55
Subject: Interview With Haluk Gerger
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970911220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Interview With Haluk Gerger

July 30, 1995

By Joan Melancon
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC)

[Editor's note: This interview was broadcast by the Canadian
Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) on July 30, 1995. Joan Melancon, a
radio journalist, spoke with Mr. Gerger in his jail. Mr. Gerger
has since been released. He continues to write about the folly of
Turkey's war against the Kurds and urges the cooler heads, a
rarity in Ankara these days, to prevail over the war mongers. -AKIN]  

(Mary O'Connell)
It has been an especially violent year in Turkey's war with
Kurdish rebels. More Kurds have been killed this year than in any
other time since the conflict began more than a decade ago. The
government calls it a war against terrorists who want a separate
Kurdish state. Many journalists, writers, and academics call it
genocide, an attempt to wipe out Turkey's fifteen million Kurds
rather than give them language and cultural rights. Haluk Gerger
is one of the 115 known political prisoners now in Turkish jails,
convicted under a law that forbids any criticism of the state. 
He is perhaps the country's best-known intellectual, and he is in
jail in a village called Haymana near Ankara, where his wife
lives. Haluk Gerger is allowed visits, but not with journalists. 
His wife managed to get Sunday Morning's Joan Melancon into the
prison.

(Renan Gerger through interpreter)
I make this drive to the Haymana Prison on Wednesdays and
Sundays, visiting days. I am Renan Gerger, Haluk's wife. I am
forty-five, a civil engineer. Haluk used to teach International
Politics at Ankara University. Now he writes. It's his writing
that put him in jail. We wanted to travel, to see the world. We
don't have children. It's just the two of us. But, we won't be
going anywhere for a while. We just have to wait, wait until
Haluk is free.

(Mary O'Connell)
Haluk Gerger won't be free anytime soon. His twenty-month jail
sentence is up in September, but he has to pay a fine before
they'll let him go -- the equivalent of 6,000 American dollars. 
He refuses to pay it, on principle. That means another three
years in jail, and another regular commute to the prison for
Renan Gerger.

(Renan Gerger)
Across Turkey there are people in cars, just like us, or they go
by bus to visit their loved ones in prison. And for what? It's
hard to accept that Haluk and all the others are in jail because
of their thoughts. You know, I used to think Haymana was a pretty
little village. I didn't pay much attention to the prison. But
once Haluk is free, I don't ever want to come back here again. I
never want to see Haymana again. I drove out here alone once. I
won't do that again. It just made me too sad. It's easier
traveling with friends. We can talk about other things.

(Joan Melancon)
Renan's friend on this trip is a twenty-six year old Kurdish
woman. Her husband is in the same jail. He wrote a play about the
Kurds. That was enough to convict him. Anyone who publicly
criticizes the state, or even expresses sympathy for the Kurds,
can end up in jail.

(Renan Gerger)
Normally, the police come at night. A friend of Haluk's was
picked up at his home one night, but Haluk turned himself in to
the police. It was just too tense. You know they're going to
arrest you but you don't know when, so you wait and wait and
wait. It's stressful.

We're almost there. The guards will be waiting for us. They'll
search our bags, ask for identification, and that kind of thing. 
It's a bit more relaxed on Sundays. Only family can visit. But
they won't body-search me; they don't do that to the wives. So
I'll take your tape recorder in under my jacket. I'll tell them
you're a cousin visiting from Canada. We have lots of cousins. 
So, now you're one of the family!

(Joan Melancon)
As we pull up to the prison, a couple of cars drive in behind us. 
Several women get out, the wives of other political prisoners. 
They hug each other, then go in. After the search, the guards
escort the women to see their husbands. We're taken down a long,
dark corridor into a tiny courtyard. There's a bench along one
wall and a few broken-down wooden chairs. High stone walls are
covered by several inches of barbed wire. There's no roof, so at
least there's fresh air. Haluk Gerger is there with his
cell-mate, an Economics professor, now a political prisoner. His
wife and two-year-old daughter are also visiting. The guard
leaves. Haluk Gerger tells me we have a couple of hours, that
it's okay to take out the tape recorder.

(Haluk Gerger)
It's very difficult to express the Kurdish predicament. Think of
the Blacks in South Africa. They were, of course, oppressed and
discriminated against, but at least their basic identity was
accepted. They were Blacks, and because they were Blacks, they
were being oppressed. But the identity of the Kurds is not even
accepted. It is like telling the Blacks in South Africa that they
are white. The Kurds are forced to say that they are Turks. So
the government, since it is incapable of solving this ethnic
problem peacefully, chooses militarism and war. In conditions of
war and militarism, you cannot expect democracy or peace to
flourish. And this is what's going on in Turkey.

(Joan Melancon)
Haluk Gerger is forty-seven. He's pale, and looks tired. As we
talk, he squeezes a little green rubber ball in one hand,
exercise for his wrist. He slipped in the shower and broke it. 
He makes a point of saying he has not been mistreated in prison,
not like his cell-mate and others he knows who have been
tortured. He thinks that's because of the international interest
in his case. Haluk Gerger is not Kurdish, but he is well-known in
Europe and in the United States as a political scientist, writer,
and humanitarian. He's also respected and liked in Turkey, so
much so that the same politicians responsible for the law that
put him behind bars also line up to visit him in jail.

(Haluk Gerger)
Even the Minister of Culture has visited. He said openly that he
came to apologize on behalf of the Turkish Government and the
Turkish State for putting us behind bars. He said the Turkish
people will one day understand that speaking out is good for the
country and its people.

(Joan Melancon)
What do you think of that apology, what does it mean?

(Haluk Gerger)
It doesn't mean anything. They are empty words, which is another
mastery of Turkish politicians. You put someone in prison, simply
because he has written an article or a book, or expressed himself
in peaceful manners. Then you come and apologize, and afterwards
he continues to stay in prison. These are the Social Democrats of
Turkey, the most progressive party in power. Now think of the
others. Sometimes I am ashamed to breathe the same air with these
people.

(Joan Melancon)
You turned yourself in, you went to the police. Why did you do
that rather than wait to be picked up?

(Haluk Gerger)
I wanted to take the initiative. I didn't want to give them the
pleasure of picking me up. I think that by coming here, I did
good to my cause. Through my suffering, the Kurdish predicament
also receives attention. I have tried to show other Turkish
intellectuals that sometimes we should sacrifice ourselves for
the good of the people, for peace and democracy. And this was the
only thing I could do. I am a pacifist, I just write. So what
could I do? I couldn't go to fight physically, so I fight by
writing about the conflict.

(Joan Melancon)
What is the thing that you miss the most about being free?

(Haluk Gerger)
I do miss things. But I don't think that's the most important
part of it, because I feel myself as part of a struggle which
transcends myself, my personal feelings, and my personal needs.
The terrible thing is that I always receive terrible news through
the media. People are being killed. All this bloodshed, all this
violence, and our children are dying every day! So I think this
is the worst side of all this, that you can't do anything, you
are just helpless, sort of a headless spectator. I sometimes feel
that if I were outside, at least I could do something. What, I
don't know, because I know that the people outside are also
helpless. This feeling of helplessness has become a sort of
torture for me.

(Joan Melancon)
How do you deal with that when you're in here?

(Haluk Gerger)
By continuing my struggle through writing.

(poem)
I met Ayshe in an old gray rainy European city.  
Ayshe is her guerrilla code name.  
She wouldn't tell me her real name.  
Her eyes looked fifteen, but by the lines in her forehead, you
could say she was a hundred years old.  
She wouldn't tell me her real age.  
The blue eyes of this Kurdish girl were always crying.  
She cries watching a romantic film on TV.  
She cries listening to stories of real-life torture of political
prisoners.  
She cries for her home in the mountains.  
She wants to go home, but she doesn't want to die.  
Afraid of death, she cries.  
Afraid she might have to kill a soldier.

(Haluk Gerger)
The government says that the in last ten years, they have killed
fifteen to twenty thousand Kurdish guerrillas. Killing twenty
thousand young men and women, girls, sometimes children, would
mean that you had killed at least one person almost in every
Kurdish family. And if you are killing thousands of young people
of a nation, of a people, simply because they want to express
themselves in their own language, to develop their own culture,
and to be able to say that they are different from the Turks, it
is a terrible thing to do! Of course Turkish soldiers are also
dying there, and they don't know what they are fighting for, they
don't know for what cause they are dying.

(poem)
I met Mustafa on a bus ride.  
He was just about to join the army and wanted to see the city
before he died. Mustafa from Samsun -- nervous, angry.  
Angry about the Kurdish people.
Angry about being sent to a meaningless war.  
Angry with himself for being scared.  
"Of course the Kurds should have their rights, but they also did
lots of bad things", he says.
"Some of them are nice people. We had a Kurdish neighbor."  
"Maybe he's a guerrilla now", I reply.
Mustafa is quiet.
As we leave the bus Mustafa shakes my hand and looks at me
warmly.
"I like you", he says.
I try to say something but he leaves.
Mustafa, crazy about life.
If he meets Ayshe in the mountains, will he be crazy about her?
If he sees her blue Kurdish eyes, would he still shoot?
And Ayshe, would she kill him?
I saw the wish for peace in Ayshe's eyes, in Mustafa's heart.
If we continue to close our eyes, what happens to that wish for
peace?

(Haluk Gerger)
I'm scared that something like what happened in the former
Yugoslavia will happen in Turkey, because as far as I know, the
Turkish system and the Turkish political class is taking Serbia
as their model to deal with the Kurdish uprising. What the Serbs
are doing to Bosnians, the Turkish Government is doing to the
Kurds. It's ethnic cleansing. So I'm not very optimistic about
the peace process in Turkey.

(Joan Melancon)
Haluk's wife Renan gestures at me to stop for a few minutes. She
wants her husband to rest and eat the picnic lunch she's made. 
As they eat, the muezzin at the nearby village mosque can be
heard calling faithful Muslims to prayer. Haluk Gerger tells me
he is not a religious man. He doesn't pray. Instead, he says, he
writes. Renan smuggles the writing out and gets it published. 
Each time one of his articles appears in a magazine or newspaper,
he and the editors break the law. Each time they are charged with
damaging the integrity of the Turkish Republic. That likely means
more jail time for Haluk Gerger, on top of the three years he
still faces for refusing to pay a $6,000 fine.

(Joan Melancon)
When do you expect to be free?

(Haluk Gerger)
I don't know really, but I'm prepared to stay much longer than my
normal time.

(Joan Melancon)
You refuse to pay the fine...why?

(Haluk Gerger)
This is another part of my protest. I reject my punishment. Of
course I cannot reject their putting me into prison, because this
is their initiative. They have the power to do so. But paying the
fine is on my initiative. I won't do that, because I believe that
I am innocent. I think they are the guilty ones. I'm not going to
finance the Turkish war against the Kurds.

(Joan Melancon)
Do you dream about what you'll do when you're out, whenever that
day comes?

(Haluk Gerger)
No, no, not yet, because I don't know when I'm getting out. You
see, I want to be free of my weaknesses, because this is the time
to be strong. So if I start to think about the outside life and
the good things that I have there, I might lose some of the
strength that I need here. So I don't think about it.

(Joan Melancon)
At that, Renan Gerger gets up quickly from beside her husband and
goes to the other side of the courtyard. She's crying. We end our
conversation, hide the tape recorder again, and wait for the
guards to take us out.

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 12 03:12:22 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 12 Sep 1997 03:12:22
Subject: Rep. Filner Addresses The Kurdish C
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970911220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Rep. Filner Addresses The Kurdish Community Of San Diego

Speech of Congressman Bob Filner on Saturday, August 23, 1997
before the San Diego Kurdish community.

     I want to thank the American Kurdish Information Network
(AKIN), the Kurdish Cultural Center (KCC), the Kurdish National
Congress (KNC), and the Kurdish community  right here in San
Diego for inviting me to this gathering. You continue to  educate
me.  I am here for one simple reason: to express my support for
the Kurdish people's struggle for self determination, peace,
justice, and human  dignity.  Of course, the symbol of that
struggle is a fellow democratically-elected representative, the
imprisoned Kurdish leader, Leyla Zana.
     In this hall, there are Kurds from Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and
Syria. Each of you have experienced individual counts of
oppression against yourselves or family  members. You each have
horror stories to tell, regardless of which nation has subjugated
you. Though I know different segments of the world's Kurdish 
population have different ideas on how to remedy the Kurdish
plight, one thing is certain and clear: Kurds can not go on
living under the rule of Baghdad, Tehran, or Ankara. And I 
hope that Kurdish leaders everywhere will work together for the
cause of justice and peace. A united front is crucial if we are 
to reach that goal.
     In Turkey today, as you know, innocent Kurdish civilians are
being massacred, entire Kurdish villages are being destroyed, and
millions of Kurds are forced from their homes, forced to the
cities where unemployment and inflation are extremely high. The
entire region of southeastern Turkey has been ravaged -- it has
become an economic and humanitarian disaster area. This is simply
unacceptable. This is a cause for alarm for a country that uses
American arms to commit such a crime. United States-made weapons
should never again be used against the Kurds or against anybody
else, as they were at the ancient Kurdish city of Halabja, where
over 5,000 Kurdish civilians, mostly women and children, were
gassed to death. Never again!
     To that end, I am here tonight to lend my voice to the cause
of Leyla Zana, a Kurdish woman, a fellow parliamentarian, who has
committed her life's work to pursuing a peaceful and just
resolution to the enduring Kurdish question. Many of you have
heard her story. Some of you may even know her. It is an honor
for me to speak on her behalf so that one day soon she too could
address you as she had done before her arrest.
     You have already heard her story -- an incredible story of
self education, political growth, heroism and courage.
     The Turkish government feared Leyla Zana was progressing too
much in her endeavors for peace and now she shares a prison cell
with a convicted murderer. But they cannot imprison her picture,
her words, her courage, and her inspiring story.
     And because of the inspiring work of Leyla Zana and
thousands of others, the Turkish oppression of the Kurdish
minority will someday come to an end. To achieve this result, it
is far better to use peaceful measures and not continue violence. 
Thus, we must embrace Leyla Zana for risking her life for the
Kurdish people, not through violence, but through peaceful and
democratic activism.
     Kurds in Iran, Iraq and Syria live as second class citizens,
denied the basic human rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness. The United States has it's own painful legacy of
the denial of these rights to many of its citizens, and I am
privileged to have been able to be a part of the civil rights
movement to end discrimination. I marched and have also been
imprisoned with fellow demonstrators, protesting against unjust
laws, and protesting for basic human rights.
     The struggle for Kurdish self-determination is a human
struggle. It is a struggle that I have been a part of all of my
life, and because of that, I am with you. My public career has
been devoted to helping to give a voice to the voiceless, and
working with people to strengthen themselves, their families, and
their communities. The Kurdish people deserve self-determination.
     As many of you know, an initiative has been undertaken in
the U.S. House of Representatives in pursuit of Leyla Zana's
freedom. I, and 118 of my colleagues in Congress have signed a
letter to President Clinton urging him to seek Leyla Zana's
immediate and unconditional release from prison. More Members of
Congress are standing with Leyla Zana and the Kurdish people now
than ever before. Without a doubt, the U.S. Congress is becoming
more aware of, and more sympathetic to the plight of the Kurdish
people. Surely, progress is being made. Because of your vocal 
activism, the entire world is aware of the oppression Kurds face
in Turkey. It will not be too much longer before, once again,
rays of light shine upon the land known as Kurdistan.

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Sep 13 15:16:25 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 13 Sep 1997 15:16:25
Subject: MED-TV Increases Broadcasting Hours
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970912223..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

MED-TV Increases Broadcasting Hours

     Since August 18, MED-TV has increased its broadcasting
hours. Daily broadcasts are now from 9am to 1pm; from 1pm to 5pm
is 'Denge Radyo'; and from 5pm to 1am in the morning is regular
MED-TV programming. (All times are in Turkish local time.)
Preparations are underway to make the station 24-hours-a-day.

(Source: Ulkede Gundem [new daily publication in Turkey; replaced
the now-banned daily paper 'Demokrasi'] 18.8, via
Kurdistan-Rundbrief #17/97)

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Sep 16 06:08:26 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 16 Sep 1997 06:08:26
Subject: Jash Homepage
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970916010..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

The homepage of the KDP can be found at
http://home1.swipnet.se/~w-11534/index.html



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Sep 16 08:33:16 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 16 Sep 1997 08:33:16
Subject: Transcript Of 1996 NPR Discussion O
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970916032..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Transcript Of 1996 NPR Discussion Of Kurdistan

"Talk Of The Nation"
National Public Radio
September 11, 1996

(Marty Moskovane)
The Kurdish people have tried to prevent long-standing internal 
rivalries from standing in their way. Unfortunately, though,
these traditional divisions have been played upon by neighboring
states, each for their own interests.

The Kurds are the largest homeless ethnic minority in the world,
and throughout much of their history, the Kurds have had to deal
with conflicts between neighboring countries in the Middle East
and their own internal rivalries. As the fighting heats up in
northern Iraq we ask, who are the Kurds? Is there a solution to
their enduring conflicts?

Today on "Talk of the Nation" we are looking back at Iraq and the 
situation in the Middle East, focusing on the Kurds. The Kurds
are the largest ethnic group in the world without their own
country, with more than twenty million living in parts of Iran,
Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. While statehood has been a dream of the
Kurdish people for many years, the Kurds have been used time and
again by the powers in the region. But, as is evidenced by the
fighting in northern Iraq today, conflict between Kurdish groups
has been very much a part of their history as well. Two rival
Kurdish factions, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or the KDP, and
the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, or PUK, have been squabbling
with each other since the 1960's. That conflict erupted in 
late August in the safe haven of northern Iraq, which was
established in 1991 after the war in the Persian Gulf.
Iraq was called in by the KDP, which
threw the United States into the conflict by bombing
targets in southern Iraq. Confused? You're not alone. Today on Talk of the 
Nation, who are the Kurds? Why don't they have their own country?
What are their rivalries about, and how have they been used as pawns
by countries in the region and by the United States?

We have several guests who will be joining during us this hour of
Talk of the Nation: Kani Xulam, founder and director of the American
Kurdish Information Network. He came to the States in 1985 from
Turkish-occupied Kurdistan. Also with us, Asad Khailany, founder of the
Kurdish National Congress of North America. He immigrated to the States
from Iraq in 1966 and teaches Computer Science at Eastern Michigan 
University. Also with us is Graham Fuller, senior political scientist 
at the Rand Corporation.

And, joining us now is Bill Montabano, London Bureau Chief with
the Los Angeles Times. He has just come back from northern Iraq. Bill 
Montabano, what can you tell us about what is happening in northern 
Iraq?

(Bill Montabano)
At the moment there's a great deal of exaltation on the part of the 
people who won the battle, the civil war between the factions.
But this is underlying a great deal of consternation because no one is
certain now what will happen next. For five years this place they call 
Kurdistan, which is really the country that never was, has been 
protected by the United States, by over-flights of French, British, and 
American planes, and by the presence of a handful of very
symbolic soldiers in northern Iraq in the city of Zakho. They left when
the fighting began in the region in the capital of Erbil, and people
I talked to are quite frightened of what might happen next. In
August, an Iranian armored column went in and attacked some Iranian Kurds.
In the last days of August the Iraqis supported the attack by one
faction on the capital. And now Turkey has announced that it will send a
large force into northern Iraq to establish a buffer zone there against 
attacks by Kurdish Turks. So the situation is quite unsettled,
and the people are very upset and worried.

(Marty Moskovane)
Do the Kurdish people have opinions about U.S. policy towards
Iraq?

(Bill Montabano)
Yes, they all think that it's up to the United States to solve
their problems. That's what they have thought for a long time, and
that's what they have been thinking for the last five years. The
internal dynamics of their own blood feuds, which are so deeply rooted in
the history of the Kurds, rose up and the two forces which have
collaborated in governing what they call Kurdistan began to fight with one
another. Now they think it's up to the United States, again, to impose
some order there and the hope of a real Kurdistan. But what you see at the
same time are the Iranians and the Iraqis and the Turks, who are now 
regarding this rather tired and eyesore place the way that
neighborhood cats look at a tired swallow.

(Marty Moskovane)
And ready to take advantage.

(Bill Montabano)
Absolutely, unless there's a replay of the history of that
region. Nobody wants an independent Kurdistan except the Kurds, and its 
neighbors, principally Turkey, Iraq, and Iran are prepared to do 
whatever is necessary to stop the creation of an independent
Kurdistan. The United States expressed a humanitarian commitment to the
Kurds after the Gulf War, but never a political one, and that is the missing 
ingredient right now.

(Marty Moskovane)
Asad Khailany, what are the KDP and the PUK fighting about?

(Asad Khailany)
Actually both of them claim that they are working for the Kurdish 
people. The current fighting is mainly between Saddam Hussein and
the Kurdish people. Our U.S. policy was wrong from the beginning.
The strategy toward Saddam Hussein was wrong. As Mr. Montabano
pointed out, the U.S. looked at the Kurdish situation as a humanitarian
issue. They never addressed it as a political issue. As he pointed out 
correctly, the aspiration of every Kurd is to have a Kurdish government. 
There are thirty million of them. The issue cannot be solved just
by avoiding it. We have to go to the United Nations and find a
political solution to the Kurdish problem. The Arabs are against the
separation of the Kurds from Iraqi unity, and they consider the Kurds'
desire to separate a blasphemy. But it is ironic that the same Arab
governments, the same Arab people, cannot live together. We have twenty-two
Arab governments. Yet they expect that Kurds, who are not Arabs, to
live with the Arabs. Nor are they Turks, yet they are expected to live
with the Turks. You cannot force people to live together. We have
examples in Yugoslavia and in the ex-Soviet Union. The Kurds really
depended on the United States's word. The Kurds stood up to Saddam Hussein
when the U.S. Administration asked them to, and we paid a very heavy
price for that, because the U.S. pulled out when we most needed them.

(Marty Moskovane)
Graham Fuller, I know there were attempts by the United States to
broker some kind of settlement between these two rival factions in
northern Iraq. Why were they unable to come to some kind of peaceful
resolution? As our guests have said, the Kurdish people share a desire to
have a country, and yet they don't have one. Why are they unable to get 
together?

(Graham Fuller)
I think it's important to look at their history and realize that
the Kurds are divided among at least four different counties, those
being Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Within each one of these states
the Kurds have been forced to conform to the political culture that
exists there. In addition, each one of these states has been determined
to keep Kurds divided among themselves within that state. So it is
not particularly easy for Kurds to cooperate when all these forces
are determined to keep them separated.

(Kani Xulam)
I agree with Graham. Turkey, Iran, and Iraq may have different 
interests, but when it comes to the Kurds, they all see eye to
eye. They all want to make sure the Kurds don't get together and don't
have a united front against all three.

(Marty Moskovane)
How much are things like water, money, and oil making it
difficult for the Kurdish people to work together to create a Kurdish state?

(Graham Fuller)
Actually, almost none of the Kurds today are speaking of an
independent Kurdish state. It is an artificial dilemma to suggest that either
Kurds must live under Saddam Hussein so that they can't break away, or
that, conversely, they need total independence. Everyone, at least
non-Kurds, would hope that the Kurds' own aspirations for political and
cultural autonomy should be able to be met within the confines of existing 
states. The question is really very simple: if existing states cannot 
satisfy the aspirations of their minorities, they're in big trouble. 
When conflict arises between the ruling class and the minorities,
such countries either hire a Saddam Hussein to come and ruthlessly
crush everything, or the state is in turmoil. In this modern era,
modern states that want to be part of the international community can't
afford to have these bleeding sores, incredible bashing of minorities,
or violations of human rights. Nobody's going to want to invest in
them. It's in the interest of the international community to find
solutions within existing states if possible. The Kurds can have a life
within which they can fulfill their political and cultural aspirations.
It's not impossible.

(Marty Moskovane)
Asad Khailany, what does it mean for someone to call himself a
Kurd these days? As we've said, they're spread out among a number of 
different countries, and I don't believe there's a unifying religion or 
language.

(Asad Khailany)
Yes, we do have a unified language, a unified feeling, and we are
a nation. We have a common suffering and oppression. You mentioned
the wealth of Kurdistan. The U.S. President Woodrow Wilson
recommended the creation of Kurdistan. The only reason Kurdistan was not
created was because they discovered oil in Kirkuk. At that time France and
Great Britain forced an annexation of Iraqi Kurdistan with the Arabs to
form an artificial entity which they called Iraq. The situation in
Iraqi Kurdistan is very bad. In the eyes of the Iraqi people and the
Kurdish people, Saddam Hussein has had a great victory. Currently he is
in control, not only in southern Iraq, but in the northern, Kurdish
region as well. The missile attack by the U.S. was a slap on the wrist.
As a military move the U.S. Administration has fumbled in response to
the latest Saddam Hussein aggression. By not hitting him, the United
States was sending Saddam Hussein the message that it was O.K. for him
to reoccupy the protected haven area. But the game is not over yet.
If Saddam Hussein gets away with this aggression, the U.S. will
lose respect and credibility, not only in the Middle East, but in the
entire world. The U.S. should hit him, not only in the south, but in
the Kurdish area as well, and that will be a message to [KDP leader]
Mr. Barzani that his cooperation with Saddam Hussein will not be
fruitful. It would be better to go back to the Kurdish people to help them
all unite.

(Marty Moskovane)
Kani Xulam, more that fifty percent of Kurds live in Turkey, a
very important player in this region of the world. What is Turkey's
position on the Kurdish people?

(Kani Xulam)
For the Turkish Government, the best Kurd is a silent Kurd, one
that doesn't aspire for political and cultural rights of the Kurds or 
challenge the Turkish view of the situation. For example, Article
Three of the Turkish Constitution states that the language of the
country is Turkish, and nothing can be done to change this article. We're
talking about fifty-eight million people living in one country. Kurds are 
rural, and their population is increasing much more rapidly than
that of the Turks in the west. No one has counted the Kurds, because 
Turkish laws are against that. But one-third of the country is Kurdish. 
Just imagine three people living in one house, two of them are
able to speak their language, and the third person is prohibited by law
to do that and is forced to speak the language of the other two. This
is the situation in Turkey, and it is ugly, and wrong.

(Marty Moskovane)
Are terrorists a threat to the Turkish Government?

(Kani Xulam)
I don't call those who oppose Turkish rule terrorists. Turkey has 
called for this violent response. If Turkey wishes, it could
resolve this problem peacefully. The Kurdish leadership has time and
again asked for political resolution of this conflict. It takes two to
tango. If Turkey wants to have violence in the region, it will have
violence from the Kurds. If it wants to have peace in the region, I
believe the Kurds will sit down and talk peace. As the correspondent in
London pointed out, the Kurds look like a tired bird and the cats want
to jump on it and devour it. Turkey wants to do that, but it's not a
solution, because there are too many Kurds to be swallowed by the Turkish
cat.

(Marty Moskovane)
Graham Fuller, this gives one a flavor of the complexity of the
Kurdish situation in the Middle East, the Kurds' aspirations and those of
the surrounding countries as well. With so many different interests
at stake, it seems resolution is impossible.

(Graham Fuller)
There are two ways of looking at this. One is the hopelessly 
complicated one and the other is an effort to look at the root
problems. The hopelessly complicated route is used by defeatists who say
that every state in the region, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, has its own 
interests and are geopolitical rivals. There are other states in
the region which don't want any democratic movement, particularly in
Iraq, because they're afraid it will bring pressure upon them for the
lack of democracy in states in the Persian Gulf. There are the
geopolitical interests of Israel, of the United States, and there are oil
interests. To make some sense of it we have to get down to a few fundamental 
principles. First, I cannot conceive of any peace or stability in the 
region as long as Saddam Hussein is there because he has a proven
record of aggression, grossly brutal treatment of his own people,
exceptionally bad judgment, and a deep sense of personal revenge. Nobody in
the U.S. policy-making committees explicitly said that Saddam had to go.
He is the source of the problem. We talk about putting him back in the
box and behaving himself, but Saddam is the problem and he really has
to go. Secondly, there is no solution to the Kurdish problem from
anywhere in the region until each of the states with a large Kurdish
population begins to deal directly with that problem in the context of
existing borders. Although the situation in Turkey is not very good for
Kurds right now, I am most optimistic about their opportunities there,
because Turkey has a basically democratic structure, a civil society, and
a fairly free press. These things are not particularly operative for the 
Kurds, because their situation is seen as a delicate security
problem by the Turkish Government. But otherwise, Turkey is reasonably well-
equipped to open up debate. Turkey could solve its problem
without Kurds rebelling and deciding to leave. But they have to make the 
decision to acknowledge the Kurdish problem, and this is painful
for them. If Turkey can't handle it, then Iraq will never be settled,
and an unsettled Iraq means an unsettled Turkey.

(Marty Moskovane)
On the line is Avsin who's calling from San Francisco.

(Avsin)
In response to Mr. Fuller's statement about Turkey being
democratic, if I had spoken Kurdish two years ago in Turkey, they would have
put me in jail. Anyway, I have recently heard from NPR and other stations
that Kurds are an ethnic minority with no state. They have a state.
Their homeland is Iran. Since your panel are experts in the Kurdish
minority, I would like them to tell me what Kurdistan means, and what the
names of their cities and peoples are. They are all old Persians.

(Asad Khailany)
The late Secretary of Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran, Mr. 
Quassemlou, in one of his conversations with Khomeini, it was
made clear that Farsi was the official language of all Iran. Khomeini
wished to prevent Kurds from studying in their own Kurdish language.
When Mr. Quassemlou questioned Khomeini on this, Khomeini said it was
necessary to study in our own language. He said that "we are all Muslims,
there is no difference". So Mr. Quassemlou suggested that they study in 
Arabic instead of Farsi. Khomeini refused, saying that Farsi was
Iran's national language. Later Mr. Quassemlou was assassinated by the
Iranian regime. So I don't hold much hope for Iran as the homeland of the 
Kurds. Kurdistan is a land which is occupied by Iran, Iraq, Turkey, 
Syria, and Armenia. There are only artificial boundaries which
divide Kurdistan. Our people have the same history. Kurds have existed
and have been living there even before the Iranians. For example, the
city of Erbil is 4,000 years old. It is the oldest city in the world
that is still inhabited by human beings.

(Marty Moskovane)
We have another call from Linda from St. Louis.

(Linda)
In light of what has been said about the cat and bird analogy,
would one of your guests comment on what Turkey would say were the reasons
they were letting Kurds from Iraq to cross the border into the safe
haven.

(Kani Xulam)
Turkey never really wanted to take in those refugees. They were
forced to take them. Secretary of State James Baker flew over the area
with late Turkish President Ozal. They didn't want to deal with the
problem because it would galvanize the Kurdish national consciousness
inside Turkey. It would be like Kurds would realize that trusting Arabs, 
Persians, and Turks would not get them anywhere. Turkey was
afraid and wanted to keep the Kurds on leash, and that's why they were
forced to take them in. They sent the Kurds back as soon as the situation
was calm.

(Marty Moskovane)
Let's go to Thomas calling us from San Jose.

(Thomas)
This situation is so fictionalized that it's a potential human
disaster. It seems a mistake to hurry a political solution. What we need is
a purely humanitarian solution. When we tried to force a political 
solution during the Somalia crisis, we had our men dragged
through the streets. There was a huge backlash and the U.S. had to pull out, 
leaving the Somalians and the international relief agencies in the 
lurch. So why can't we have an Egyptian solution and provide
massive foreign aid for the Kurds and also for the millions of other
Iraqi citizens who are starving to death. About a million children have 
starved to death since our bombing campaign during the Gulf War.
So we need massive human rights help, not a political or military
solution.

(Graham Fuller)
There are many things that can be done to alleviate current
suffering, but in the end we have to get down to the root of the problem,
which is a political solution. That inevitably involves the removal of
Saddam Hussein from power. It means urging Turkey to deal more liberally
and with a greater sense of vision with its own Kurdish problem. For
the sake of Turkey's own future this is important. It doesn't have to
mean the division of Turkey. And in Iraq, we should urge the kind of
federal solution that they've talked about in the past but Saddam would
never permit to take place. We can't just continue with a humanitarian 
solution. I think the U.S. should allow the sale of food, medicines, 
and perhaps even lift all the sanctions, but at the same time we
must tell Saddam that he can't move his troops anywhere in the
country. No planes, no tank movement, nothing. We must impress upon him that
there is no military solution to any of his problems.

(Kani Xulam)
The suffering is real. Malnutrition is there. But we Kurds don't 
really want foreign aid. We want our political aspirations to be 
validated. The political problem has to be addressed. With
handouts of food, our cause isn't going to go anywhere.

(Marty Moskovane)
How does the Kurdish cause get validated? Is it through a
political solution, through military involvement?

(Kani Xulam)
No. A little history will help illustrate what I mean. At the end
of the First World War, those artificial countries in the Middle
East were created. Today we seem to accept that they should be there, that
they are sacred, that those boundaries should not be changed. But in
that equation, the Kurds lost, and today we aren't getting our rights
as well. In Turkey, for example, our cultural heritage is at stake.
The Kurds need to have their country just like any other people. The
Arabs are one people but they have twenty-two countries. That's their
choice. But we need to have our own country, carved out from Turkey,
Iraq, Iran, and Syria. But the bottom line is that the will of the Kurds
needs to be respected and accepted. Nobody in Iraq, Iran, or Turkey has
bothered to ask what the Kurds want. What is the will of the Kurds? As a
Kurd, I know the Kurds want a just rule. They may not want to separate
and may prefer to live in Turkey. Turkey is a good country, and to
some extent a great country. If Turkey applies democratic rule across
the board, the Kurds may not want to separate. But that is not there,
and so long as the Kurds are denied their basic rights, Turkey is not
going to solve the problem.

(Marty Moskovane)
Asad Khailany, do you think it would be possible for the Kurds to
put aside their long-standing rivalries and function as a unified
state?

(Asad Khailany)
I think that is a possibility. But, as Graham Fuller correctly
pointed out, Iraq is not going to dissolve as long as Saddam Hussein is
in power. The U.S. strategy was wrong. Saddam Hussein could have
been thrown without sending a single soldier, missile, or aircraft. If
the Kurdish region had a prosperous economy, you would see a lot of
Iraqi units defecting to the Kurdish area. However, the U.S. and the 
regional government worked very hard to see that the Kurdish
experiment in Iraqi Kurdistan would not be successful. The U.S. and the
others, I believe, have sympathy towards the Kurdish people, but they
didn't want even a regional government to be successful. This led to a very
bad economic situation. One of the reasons for the present fighting
between the KDP and the PUK is economic. The KDP had complete control of
the main strategic considerations, and the PUK had the support of
three-fourths of the Kurdish population in Iraq. The PUK didn't have
any economic revenue and thus they could not rule. That was one of
the main reasons for the current conflict.

(Marty Moskovane)
Graham Fuller, you said that peace and statehood for the Kurds is 
impossible as long as Saddam Hussein is in power. Do you have any 
confidence that, if he were removed, that whoever took his place
would have a more sympathetic and humanitarian view towards the Kurdish 
people?

(Graham Fuller)
Once you get rid of Saddam Hussein and a handful of henchmen
around him, most rational Iraqis recognize that their country is an absolute
mess. They have destroyed their own people, institutions, self-
confidence, and everything else. Any halfway democratic institution, for example
a reconstruction of the parliamentary order that used to exist
twenty-five years ago, would allow Iraqis to recognize that a prosperous Iraq 
requires a population that is satisfied. We haven't even talked about 
the Shiite majority which constitutes about sixty percent of the 
population and will play a major role in the Iraqi society. But 
neighboring states like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are terrified
that a greater degree of democracy in Iraq will bring Shiites to power.
Maybe even, they fear, Iran would come in. You can spin all these
horror scenarios to prevent anything from happening. We need some sense
of vision and the faith that a more representative order will bring
a more rational Iraq, an Iraq in which Kurds can function more
successfully than they can now. Kurds presently live under tremendous economic
and political pressure.

(Marty Moskovane)
Let's go to Michael who's calling us from San Diego.

(Michael)
I was a lieutenant for the Third of the 325, which were the first
U.S. troops to come in for the initial operation Provide Comfort in
1991. The Kurds are an incredibly resilient people. I've walked over
the ground where cities had been knocked out. But for America to
actually choose a side at this point is exceedingly difficult. Even in
1991, Mr. Barzani and Mr. Talabani were warring between themselves. At this
point you have one side which has chosen Iraq and the other which has
chosen Iran, and I think it's difficult to ask the United States to pick
a side between those two. It is incipient upon the Kurds to work out the 
differences between the PUK and the KDP before the United States
can intervene in any appropriate way.

(Marty Moskovane)
Is it possible for the U.S. to stay neutral and at the same time
push toward democracy for the Kurdish people?

(Michael)
Graham's point about asking Saddam to not move any forces would
be extremely wonderful, but you really need forces on the ground in
order to do that. Operation Provide Comfort was enabled, one, as one of
your guests pointed out, because the Turks did not want hundreds of
thousands of Kurds on their territory, but also because we were able to use
Turkey as a staging area. We were able to move our forces in there by
truck. We converted an unfinished airfield, and we were able to land
C-130s with supplies for our units farther inland. But at this point,
you have problems on the Iranian border, and I don't think the Iranian
government would easily permit U.S. forces to move into Kurdish Iraq
without problems.

(Graham Fuller)
I do not think the United States should take sides in this
particular quarrel. Rivalries are normal among any political group,
including the Kurds. The point is that the Kurds in northern Iraq have watched
the progressive deterioration of the economic and political situation. I 
think Barzani became fearful that sooner or later they would have
to deal with Saddam Hussein, and concluded that it would be better
to deal now while at least a bargaining position is available, rather
than wait until they are hopeless. This situation doesn't have to exist 
indefinitely between the KDP and the PUK. I would not recommend
that the U.S. take sides, but I would advise that it take vigorous
action denying military force almost entirely to Saddam. It shouldn't
take ground troops to defeat him. We were able successfully during the
Gulf War to destroy almost all of Saddam's army by air action.

(Kani Xulam)
Barzani's collusion with Saddam was preposterous, treacherous,
and callous. If any Kurdish leader should know about what Saddam has
done to the Kurds, he should. His father, his uncles, his tribe were
all decimated. I don't know what Barzani was thinking. But the blame 
cannot be put solely on the Kurds. There's enough blame to go
around. The U.S. didn't want to deal with this problem. On that issue I
agree with A. Rosenthal's op-ed piece in the New York Times. One line
in particular from his most recent article captures the essence of
this conflict: "So long as Turks exist, the stateless Kurds don't
matter." That is the policy that emanates from the State Department, and 
unfortunately, so long as it continues, the Kurdish problem will
be with us.

(Marty Moskovane)
Graham Fuller, is giving the Kurdish people autonomy, statehood,
and democracy in the U.S.'s interest?

(Graham Fuller)
There is a rise all over the world of a search for identity, for 
authenticity of culture and participation in society. Modern
states simply cannot oppress large portions of their societies and
continue to be modern functioning societies. They're vulnerable, their small
groups can wreak havoc on them, nobody will want to invest in them.
These societies are exceptionally unattractive. The pressure is on all
states of the world. If a state can't manage its minorities, it's on its
way out the door. That is going to apply to any state, more and more
in the future, whether they're friends of ours or not. I'm encouraged
and I think Turkey understands this and ultimately will be able to
manage it. Neither Iraq nor Iran are even close to understanding this. These 
states are now at an exceptionally primitive level of political 
development.

(Marty Moskovane)
Let's go back to the phones. We have Roy on the line from
Seattle, Washington.

(Roy)
If they were to draw the borders for Kurdistan at the point where
it is now, would they be able to feed the people or produce a viable
economy?

(Asad Khailany)
Actually, Kurdistan is a very rich country. Two years ago, Iraqi 
Kurdistan produced enough wheat to feed Iraq in its entirety. In
fact, some wheat was exported to Iran. The oil fields of Kirkuk,
Kirmanshah, and Khanikin are all in Kurdistan. Besides that, one of earth's
main scarce resources, water, is plentiful in Kurdistan. Kurdistan
could have a very strong economy.  The U. S. interest is in stability. As long
as the Kurdish issue is not addressed properly, there will not be 
stability in the Middle East.

(Marty Moskovane)
If Kurdistan has all these valuable resources, wouldn't it take
away from Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and all the countries that are using
these resources today?

(Kani Xulam)
That's right. The Middle East is very arid. Today and in the days
to come, water is going to be as precious as oil. Two of the
Biblical rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates, originate from the land of
the Kurds. I agree with Mr. Khailany that Kurdistan is viable
economically. But he failed to mention the political aspirations of the Kurds.
What is a meaningful life for the Kurds? I don't want to have a tummy
full and a roof over my head and no rights. I cannot, with the present
set of laws, give a Kurdish name to my son or daughter. I cannot
perpetuate the heritage my grandfather left me. That is more meaningful to
me than filling my tummy or having a roof over my head.

(Marty Moskovane)
If Kurdistan were a country, would you go back there to live?

(Kani Xulam)
I would go today.

(Assad Khailany)
When Saddam is overthrown I will go back. I have been waiting
since 1972.

(Marty Moskovane)
Let's go to George who's calling us from Manhattan.

(George)
If it weren't for Saddam Hussein, with all his brutality against
the Kurds, we wouldn't be discussing the Kurds at all. Look at the
way the Turks have been slaughtering them all this time...

(Marty Moskovane)
Well, George, that's an interesting way to put a spin on it.

(George)
We turned a blind eye. As for a unified language, there's Farsi.
Farsi and Kurdish are very similar. Ninety percent is the same. Look at
the names: Talabani, Barzani, they're all Italian or Iranian
sounding. Lastly, how are the Armenians, as a Christian nation, treating
their Turks, as compared with those Islamic countries who are
brutalizing them?

(Marty Moskovane)
Graham, do you agree with George that if Saddam Hussein had not 
terrorized the Iraqi Kurds, that we wouldn't be talking about
them today?

(Graham Fuller)
That's like saying Adolf Hitler played a great role in helping
unite the Jewish people and create a Zionist state. I just can't believe
that Saddam is the chosen deliverance of the Kurdish people.

(Marty Moskovane)
I'd like to ask each of you what you expect in the next couple of
weeks and even up through the next year.

(Assad Khailany)
First of all, I hope Mr. Barzani discontinues his cooperation
with Saddam Hussein. I believe the U.S. still has some muscle in the
area. We can send Barzani a message by attacking Saddam's tanks and
armies in the Kurdish area. From this he will understand that his
cooperation with Saddam Hussein will not be fruitful. He would do better to
go back to the Kurdish people, reconcile with all the parties in the area
and decide on a unified agenda for the Kurdish people in Iraq.

(Kani Xulam)
I'm not prepared to say that Talabani is finished, but I'm
prepared to say that Barzani, by siding with Saddam, has dug his own grave.
Kurdish reliance on outside forces is wrong, and if the Kurds want
liberation they need to rely on themselves.

(Graham Fuller)
First of all, it's imperative that we liberate the economy in
Iraq and allow French, British, Russians, or anyone else who wants, to
come in and invest in the country to open up the economy. At the same
time we have to tell Saddam Hussein that he's not moving any military
forces anywhere, and thus speed his end. Secondly, we have to recognize
we require an internal solution to the Kurdish problem in Turkey and
Iraq. A federal solution is needed in Iraq. And we must urge the Turks
to move as rapidly as possible towards democratic accommodation of
their own Kurds if they want to be stable.

(Marty Moskovane)
Thank you to all our guests. This has been Talk of the Nation,
this week focusing on the Kurds, on National Public Radio.

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Wed Sep 17 02:48:10 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 17 Sep 1997 02:48:10
Subject: Istanbul Police HQ Attacked
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970916213..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

Istanbul Police HQ attacked 

ANKARA (September 16, 1997 - Reuters) - A rocket was fired at
Istanbul police headquarters Tuesday evening, but no one was injured,
Anatolian news agency said.

The rocket either exploded in mid-air or missed the building.

A flag of the far-left Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C) was found next to the spent rocket launcher, TV news
channel NTV said.

The police building was the target of a similar attack in June for which
authorities blamed urban guerrillas of the DHKP-C.


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 19 03:07:04 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 03:07:04
Subject: Mainstream News On Contra-Guerrilla
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970918220..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Mainstream News On Contra-Guerrilla State Turkey

Turkish Daily News
September 16, 1997

Four Accused Police Freed In Metin Goktepe Trial

Further postponement: Court hearing in battered journalist case
adjourns until October 9th due to witnesses' failure to appear

By Hasan Ustun, Turkish Daily News

     Afyon - Of the 11 policemen accused of beating journalist
Metin Goktepe to death, four were yesterday released from custody
pending the continuation of trial hearings. When four witnesses,
Deniz Ozcan, Hayati Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar, and Ali Ekber Palabiyik,
who had been summoned at the previous hearing to confront the
accused police officers for identification purposes, failed to
appear, the case was adjourned until October 9th.
     At the hearing which commenced yesterday at 10.00 a.m. at the
Afyon Courts of Justice under presiding judge Kamil Seref, nine of
the officers who had, at previous hearings, used their right to
remain silent and refused to make statements, declared that they
had nothing further to add to their original statements made in
Istanbul. These were Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Metin Kusat,
Selcuk Bayraktaroglu, Burhan Koc, Ilhan Sarioglu, Tuncay Uzun, and
Fikret Kayacan. Seyidi Battal Kose and Suayip Mutluer said that
their previous statements had been extracted from them by pressure
and threats from civil inspectors and Sedat Demir, Assistant
Security Director responsible for public order, who carried out
the questioning. They denied the accusations of involvement in
Metin Goktepe's death.
     Despite protests from lawyers for the accused that the
publication in newspapers of the photographs of the policemen had
removed the necessary preconditions for identification by
witnesses, the court decided that these witnesses should be
present on October 9th. Advocates for the accused further claimed
that the Metin Goktepe event was a scenario put into effect to
remove from the public agenda the assassination of industrialist
Ozdemir Sabanci which took place on the same day, and that
Evrensel, the paper for which Metin Goktepe worked, was financed
by illegal organizations. However, the judge disregarded
these statements after being reminded by lawyers for Metin
Goktepe's family that it was not the journalist who was on trial
but the policemen.
     Approximately 1,000 "Friends of the Metin Goktepe Trial",
including more than 30 representatives of international media
organizations and human rights associations which have been
following events from abroad, were halted by police barricades
when they tried to enter Ordu Street where the Courts of Justice
are located in an attempt to observe the trial hearing. The Court
decided to summon the civil inspectors referred to and police
chief Sedat Demir as witnesses, and released Fedai Korkmaz, Murat
Polat, Burhan Koc, and Metin Kusat on bail. Thus the number of
policemen who have been left free pending further hearings has
increased to six.


Susurluk Gang Released, Ciller Demands Apology

A surprise decision to release suspects in a gang linked to the
state elicits surprise reaction from Ciller

By Hakan Aslaneli, Turkish Daily News

     A surprise decision in the Susurluk road accident trial was
announced by the Istanbul State Security Court (DGM) after the
trial finished late Friday evening. Members of the Special
Operation Teams including former Chief of Teams Ibrahim Sahin,
accused of membership in a criminal organization, were released
due to lack of evidence.
     The trial was attended by the arrested suspects Ibrahim
Sahin, Ayhan Akca, Ziya Bandirmalioglu, Ayhan Carkin, Ercan Ersoy,
and Oguz Yorulmaz.
     Five witnesses including Ekrem Marakoglu, an advocate of
mysteriously assassinated King of Casinos Omer Lutfu Topal, were
heard by the court. At around 7 pm the court declared its surprise
decision as all suspects were found innocent of involvement in a
criminal organization.
     Members of the Special Teams Ibrahim Sahin, Ayhan Akca, and
Ziya Bandirmalioglu were welcomed by their relatives in front of
the Metris Prison, while the rest of the suspects were not
released due to involvement in the Topal trial.

Ciller On Susurluk

     True Path Party leader Tansu Ciller's statements concerning
the special team people and Ibrahim Sahin, the former deputy
director of the police's Special Activity Office, after the
Susurluk court case was dismissed, were met with surprise. Ciller
insisted that Sahin and the other policemen should be given
apologies and didn't hesitate to show them as heroes.
     But remember a photograph taken at the circumcision ceremony
for Sahin's son two years ago, where he and the special team
police were playing arm in arm with Abdullah Catli. There was a
Turkish Republic state's police chief and policemen arm in arm
with a defendant in a murder case and a fugitive from the law. The
police whose duty it is to arrest fugitives and haul them up
before the court have been cleared of charges despite the fact
that this photo had been published.

     Yet the former prime minister of Turkey didn't hesitate to
describe the police chief who let himself be pictured with a
fugitive as a persecuted hero. Speaking in Ankara at a meeting of
the True Path Party's chairman's council she said, "Sahin has been
one step away from martyrdom and his pardon must be begged for --
he and the other members of the special teams must also be
restored to their jobs."
     The one possible reaction to this behavior is a saying such
as "appearances speak for themselves."

--
Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.ozgurluk.org
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 19 06:26:15 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 06:26:15
Subject: Campaign To Support Isaac Velazco,
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970919012..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Campaign To Support Isaac Velazco, MRTA European Spokesperson

Campaign To Support Isaac Velazco

Freedom Of Speech For Isaac Velazco!

     At the request of the Peruvian government, German authorities
are seeking to ban all public political statements by Isaac
Velazco, European spokesperson for the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary
Movement (MRTA), who lives in Hamburg. Less than a year after
Peru's civilian dictator Fujimori visited Germany with a Peruvian
trade delegation for meetings with Germany's political and
economic elite (following up on German Foreign Minister Klaus
Kinkel's earlier visit to Peru), the German Foreign Ministry now
feels that Mr. Velazco's freedom of speech presents a
"considerable danger to the foreign political interests of the
Federation Republic of Germany". On the orders of Interior
Minister Manfred Kanther, officials in the city state of Hamburg
are taking legals steps under Germany's so-called Foreigner Law to
take away Mr. Velazco's political rights and freedom of speech.

A Deathly Silence In Peru

     On April 23, 1997, when Peruvian television all day long
broadcast images of President Fujimori walking past the bullet-ridden
bodies of the guerrillas who were executed in the Japanese
ambassador's residence in Lima, a clear signal was sent to all
opposition forces: Resistance to the civil dictatorship will be
crushed by all means. The storming of the ambassador's residence
by Peruvian special forces, which Latin American human rights
groups have described as a planned massacre carried out on the
orders of "Take no prisoners!", was a sign to Peru's trading
partners. Last October, during a visit to Hamburg, Fujimori stated
that: "We will welcome investors with open arms. Terror, poverty,
social riots - those are things of the past." Now it has been
proven that the Fujimori regime will seek to keep things as
silenct as a cemetery in Peru, a climate which international
investors approve of. The stock market in Lima soared at the news.

Life In A Gold Mine

     The international media have been astounded by the economic
developments which have taken place while Fujimori has been in
office: "A regular gold mine!", commented the New York Times. "An
economic miracle!", wrote the Wall Street Journal. But what lies
behind this? When Fujimori became President of the Andean state in
1990, he introduced a neo-liberal economic model which has since
become known as "Fujimori-Shock". An extensive privatization
scheme was launched, and the opening up of the domestic market was
one way to draw in foreign capital. The price of these policies
was paid by the broad masses of the population, who were driven
into poverty. The number of people living below the poverty level
has doubled since 1991 to more than 13 million (in a country of
just 22 million people).
     Politically, these neo-liberal economic changes were
accompanied by increased political repression against trade
unions, democratic organizations, progressive students, women's
groups, and, last but not least, alleged supporters of armed
organizations such as the MRTA and the Shining Path/Communist
Party of Peru. The more than 5,000 political prisoners (including
450 from the MRTA) were subjected to policies of destruction. They
have been forced to endure torture, hunger, isolation, and a complete
loss of human rights. Fujimori said that he would let them "rot in
their tombs". Many representatives of legal political
organizations were thrown into prison as well after Fujimori
dissolved Peru's Congress in 1992 and wrote a new Constitution.

World Policeman In The UN Security Council

     It's not for nothing that Germany's Foreign Ministry sees
"considerable danger to the foreign political interests of the
Federation Republic of Germany with respect to bilateral relations
with Peru and Japan": During his visit last October, Fujimori
pledged to support Germany in its effort to gain a permanent seat
on the UN Security Council. Immigration officials cited "possible
damage to German-Peruvian relations" in denying entry into Germany
to the mother of one of the MRTA members murdered during the
storming of the ambassador's residence. She was due to speak on
the events in Peru.
     This is yet another example of Germany actively intervening
in struggles in the Third World, in this case banning the
expression of the point of view of one of the parties to the
conflict - this adds a new dimension to the suppression of
criticisms of conditions in the Third World. Germany has a bad
tradition of banning foreign organizations and criminalizing their
activities. But before, like with the banning of the PKK,
political action was banned by the authorities, but now the state
is seeking to outlaw merely public speaking about events taking
place in one's homeland. The basis for this ban which is being
sought is Germany's so-called "Foreigner Law" ('Auslaenderrecht'),
a racist special piece of legislation which bans things such as
political activity to certain people just because they are not
Germans according to the Constitution. This law, which was
tightened only weeks ago, is increasingly becoming part of
everyday German policy: control over and harassment of an entire
population group, who are collectively viewed as dangerous, while
at the same time maintaining good foreign relations.
     We believe that the German authorities will try to push
through this ban on political activity by Isaac Velazco, in so far
as they are able to. That's why it's very important that we work
to stop this!

Freedom Of Speech For Isaac Velazco!
Abolish The Racist "Foreigner Law"!

Faxes and letters of protest to the German authorities and in
support of Isaac Velazco can be sent to the Hamburg officials at
the following address:

Auslandsbefoerde
Amsinckstrasse 34
20097 Hamburg
Germany

Tel: +49-40-328-62292
Fax: +49-40-328-62966

Increase International Solidarity!
The Struggle Continues!

Initiative "Kein Maulkorb fur Isaac Velazco!"
c/o Rote Hilfe e.V.
Postfach 306 302
20329 Hamburg
Germany

----
Con las Masas y las Armas, Patria o Muerte ... VENCEREMOS!
MRTA Solidarity Page - http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 19 08:38:46 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 08:38:46
Subject: Mainstream News On Turkey: Goktepe
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970919033..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Mainstream News On Turkey: Goktepe Trial; DHKC Rocket Attack

Metin Goktepe: Inside And Outside The Courtroom
 
By Hasan Ustun, Turkish Daily News
 
     Afyon - I climbed over the police barricade placed in front
of those attending the trial in the case of journalist Metin
Goktepe and reached Ordu Street where the Afyon Courts of Justice
are located. Outside the Courts of Justice, lawyers, journalists,
international observers, and Metin Goktepe's family were waiting
to be admitted and greeting one another.
     At 9:45, after a second head-to-foot police search, we were
given permission to enter the garden of the Courts of Justice. I
passed through the security cordon of soldiers to left and right,
one facing forward the next to the rear, and all with latest-model
riot shields in their hands. As I climbed to the top floor where
the courtroom was located, I took my own precaution. Before my
automatic camera was observed, I placed it in a large pocket of my
waistcoat and closed the zip. Leaving behind the slogans, "A free
press cannot be silenced!" and "Independent judiciary, democratic
Turkey!", which penetrated the Courts of Justice through the rear
windows and could be heard in the corridors, I was able to cross
the threshold of the courtroom at whose door I had been turned
back at the previous hearing.
     To the left of the approximately 5 x 8 m. courtroom a cordon
of gendarmes was surrounding one sixth of the available space into
which the accused police would shortly be led. I had to sit
crosslegged on the floor in such a way as to make it impossible to
get up again at the feet of the gendarmerie.
     When Judge Kamil Serif started the proceedings, it was a
little after 10:00. By contrast with Nilgn Ucar who had presided
over two hearings of the case as Duty Judge during the official
court holiday, and who had been accused of biased behavior in
ordering the arrest of four more policemen and of taking
instructions from her husband, the authority of this male judge
could be felt immediately. Because the accused police were
disturbed, permission was not even given to observe proceedings
from outside the door. (As the hours went on, despite the
suffocating atmosphere inside, the doors remained completely
closed.) At the previous hearing, some of the accused police had
used medical reports to avoid attendance, while those who did
attend contented themselves with stating that they were taking
advantage of their right to remain silent. At that hearing, it had
also not been easy for the judge to question the accused.
Insistent reminders by lawyers for Goktepe's family that the
period for questioning the accused had been completed at the
previous hearing, that they had used their right to remain silent
and that for this reason it was now necessary to move on to
hearing the witnesses produced no result. During this period of
tension the words, "Your Honor, are you legally representing the
accused?", were heard. On complaints by the accused's lawyers that
these words were an insult to the Court and should be entered as
such in the written record, Judge Kamil Serif went into action and
established that they had come from Metin Goktepe's brother
Dervis. When he asked whether they were directed towards the
President of the Court personally or towards the whole Court, the
Judge received the answer, "Your Honor, I, too, am using my right
to remain silent!" and this brought a smile to all the tense faces
in the courtroom.
     This time, of the eleven police accused who were all present
without exception, Saffet Hizarci, Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat,
Metin Kusat, Suayip Mutluer, Burhan Koc, Ilhan Sarioglu, Tuncay
Uzun, and Fikret Kayacan, asserted that they stood by the
statements they had previously made at the First Criminal Court of
Eyup, Istanbul, and demanded their release. Seyidi Battal Kose and
Selcuk Bayraktaroglu alleged that their previous statements had
been extracted from them under pressure and threats from Civil
Inspectors and for Assistant Director of Security Sedat Demir and
denied allegations that they had killed Metin Goktepe.
     The Judge asked the police officers, who had previously made
statements accusing one another, "Is the relationship between you
of friendship or of enmity?" This question was necessary to
establish whether the statements were genuine testimony or the
result of some personal rivalry. One by one the policemen gave the
answer, "There is no enmity between us. We are colleagues."
     After a 15-minute break following the accused's statements,
the hearing began again. The usher shouted the names, "Deniz
Ozcan, Hayati Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar, Ali Ekber Palabiyik," loudly
through the corridors of the Courts of Justice and the garden, but
nobody stepped forward to say, "I am here." Because these
witnesses were not present, their identification of the accused
could not be carried out. However, despite the absence of the
witnesses, the accused's lawyer's insistently asserted that the
decision to hear them should be revoked. The lawyers' claim that,
"Conditions for identification have been removed," was based first
on the claim that photographs taken at the previous hearing had
been published in a large number of newspapers in Turkey and
elsewhere and that this had brought them to a position
where everybody would recognize them. Secondly, the lawyers
alleged, the "past of persons bearing witness against the
honorable Turkish police" was very important. According to the
lawyers, the witnesses had been members of illegal organizations.
One of them was even under arrest for murder.
     While lawyers for the family were insisting that the time to
make such protests was when the witnesses appeared in court, one
of the lawyers for the accused, Guzin Koprulu, continued speaking
despite the Judge's warning to stop. Upon her statement that, "All
the newspapers Metin Goktepe worked for, especially Evrensel, were
completely financed by illegal leftist organizations," the lawyers
for the family reacted strongly, and demanded that these
accusations, which had the character of "slander", be entered in
the record. The Judge had difficulty in making his voice heard as
he cried, "Be quiet! Speak one at a time!" When the atmosphere
calmed, one of the family lawyers, Hasan Huseyin Evin, stated,
"The accused are on trial here. Not Metin Goktepe and the
witnesses." Shortly after this, another defense lawyer increased
tension in the courtroom once again by alleging that Metin
Goktepe's murder had been brought forward to force the killing of
Ozdemir Sabanci off the public agenda. Lawyers for the family
pointed out that Metin Goktepe had been killed before
industrialist Ozdemir Sabanci and described this kind of statement
as a delaying tactic.
     As 1:00 p.m. approached, Judge Kamil Serif gave a few
minutes' break to allow him to reach his decisions, then listed
these as follows: Fedai Korkmaz, Murat Polat, Burhan Koc, and
Metin Kusat were released because of the state of the evidence in
their files; it was decided to summon witnesses Deniz Ozcan,
Hayati Gungoren, Ilhan Ucar, and Ali Ekber Palabiyik to identify
the accused; the Civil Inspectors (inspectors for the Interior
Ministry) and the police who took the accused's original
statements were to be summoned as witnesses, and the case was
adjourned until October 1997.
     After the hearing, I went to the square which has been
nicknamed "Metin Goktepe Square" by those following the trial.
Even if the hearing was over for the day, around 1,000 people
gathered here were chanting, "The Metins are here, where are the
killers?" In explanations in the square made on behalf of the
Contemporary Lawyers Association and the Labor Party, speakers
reminded listeners that police accused in the Susurluk case had
been set free and that the trial was faced with the danger of
being suppressed, but that the press and defenders of human rights
would not allow a similar development in the Metin Goktepe case
and would continue to pursue his killers until they were punished.
Those who had arrived in about 20 buses promised that they would
return on October 9th before dispersing homewards.


Third Assault On Police Headquarters

DHKP-C militants once again have targeted Istanbul police
headquarters with a LAW missile

By Hakan Aslaneli, Turkish Daily News
 
     Istanbul - The illegal Revolutionary Peoples' Liberation
Party-Front (DHKP-C) has carried out its third assault on what has
become their number one target, the Istanbul police headquarters
in Aksaray. Tuesday evening at about 19:30, the assailants - it is
thought there were two - approached from the street next to the
hospital across from the headquarters building and where they
climbed to the second floor of a vacant building there. The
organization's members then trained their light anti-tank weapon
(LAW), a rocket launcher, on the building but were unable to
achieve their goal because it fired too early.
     The rocket had only gone one or two meters before it exploded
in the air. The attackers then fled leaving behind a surgeon's
glove, the weapon, and the case which had held it.
     The police headquarters was 500 meters away from the
assailants' weapon, which only has a range of 200 meters. Experts
have not yet been able to ascertain the goals of the
organization's members since even if the weapon were working
normally it couldn't have reached its target.
     Police have now taken heavy security measures in order to
protect their headquarters' building, which has been attacked
twice, first on June 16 and then on July 14. The illegal DHKP-C
also was responsible for the attack on the Officers' Club at
Harbiye. The police launched an operation following this attack
and arrested five people who were shown to have planned the
attack. The assailants are members of the illegal organization are
now in prison charged with the assault and are being tried by the
Istanbul State Security Court; the death penalty has been
requested.

What Is The Aim?
  
     Following the latest assault, anti-terrorism squads have
mounted a broad operation and have been searching everywhere,
including the roofs of houses. Experts say it is impossible for
the rocket launcher, LAW, to hit a target 500 meters away and are
of the opinion that the target might have been the petrol station
which is just opposite the building but nonetheless belongs to the
police headquarters' grounds.
     Ten minutes before the attack, Police Chief Hasan Ozdemir and
his deputies had been holding a meeting and officials say that the
target might have been this group.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 19 08:40:43 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 08:40:43
Subject: Paris Police Attack DHKC Supporters
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970919033..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

September 18, 1997

Paris Police Attack 150 Sympathizers And Revolutionary Activists
>From Turkey

     Last Tuesday night, the French police launched a large wave
of arrests against friends and sympathizers of the revolutionary
front in Turkey. The police searched dozens of houses and locked
up our comrades in police stations, without giving any reason.
What was the reason for one of the largest searches in recent
years? Where they searching for drug dealers or a serial killer?
Maybe somebody who smuggles people? Or were they trying to
dismantle a prostitution ring? Nothing of the kind. The French
police just wanted to silence the voices of revolutionaries from
Turkey. The only crime our comrades are guilty of is being
revolutionaries or supporters of revolutionaries. Looking at the
crimes which are committed by French policemen and their bosses,
we ask ourselves: What interests do they have in these attacks?
What were they looking for? Why are they collaborating with the
fascist regime in our country, using their methods?
     We demand the immediate release of our comrades and an end to
the arbitrary punishments. Our struggle will continue as long as
fascism rules in our country and there will always be sympathizers
and militants who support our struggle in the countries where our
people seek asylum. The French police would do better with
occupying themselves with the real criminals in France like drug
dealers and people who deal in human beings. 
     We strongly condemn these arbitrary and despicable acts,
perpetrated by the French police, and we appeal to the democratic
and progressive public opinion to express its protest. 

DHKC Information Bureau, Amsterdam

-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (DHKC)
Revolutionary People's Liberation Front
DHKC Information Bureau, Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc                      
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
ATS Archive: http://www.etext.org/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep 19 14:08:23 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 19 Sep 1997 14:08:23
Subject: Turkey: Nobody can stay neutral towards fascism!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m1u3fhui75.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


Nobody can stay neutral towards fascism!

The true face of the fascist contra-guerrilla state in Turkey came
into the open once again. In recent days a lot of weapons were
discussed in the turkish media. Those weapons had been "lost" earlier
by the Turkish security forces. One of the weapons was found in the
Mercedes of the MP Sedat Bucakin the accident at Susurluk last
November. Now it was discovered that the weapons obviously were used
by the special, secret and illegal contra- guerrilla forces of
Turkey. The leaders and progenitors of these "special operation teams"
are the well-known Mehmet Agar, a former police chief, former minister
of justice and minister for internal affairs; Korkut Eken, a general
in the Turkish army, and Ibrahim Sahin, former police chief of
Turkey. It was discovered that under the leadership of Eken and Sahin,
the special forceswere trained in Turkey's Adana region.

The characteristics of the "lost" weapons are well-suited to murdering
revolutionaries and the people: long distance rifles and Magnum 300 as
well as Baretta pistols, which are hard to detect even without
silencers. The last weapon is well known for being used in "murders by
unknown perpetrators".

The fascist contra-guerrilla state in Turkey is using every dirty and
cruel method in its war against the revolutionaries and the
people. Whereas open crimes took a back seat in recent months to
methods of economic warfare such as enormous inflation and price rises
by the new government of Mesut Yilmaz- a government that didn't gain
power in legal elections but in negotiations among the ruling classes
of the country - recent developments are promoting the politics of
murder and massacres once again.

The fascist regime of Turkey cannot extend its life without
openterror. The peaceful road and even the methods of "democracy" on
the official political stage are exhausted. The attacks against the
"Peace Train" [from Europe to Kurdistan] must have opened the eyes of
the last people who still believed that negotiations with this regime
will lead to a result. Agar, Sahin and Eken,the mass murderers and
perpetrators of unbelievable massacres, weren't even charged in the
Turkish courts. The fascist regime in Turkey shows openly it's
understanding of "democracy". There is no other way for the
imperialists and their collaborators, the ruling oligarchy, to keep
hold of the country but to try to silence the growing protests of the
people with blood and terror.

This is a time when everybody has to choose a side in this war. The
governments in Europe have already chosen to side with the Turkish
fascist system. Attacks against revolutionaries and people who support
the struggle for an independent, democratic and free Turkey are on the
agenda in almost every European country. The latest events in Paris,
where more than 150 people from Turkey were arrested, having committed
no crime but to be revolutionaries or sympathisers with revolution in
the liberation struggle in Turkey, as well as the attacks in Germany
against the socialist newspaper Kurtulus, are only isolated examples
in a long list of terror against the friends of the peoples in
Turkey. Nobody can stay neutral in this war.  On September 30th, the
event "One minute of darkness for eternal light"will start once
again. Every evening at 2100 Istanbul time, the lights will be turned
off for one minute. After the events in Susurluk, hundreds of
thousands of people participated in that campaign. The campaign was
accompanied by demonstrations by thousands of angry people on the
streets who united under the slogan "Susurluk is the state" and "Let's
hold them accountable!".

It is the task of every democrat and progressive human being to join
the side of the people in this fight. It is the duty of the
revolutionaries to lead the protest of the people towards the demand
of calling the guilty to account. It is the duty of the
revolutionaries to unite the people in the struggle for an
independent, democratic and free country, in the struggle for the
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE PEOPLE.

These aims will only be reached by realising the revolution in Turkey
and by establishing the power of the people. We, the DHKC, are calling
on every friend and everyone among the peoples in Turkey to organise
and take part in this revolution.


Susurluk is the state, let's hold them accountable!

For an independent, democratic and free country: let us establish the
power of the people!

We are right, we will win!

DHKC Press Deapartment
19 september 1997


-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Front)
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc                          
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sat Sep 20 09:58:03 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 20 Sep 1997 09:58:03
Subject: DHKC: Nobody Can Stay Neutral Towar
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970920045..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: DHKC: Nobody Can Stay Neutral Towards Fascism In Turkey!

Nobody Can Stay Neutral Towards Fascism!

     The true face of the fascist contra-guerrilla state in Turkey
came into the open once again. In recent days a lot of weapons
were discussed in the Turkish media. Those weapons had been "lost"
earlier by the Turkish security forces. One of the weapons was
found in the Mercedes of MP Sedat Bucakin the accident at Susurluk
last November. Now it was discovered that the weapons obviously
were used by the special, secret, and illegal contra-guerrilla
forces of Turkey. The leaders and progenitors of these "special
operation teams" are the well-known Mehmet Agar, a former police
chief, former minister of justice and minister for internal
affairs; Korkut Eken, a general in the Turkish army; and Ibrahim
Sahin, former police chief of Turkey. It was discovered that under
the leadership of Eken and Sahin, the special forces were trained
in Turkey's Adana region.
     The characteristics of the "lost" weapons are well-suited to
murdering revolutionaries and the people: long distance rifles and
Magnum 300 as well as Baretta pistols, which are hard to detect
even without silencers. The last weapon is well known for being
used in "murders by unknown perpetrators".
     The fascist contra-guerrilla state in Turkey is using every
dirty and cruel method in its war against the revolutionaries and
the people. Whereas open crimes took a back seat in recent months
to methods of economic warfare such as enormous inflation and
price rises by the new government of Mesut Yilmaz - a government
that didn't gain power in legal elections but in negotiations
among the ruling classes of the country - recent developments are
promoting the politics of murder and massacres once again.
     The fascist regime of Turkey cannot extend its life without
open terror. The peaceful road and even the methods of "democracy"
on the official political stage are exhausted. The attacks against
the "Peace Train" [from Europe to Kurdistan] must have opened the
eyes of the last people who still believed that negotiations with
this regime will lead to a result. Agar, Sahin, and Eken, the mass
murderers and perpetrators of unbelievable massacres, weren't even
charged in the Turkish courts. The fascist regime in Turkey shows
openly it's understanding of "democracy". There is no other way
for the imperialists and their collaborators, the ruling
oligarchy, to keep hold of the country but to try to silence the
growing protests of the people with blood and terror.
     This is a time when everybody has to choose a side in this
war. The governments in Europe have already chosen to side with
the Turkish fascist system. Attacks against revolutionaries and
people who support the struggle for an independent, democratic,
and free Turkey are on the agenda in almost every European
country. The latest events in Paris, where more than 150 people
from Turkey were arrested, having committed no crime but to be
revolutionaries or sympathizers with revolution and the liberation
struggle in Turkey, as well as the attacks in Germany against the
socialist newspaper Kurtulus, are only isolated examples in a long
list of terror against the friends of the peoples in Turkey.
Nobody can stay neutral in this war. On September 30th, the event
"One minute of darkness for eternal light" will start once again.
Every evening at 9:00pm Istanbul time, the lights will be turned
off for one minute. After the events in Susurluk, hundreds of
thousands of people participated in that campaign. The campaign
was accompanied by demonstrations by thousands of angry people on
the streets who united under the slogans "Susurluk is the state!"
and "Let's hold them accountable!".
     It is the task of every democrat and progressive human being
to join the side of the people in this fight. It is the duty of
the revolutionaries to lead the protest of the people towards the
demand of calling the guilty to account. It is the duty of the
revolutionaries to unite the people in the struggle for an
independent, democratic, and free country, in the struggle for a
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE PEOPLE.
     These aims will only be reached by realizing the revolution
in Turkey and by establishing the power of the people. We, the
DHKC, are calling on every friend and everyone among the peoples
in Turkey to organize and take part in this revolution.

Susurluk is the state, let's hold them accountable!

For an independent, democratic, and free country: let us establish
the power of the people!

We are right, we will win!

DHKC Press Department
September 19, 1997

-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (DHKC)
Revolutionary People's Liberation Front
DHKC Information Bureau, Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
ATS Archive: http://www.etext.org/Politics/Arm.The.Spirit
-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Sep 20 10:32:04 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 20 Sep 1997 10:32:04
Subject: Japan: Turkish Kurd on Hunger Strike in Refugee Center
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0xCOU0.000CFzC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

(19/9) Turkish Kurd on Hunger Strike in Refugee Center

TOKYO, Sept. 19 (Kyodo) - A Turkish Kurd is on a hunger strike at a
refugee center in Tokyo in protest at being detained by immigration
officials after he sought asylum, his lawyers said Friday.
                                       
The 29-year-old man, who has been detained in the Tokyo Regional
Immigration Bureau's refugee center in Kita Ward, went on hungeRstrike
Tuesday night because Japanese immigration officials took him into
custody without looking into his refugee application, they said.

The man applied for refugee status in September 1996, but had not been
interviewed by inspectors in charge of screening refugees before he
was detained July 30, they said.

It is rare for those who have applied for refugee status to be taken
into custody, the lawyers said. The Tokyo Regional Immigration Bureau
withheld immediate comment on the case.

The Kurd, who came to Japan in 1995, has been arrested in Turkey three
times on charges of cooperating with Kurdish guerrilla members, and
left the country before trial, the lawyers said.

The man is taking only water with sugar, and seems to be in good
health, said Masashi Ichikawa, a lawyer who saw him Thursday.

The Japanese branch of Amnesty International, a human rights
organization, has requested the release of the man, saying Japanese
immigration authorities should not take into custody those who have
applied for asylum. If such people are taken into custody, they will
be at a disadvantage to prove themselves to be refugees, the group
said.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Sep 20 10:35:15 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 20 Sep 1997 10:35:15
Subject: Turkey: Eurogold versus Bergama -Update
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m0xCOPn.000CFzC@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Bomb Explosion Hits Eurogold Office in TR
                                       
IZMIR, Turkey, Sept 19 (Reuter) - A small bomb exploded on Friday at
the Turkih office of a foreign gold mining company that is fighting
protests over its plans to use cyanide in gold extraction in western
Turkey.

"A bomb exploded in front of Eurogold's office at 06:25 (0325 GMT)," a
police official told Reuters. There were no injuries in the blast in
the Aegean coast city of Izmir.

Eurogold said the blast would not affect its plans to have a mine near
the town of Bergama, also in the Aegean region, up and running by
November.

"This will not change in any way our wish to start production before
the end of '97 on a model mine which is an investment considered by
international communities as a test for future investments in Turkey,"
company managing director Jack Testard told Reuters.

Eurogold is a $46 million joint venture between Canada's Inmet and
France's La Source, partly owned by Normandy Mining of Australia.

The start-up of operations at the Bergama mine has been hindered by
angry local protests and lengthy court cases over the company's
cyanide-leaching techniques.

In July, a Turkish government minister said she had asked Eurogold to
postpone operations until a court decided whether using cyanide would
be harmful to local people.

But the company, which is due to start production in November, says it
has the legal right to go ahead and that it was never formally
notified of any government decision to put off operations.
                                       
Eurogold denies that cyanide would damage the health of villagers
living near the mine. Local people have travelled to Megak?y and
Ankara to stage high-profile demonstrations against the mine.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nlList info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Sun Sep 21 07:02:31 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 21 Sep 1997 07:02:31
Subject: Japan: Kurdish Asylum Seeker On Hun
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970921015..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Japan: Kurdish Asylum Seeker On Hunger Strike In Refugee Center

Turkish Kurd On Hunger Strike In Refugee Center

     TOKYO, Sept. 19 (Kyodo) - A Turkish Kurd is on a hunger
strike at a refugee center in Tokyo in protest at being detained
by immigration officials after he sought asylum, his lawyers said
Friday.
     The 29-year-old man, who has been detained in the Tokyo
Regional Immigration Bureau's refugee center in Kita Ward, went on
hunger strike Tuesday night because Japanese immigration officials
took him into custody without looking into his refugee
application, they said.
     The man applied for refugee status in September 1996, but had
not been interviewed by inspectors in charge of screening refugees
before he was detained July 30, they said.
     It is rare for those who have applied for refugee status to
be taken into custody, the lawyers said. The Tokyo Regional
Immigration Bureau withheld immediate comment on the case.
     The Kurd, who came to Japan in 1995, has been arrested in
Turkey three times on charges of cooperating with Kurdish
guerrilla members, and left the country before trial, the lawyers
said.
     The man is taking only water with sugar, and seems to be in
good health, said Masashi Ichikawa, a lawyer who saw him Thursday.
     The Japanese branch of Amnesty International, a human rights
organization, has requested the release of the man, saying
Japanese immigration authorities should not take into custody
those who have applied for asylum. If such people are taken into
custody, they will be at a disadvantage to prove themselves to be
refugees, the group said.

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From dschechter at igc.apc.org  Wed Sep 24 15:32:15 1997
From: dschechter at igc.apc.org (Danny Schechter)
Date: 24 Sep 1997 15:32:15
Subject: NEW INSIDER BOOK ON THE MEDIA OF PO
Message-ID: <bac1c849.v01530513b04ab6ca38fc@igc.apc.org>

From: dschechter at igc.apc.org (danny schechter)
Subject: NEW INSIDER BOOK ON THE MEDIA OF POSSIBLE INTEREST

Why do so many of the issues we care about get such short shrift in the
mainstream media?


MASS MEDIA: INSIGHT & ACTION

Seven Stories Press announces the publication of

Danny Schechter's
THE MORE YOU WATCH,
THE LESS YOU KNOW
News Wars/(sub)Merged Hopes/Media Adventures

Forwords by Jackson Browne and Robert W. McChesney

Alarmed by the dumbing-down and tabloidization of news?
Dismayed by the increasing domination of
what we see, hear and believe
by the slightest handful of powerful moguls?

Danny Schechter explains how things came to
be this way, and what we can do about it.

Travel with the 30-year veteran investigative
reporter on a no-holds-barred journey into the
newsrooms and board rooms where news
is selected, shaped and transmitted.

An award-winning veteran of CNN and ABC News,
Danny Schechter is today Executive Producer
at Globalvision and an independent film maker.
He's travelled the world, reporting from
more than 40 countries. His projects have involved
the Dalai Lama, Nelson Mandela and Abbie Hoffman
among others. Boston area readers may remember
him, also, as WBCN-FM's "News Dissector" in
the 1970s.

Schechter draws entertainingly on his
lively career as a working journalist
to develop provocative insights into

 o shrinking human rights coverage,
 o racism in the media
 o inattention to labor and class issues

and other trends in contemporary news coverage.

Schechter's been there, he understands how
monopoly media works, and he offers a strategy
for transforming it.

Noam Chomsky recommends this book. So does
Publishers' Weekly, which called it "Informative
and sometimes hilarious....This is a
sophisticated irreverent look at television
that will make readers wince--and laugh."

For a preview, go to

   http://visitweb.com/moreuwatch

To order: Search Barnes & Noble online at

   http://barnesandnoble.com/

or call 1-800-596-7437.
The book lists for $26.95.  480 pages. 16 pages of photos.

Comments welcome at
moreuwatch at globalvision.org.

Please forward this announcement to interested friends or colleagues or
listservs.




From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Wed Sep 24 12:56:12 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 24 Sep 1997 12:56:12
Subject: Turkey: The front will be developed further
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m13emujxnf.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Kurtulus no. 31, 24 May 1997

The front will be developed further.

The oligarchy has closed the MayDay file for its part. Because
firstly, the crisis is it in has become so big that it has become
necessary for them to keep the revolutionaries out of the public's
eyes for as much as possible, and secondly, the oligarchy did not
achieve any success on MayDay.

>From the leadership of T?rk-Is, the governor of Istanbul to the
columnists in the papers - like Mehmet Ali Birand - : all of them
spoke about a "successful" MayDay. They expressed their wish and
that's all they got. They made themselves ridiculous. The masks of the
collaborators fell and the situation of the people's masses were
obvious. T?rk-Is, DISK and all chambers of commerce came together to
emphasise, as always, that they represent 6,5 million people. No, they
do not represent 6,5 million people. The situation there in became
obvious on the MayDay squares.

On the other hand they were unable to prevent the march of the
revolutionaries. The revolutionaries approached the enemy with their
banners, their flags and their "militias". It was shown to the people
in Turkey that the revolutionaries are not people's forces which can
be pushed into the background in one way or the other, and that the
revolution can not be prevented. Despite all the threats and the
demagogic statements before MayDay, despite the arrests and the
relatively small participation of the masses, the oligarchy was unable
to achieve a real success. The MayDay celebrations have kept a
consistency of the masses and a nation-wide spread. The failure of the
oligarchy becomes obvious when looked at the front.

For the revolutionaries, it is something which has to be looked at
carefully, the lesser participation of the masses. More precisely,
seen the developments since Susurluk, the number of people should have
increased but the participation of the masses was more or less equal
to the previous year. That's the present situation. Seen from the
viewpoint of the mass movement, the problem is not a general decline,
it is a decline which is specific for MayDay. This must be seen
clearly. On 12 March and on 16 March, for example, the masses did come
despite many obstacles. Twice as many people participated at these
commemorations, compared to 1996. 

The demagogy of the enemy regarding MayDay has not been eradicated
completely. The marks which were left behind by MayDay 1977 and 1996
have not been removed, the masses have not been given enough
confidence. On the contrary, opportunism pursued a road which
established this mistrust. The year long policy of liquidations,
massacres and disappearances, and the consequences for the
consciousness of the masses, constitutes the material basis for the
effect of terror and the demagogy of provocation. In such
circumstances, the behaviour of the left (i.c. opportunism) did not
succeed in drawing a clear line from its front against the demagogy,
it did not succeed in leading the masses, giving them confidence.
Despite the decreasing participation, the reality of the revolution
ruled on the squares and in the streets. In contrast to the
capitulation of the trade unions of the MGK, tens of thousands marched
among the ranks of the revolutionaries. This is the essence of MayDay.
Despite the disadvantages and the deficiencies, the front presented
itself as a force. And the front, with its strength, will go on to
organise and develop the people's movement. The crisis of the
oligarchy will continue and increase. They act as if the causes for
this crisis must be looked for among parts of the bourgeois politics.
The search for new governments, early elections, petitions and threats
of a coup will remain on the agenda. But none of this will provide a
clear and obvious solution and elevation for the crisis. 

The policy of massacres by the state, which became apparent in
Susurluk, will continue, and so will the gang wars. While this
situation limits the manoeuvring space for the oligarchy, it is
imperative for the revolutionaries to organise the people's masses
against the state, which revealed itself in Susurluk, in a struggle
with clear demands. The manoeuvring space for the oligarchy is
limited. Neither the proposals of T?SIAD, which are needed for the
system, nor the proposed economical and social measures of the MGK
regarding Kurdistan, can be implemented because of the present
economical and political desperation. The system does not even
consider itself strong enough to introduce reforms, to take tactical
steps to strengthen the reformists.

At such a point, the policy of the revolutionaries, the democrats and
revolutionary democratic institutions and organisations plays a major
role. It's obvious, peace or early elections are not on the agenda in
this country. This can only be temporary tactics of the ruling
classes. 

The end of the 80's and the beginning of the 90's were a period in
which the call for "peace" found an echo. Now, at the end of the 90's,
the shroud has fallen from this peace which was enforced by
imperialism. To offer such a "peace" to the people once again,
constitutes a throwback for the revolution. 

The functions of earlier elections was even openly described in the
bourgeois press: "curtailing the pressure". That advanced elections,
with no other function than diverting the anger and dissatisfaction of
the people through the poling boxes, have nothing to do with
revolutionary politics and tactics is obvious. 

Neither reformist, legal, tactics like advanced elections and "peace",
nor the propaganda of opportunism - far remote from the needs, the
demands and the fears of the masses - can proof themselves. Apart from
coincidal similarities, these demands are so old and far off from the
conditions for effectiveness, that they can not even achieve short
term effects. The front will continue to develop, it will stay away
from the tactics and the policy of opportunism and reformism, basing
itself on the revolutionary mass line, never loosing the perspective
of power out of sight. The only line which can develop further, the
only way the revolution in Turkey can be achieved, is this one. 

Day by day, it is becoming more clearly that the people's councils and
the proposals for a people's constitution constitute a policy which
fulfils the needs of this age. While opportunism and reformism try to
copy these proposals in part, they continue their pseudo-criticism,
essentially aiming at rendering these proposals ineffective. They will
continue this policy. 

The policy and the tactics of the front are causing confusion in a lot
of minds. They have difficulties to comprehend the originality of the
line of the front, its growing roots with the reality of the country
and the people. Some talk about red headbands, some talk about masses
in the mosque. We do not concern ourselves with these things. We are
talking about a front. About a people's movement. We are aware of the
fact that there will be no revolution without a front and the people's
movement. This is our task and we will pursue it and we will continue
our development along this line. 

Our present proposals and the policy we pursue will find an echo when
they fulfil the present needs. We could come with new proposals
tomorrow. While we develop these proposals, come up with a new policy,
we do not care what they call us. We care about developing the
revolution, about organising the masses for the revolution, about
enlarging the front and leading the struggle. Our policy and our
proposals are right as long as they serve these aims. 

As is shown concretely, for example at the organising in the trade
unions DISK, KESK and the unions of the MGK, this will not be an easy
process. During this phase, there will be an ideological struggle with
opportunism, reformism, but also with those forces within the system,
or seeking integration in the system, which call themselves "left" or
"revolutionary". It will be the actual objective of our policy to
enlarge the people's front, to confine the enemy's front. There are
two sides to this. One side is to unite all people's forces, all
democratic institutions and mass organisations which strive for
democracy, which want freedom and justice. We will be adamant in this.
On the other hand, it will be inevitable to deal with those who call
themselves "left" and "democratic mass organisations" but who
essentially try to prevent the revolution at the side of the MGK and
the oligarchy. For example, in the struggle within the working class
it is a must to deal with a union policy, favourable to the MGK. Such
a process will be seen in the struggle in the Gececondular as well.
The same will occur among the workers in the public service. 

We will deal with them in all areas. In this process, the reformists
will be forced to a clear line, they will be forced to choose. The
intellectuals will have to give up their vague position, the KESK will
have to give up its swaying between a democratic position within the
system and a revolutionary one, they will have to take a clear
position. This is a quite natural need and a result of progress. While
we work at the one side to unite the people's forces, the people's
movement, we will force this on an ideological basis on the other.
Regarding this, the front takes a quite clear and open line. The
intellectuals, the public servants, the reformists and the
opportunists will be drawn into the masses. There they will have to
show colours. Depending on how we organise the people, create
organisations in which the broad people's masses will be able to use
its rights to decide for itself, all will be forced to either join
these, or they will be separated from the people. The struggle demands
the same decision: depending on how it will develop - armed or unarmed
- in different ways, all will have to seek their compromise with the
system, or they will have to take their place among the people. 

The task of the front has become even bigger now, its mission more
clear. Our main task is establishing our organisation in such a manner
that we will be able to fulfil this task, succeeding in this mission.
It's obvious, the oligarchy will try to block the front constantly and
massively. It especially seeks to prevent the emergence of cadres in
the front organisations, the democratic organisations and
organisations of the people who would be able to take upon themselves
a leadership position. It seeks to eliminate the existing cadres. We
have to take great care at training the cadres to crush the attempts
by the enemy. When the oligarchy eliminates, we will build, when it
destroys, we will reorganise, when it annihilates, we will have to
re-emerge at the same place even stronger, more experienced. This side
of the struggle will continue without a break, without interruption.
There is no room for daydreaming about "democratisation", "peace" and
"early elections" in this struggle. 

The enemy has been destroying for decades. But the line of the front
regarding the masses has proven its value by keeping upright, despite
destruction, by continuing the struggle and developing the people's
movement. The essence of this line, clearly visible at MayDay 1996 and
1997: believing in the people, the roots with the reality of the
country and the people, political clarity, productivity and
determination in its policy. 

Based upon this, the front has now become politically the most
productive, it is the most vivid among the masses, the most constant
and determined organisation in the struggle for the revolution. Yes,
we are self-confidant. 

This confidence must be carried to all our activities, from the
smallest to the biggest, it has to be carried into all our contacts,
all actions. When we act confident, that's for sure, we will achieve
even bigger and quicker results. 

The militias of the front are marching.... The front says.... The
front acts.... The front fights.... The martyrs of the front.... The
pamphlets of the front.... Under the leadership of the front.... Yes,
everybody will talk about the front. The front will be present in the
nightmares of the enemy, it will be on the tongues of the people,
shoulder to shoulder with its friends. This claim is not unrealistic.
It's a normal requirement in the setting of our mission, the aims of
the revolution and the determination to power. Those who do not
achieve this, who can not realise this work, will be unable to
organise and realise the revolution. With this determination and this
confidence, we will march on. Nobody will be able to stop the front.
Obstacles can only be temporary ones. And we will not be deterred by
these difficulties. Our history, our present reality, the situation in
our country and of our people, they all show the conditions for the
development of the front. The front will develop further, because of a
political necessity, and it will show itself worthy of our history,
our present existence, our country and our people. 


-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Front)
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc                          
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep 25 07:31:33 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 25 Sep 1997 07:31:33
Subject: Murdered Kurdish Inmates Remembered
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970925021..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
Press Release #28
Contact: Kani Xulam
Tel: (202) 483-6444
September 24, 1997

A Year Ago Today, 10 Kurdish Inmates Were Beaten To Death In
Turkey!

     Today marks the second anniversary of the brutal death of 10
Kurdish inmates in Diyarbakir Prison in Turkey by 29 Turkish
police officers and 36 Turkish soldiers. 23 other Kurdish inmates
were also heavily injured at the time of this altercation.
     While the government of Turkey has launched an investigation
into this deadly attack, no one to this day has been convicted of
the crime.
     On September 19, 1997, almost a year after the incident, a
trial was held at the 3rd Court Room in the Palace of Justice in
Diyarbakir. Two of the non-commissioned officers, Erol Demir and
Hamza Gorgulu, and another soldier, Solmaz Karaoglan, were
questioned about their part in the crime.
     One of the non-commissioned officers, Erol Demir, noted,
"The inmates threw rocks, soap, and iron rods at us. The iron
rods landed on the heads of inmates who were closer to us. The
inmates injured themselves."
     Ahmet Sever, a survivor of the massacre, still an inmate,
told the court his version of the event. "It was a visitation
day. We knew that our loved ones would bring us food. We asked
the prison wards to allow us to borrow some containers from our
fellow inmates on other floors (as we had done in the past) so
that we could take the food to our rooms. They locked us into the
waiting room. Then, the doors opened and soldiers and police
officers attacked us. They were shouting, 'Allah, Allah, Allah'
and 'Death to the PKK'. We shouted back, 'Death to the torturers'
and 'Human dignity will prevail over the torturers'". Mr. Sever
went on to say, "They subdued all of us. We were all on the
ground. They asked us who Ridvan was. They beat him to death in
front of us. I also witnessed the death of Ahmet Celik. I saw his
crushed head."
     The 10 Kurdish inmates who were killed were prisoners of
war, members of the People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK),
the armed wing of PKK. They were: Ridvan Bulut, Ahmet Celik,
Cemal Cam, Mehmet Aslan, Edip Dilence, Nimet Cakmak, Hakki Tekin,
Kadir Demir, and Erkan Perisan.
     At the 3rd Court Room, Mrs. Hedipe Perisan spoke for Erkan
Perisan, her son, one of the victims of this brutal attack: "This
massacre was pre-planned."
     The Court was adjourned until October 23, 1997.
     Four members of the Turkish parliament who went on a fact
finding mission to the city of Diyarbakir and spoke with some of
the witnesses of this event recommended to the Turkish parliament
that the accusers ought to stand trial and also noted that they
should have used tear gas to incapacitate the inmates as opposed
to using force to end their lives.

----
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN)
2623 Connecticut Avenue NW #1
Washington, DC 20008-1522

Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin at kurdish.org
Home Page: http://www.kurdistan.org
----

The American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN) provides a public
service to foster Kurdish-American understanding and friendship

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Thu Sep 25 08:31:15 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 25 Sep 1997 08:31:15
Subject: Turkey Invades South Kurdistan - Ag
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970925032..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Turkey Invades South Kurdistan - Again

Turkish Tanks, Troops Cross Into Northern Iraq 

     DIYARBAKIR, Turkey (Sep. 24, 1997 http://www.nando.net/) -
About 15,000 Turkish soldiers backed by tanks and armored
vehicles have entered northern Iraq, a military official said
Wednesday after reports of fighting between Turkish troops and
separatist Kurdish rebels.
     Around 15,000 troops and more than 100 armored vehicles have
crossed the border into northern Iraq, the official said.
     Dozens of tanks crossed into the Iraqi border town of Zakho
from Habur in Turkey on Tuesday afternoon, witnesses told
Reuters.
     They said several military convoys including tanks had
crossed the border in the previous four days and that there was a
further build-up of troops and armored vehicles between Habur and
the Turkish town of Silopi, nine miles away.
     The pro-Kurdish Dem news agency, quoting a statement by the
rebel Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), said PKK guerrillas had
launched rocket attacks on Turkish troops and their Kurdish
allies based in Deraluk inside northern Iraq on Monday night.
     Many fighters of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of
Iraq, which has fought alongside Turkish forces, were killed in
the attack, the agency said.
     Civilian officials in Habur said the troops had been invited
into the region by the KDP to help in the fight against the PKK.
     KDP officials in Ankara said they were unable to confirm the
latest incursion by Turkish troops.
     Northern Iraq has been under Iraqi Kurdish control since the
end of the Gulf War in 1991 but Turkey says a power vacuum there
has allowed the PKK to flourish.
     Dem agency said 36 Turkish army vehicles including three
tanks and six armored cars had been seen in Iraq on the road from
Zakho to Batufa on Tuesday.
     The Kurdish television channel Med-TV said Turkish troops
and armored vehicles had also entered northern Iraq from Cukurca
on the Turkish border east of Habur.
     Turkish military officials were unavailable for comment.
     In May, some 10,000 Turkish troops poured into northern Iraq
in pursuit of PKK guerrillas, who use the region as a base to
launch raids into southeast Turkey. The incursion caused
widespread anger in the Arab world.
     Turkey said it had withdrawn most of its forces from the
area at the end of June, but last month Baghdad said Turkish
forces were still carrying out operations against PKK rebels in
Iraqi territory.
     Turkish authorities at the time said they had been asked to
intervene by the KDP. The KDP denied this.
     More than 26,000 people have been killed in the PKK's
13-year-old fight with Turkish forces for self-rule in southeast
Turkey. A Western-allied air force based in Turkey protects Iraqi
Kurds from any attack by Baghdad.

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 26 02:54:35 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 26 Sep 1997 02:54:35
Subject: European Court Rules Turkey Torture
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970925215..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: European Court Rules Turkey Tortured PKK Suspect

European Court Rules Turkey Tortured PKK Suspect 

     STRASBOURG, France, Sept 25 (Reuter) - The European Court of
Human Rights ruled on Thursday that Turkish gendarmes raped and
beat a woman suspected of links to Kurdish separatists and
ordered Ankara to pay her compensation.
     The court said Sukran Aydin had been tortured by police in
the town of Derik in southeastern Turkey while being held in
custody for three days in 1993. She was 16 at the time. 
     It also found that Aydin, who was never charged with any
crime, had not had any recourse to justice in Turkey, in
violation of the European Convention on Human Rights.
     The Turkish government has denied ever detaining her.
According to government lawyers, she was described in
intelligence reports as a terrorist working for the separatist
Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
     "The Court was satisfied that the accumulation of acts of
physical and mental violence and especially cruel act of rape to
which she was subjected amounted to torture in breach of Article
Three of the Convention," it said in a statement.
     "In view of the extremely serious violation of the
Convention suffered buy the applicant and the enduring
psychological harm which she may be considered to have suffered
on account of being raped, the Court decided to award her the sum
of 25,000 sterling together with a substantial part of the legal
costs and expenses claimed."
     The costs amounted to a further 37,360 sterling, it said.
     The rights court is part of the 40-nation Council of Europe,
of which Turkey is a member. The council was set up after World
War Two to promote democracy and human rights across Europe.

----
For A Free And Independent Kurdistan!
KURD-L Archives - http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/kurd-l



From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Fri Sep 26 02:57:16 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 26 Sep 1997 02:57:16
Subject: News From 'Kurdistan-Rundbrief'
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970925215..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>

News From 'Kurdistan-Rundbrief', No.19, Vol.10
September 23, 1997

"Freedom For Leyla Zana And All Struggling Women Worldwide!"

     Under this slogan, a coalition of German and Kurdish women's
groups are organizing a women's demonstration in Frankfurt,
Germany on September 27. The march will begin at 11am from the
Alten Oper. Leyla Zana was stripped of her parliamentary immunity
in 1994 and sentenced to 15 years in a Turkish prison for
standing up for the rights of the Kurdish people. A demonstration
under a similar motto on International Women's Day, March 8,
1997, was banned by German authorities.

Leyla Zana Awarded The Oscar Romero Prize

     The leftist-democratic organization 'A Bridge From Rome To
Diyarbakir' has awarded its annual Oscar Romero Prize, handed out
since 1994, to Leyla Zana. Deputy HADEP chairman F. Fidan from
Istanbul accepted the award on her behalf. In 1996, the award was
given to C. Felipe Ximenes, the Nobel Prize winner from East
Timor. (Ulkede Gundem, Aug.23) 

HADEP Office Attacked

     The Gurpinar/Istanbul office of the pro-Kurdish People's
Democracy Party (HADEP) was firebombed on the night of September
7. Office materials and files were destroyed, but no people were
injured in the attack. The local chapters of HADEP and the
socialist party SIP condemned the attack, which was carried out
against people working for peace, democracy, and the coexistence
of peoples. (Ulkede Gundem, Sep.8)

PKK Guerrillas Active In Northern Turkey

     According to a September 8 report by the Reuters news
agency, quoting Turkish sources, a 3,000-man unit of the Turkish
army, along with 400 police officers, have been sent to the three
corners area where the provinces of Sivas, Tokat, and Ordu meet.
Some of these provinces extend to the Black Sea. For the first
time during the 13 years of Kurdish armed struggle, PKK
guerrillas have become active in this area of northern Turkey.
Reports mentioned 50 PKK guerrillas working together with 12
members of the Turkish leftist organization DHKP-C. In the past
few weeks, there have been several attacks on security forces in
the area, according to Reuters.

Village Guards On The Black Sea

     In the area on the Black Sea, especially in the province of
Ordu, Turkish security forces are trying the set up a "village
guard" system similar to the one in Kurdish areas. They have
already handed over weapons to 300 village guards there. As in
Kurdistan, entire villages and hamlets are being evacuated and
their populations forced to move. Herders were prevented from
using their pastures this summer. In Mesudiye, two brothers, aged
16 and 12, were shot by security forces as they attended their
sheep. They were alleged to be supporting guerrillas. For the
past few months, there has been cooperation in Black Sea regions
between the guerrilla forces of the People's Liberation Army of
Kurdistan (ARGK) and the Turkish guerrilla organizations DHKP-C
and TIKKO against the Turkish security forces. (YEK-KOM Bulteni,
Nr.5/97)

(Translated by Arm The Spirit)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
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called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

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P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
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 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
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From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Fri Sep 26 14:14:51 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 26 Sep 1997 14:14:51
Subject: Turkey: European Court Rules TR Tortured PKK Suspect
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m37mc3dc93.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

European Court Rules TR Tortured PKK Suspect
                                       
STRASBOURG, France, Sept 25 (Reuter) - The European Court of Human
Rights ruled on Thursday that Turkish gendarmes raped and beat a woman
suspected of links to Kurdish separatists and ordered Ankara to pay
her compensation.

The court said Sukran Aydin had been tortured by police in the town of
Derik in southeastern Turkey while being held in custody for three
days in 1993. She was 16 at the time.

It also found that Aydin, who was never charged with any crime, had
not had any recourse to justice in Turkey, in violation of the
European Convention on Human Rights.

The Turkish government has denied ever detaining her. According to
government lawyers, she was described in intelligence reports as a
terrorist working for the separatist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

"The Court was satisfied that the accumulation of acts of physical and
mental violence and especially cruel act of rape to which she was
subjected amounted to torture in breach of Article Three of the
Convention," it said in a statement. "In view of the extremely serious
violation of the Convention suffered buy the applicant and the
enduring psychological harm which she may be considered to have
suffered on account of being raped, the Court decided to award her the
sum of 25,000 sterling together with a substantial part of the legal
costs and expenses claimed." The costs amounted to a further 37,360
sterling, it said.

The rights court is part of the 40-nation Council of Europe, of which
Turkey is a member. The council was set up after World War Two to
promote democracy and human rights ac ross Europe.


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Sep 27 08:32:24 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 27 Sep 1997 08:32:24
Subject: The history of our party (I)
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m1202a235b.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>


>From now one, we will publish once a week a translated capital of the
report oof the foundationcongres of our party as written by Dursun
Karatas

Introduction

Greetings to all delegates who have the honour of taking part in the
founding congress of the party!

Comrades,

It has taken a long time to prepare this congress. This long time is
the time of the history of the genesis of this congress. This history
consists of sadness, joy, martyrs, treason and heroism. Without
bringing a revolutionary organisation to life, without remaining on
our feet even under the most different circumstances, without getting
up again after one has fallen, without an ideology which, whatever the
circumstances, is not drawn to the left or the right; this congress
could not have been realised. 

When we addressed our working people with the mission of the party, we
had to write a history in which we would not go back on our way, we
had to take a new step each day in which our deeds were according to
our words, we had to keep our promises and endure ordeals. 

The phase before this congress is the one of the history we have
written. 

This history is in fact the history of our martyrs, written in blood.
It may be that our martyrs are not among us now physically, but they
are among us with their thoughts, their struggle, their way of life
and their dream of the organised fight by the party. They are together
with us. With their thoughts and their struggle, we are stronger.
Those who did not bow their heads for the enemy under the must
difficult circumstances, who died but did not surrender, are looking
at us, testing us again and again. To continue their legacy,  we have
to pass these tests.

Now, years later, it is our most urgent task to crown this congress
with the founding of the party to be able to surpass the obstacles
ahead of us. 

While we wrote our history, we learnt how to fight and organise
ourselves. We got to know our internal and external enemy better. We
learnt that efforts, sacrifices and force are necessary to take things
from the enemy. This congress would not have been possible without
writing this history, without going through this phase of learning,
without passing tests on the many fields of struggle. Our history is
rich of events which have to be looked at and studied carefully. Such
a history has maybe not been witnessed before during a revolution, it
possesses a uniqueness which can not be forced in theoretical
frameworks. It is one of our tasks to study this uniqueness in the
development of our history, to learn lessons from it. The genesis of
our movement goes back to the year 1974. This was the time in which
was learned from the THKP-C and the time we adopted the THKP-C. 

In 1977-1978, we started to prepare the re-foundation of  the THKP-C,
we started to show the ideology and the praxis of the THKP-C to the
people's masses and we learned how to lead the people's masses. 

The time around 12 September 1980 was the time of betrayal, of
sacrifices, of resistance. It was a time in which we learned how to
fall and get on our feet again. It was the time in which we got to
know better our friends and enemies, in which we developed our
consciousness of power. 

1985-1989 was the time in which we learned how the withdraw and gather
strength. 

1990 was the year in which we succeeded to grow, a time of speeding up
the march to the revolution. 

On 12 July, 1991, the naked face of the war became apparent and we saw
that this is a war without rules and we saw what price we had to pay. 

On 16-17 April 1992, we carried the honour of resistance in the
struggle, we learned and taught that those who do not loose their
faith in socialism - even when faced with death -, that those who love
their land and their people, will never surrender, whatever the
circumstances. It were the years in which Devrimci Sol became immortal
in the eyes of the people. 

During the time of 13 September 1992, we saw in reality how the
internal enemy became an external one, how he attacked our movement
with the aim of destroying it, how he, masked as a friend, joins the
imperialists and the national collaborators, trying to destroy us. 

It was the time in which we were not alert enough about what damage
the internal enemy could cause. 

It was the time in which we had to be even more alert about the
internal enemy and we emerged from this struggle with more strength
and a better understanding of the art of politics. 

This congress shows that we emerged from this struggle as victors,
that we have challenged the enemy. Internal and external enemies have
attacked us physically, ideologically, psychologically with all
conceivable methods to prevent us from developing as party-front to
the avant-garde of the people's masses. To be a follower of the party
means having a stronger will for power, conducting an even more
developed struggle. Therefore we wanted to take the party as a weapon.
The weapon of the party was seen as a function to surpass the
obstacles ahead of us, to speed up the way of the revolution. This
reality was also seen by our internal and external enemies and they
increased their attacks from the moment we started the preparations
for the founding of the party-front. A lot of our organisations and
values were destroyed by them. We lost a lot of time because of them.
But today, gathering for this congress, we have taken away all their
weapons from their hands and their attacks were in vain. 

In the presence of all our toiling people, our working class, our poor
peasants, our patriots, our intellectuals, facing the people in the
world, we repeat that we will not lower the flag of liberation, even
if there would be  not a single organisation or country left in the
world which defends liberation. Neither an internal, nor an external
enemy, will be able to throw this flag on the floor. Our congress is a
moment in which we raise this flag, the flag of Marxism-Leninism, even
higher.

This congress is a severe blow for all our internal and external
enemies, for all those who prepared to celebrate our funeral. 

This congress is a special one, considering the development of our
history, the uncompromising line against the enemy, the remorseless
resistance in circumstances of severe oppression and considering the
characteristics of our time, seen in the context of the past as well
as in the context of assessing the future. We have to understand
history, the history of our movement, and we have to envisage victory.
This congress will open the way to our victory. Our enemies will try
everything to prevent the struggle of our people of the party-front.
They will increase their attacks in a way we have not witnessed
before, using unthinkable methods, to stop the decisions of this
congress. We have never achieved victory and values in an easy way,
nobody gave us anything for free. We achieved almost all by means of
force, a lot of efforts and blood. To defend our values and our gains,
and to achieve bigger successes, we will even have to work harder, we
will have to try even harder, and more blood will flow.

Our party-front will be the nightmare of our enemies and it will
become a symbol of trust, the future and hope for our people and our
friends. 

The eyes of the people of the Turkish and the Kurdish nations, the
people of the Arab, the Cherkez, the Georgian and all other nations in
our country are aimed at this congress. 

Our fighters, our cadres and our sympathisers are waiting with great
hopes and excitement for news about the party-front from this
congress. We will not leave behind our enemies without visions of
fear, we will not leave behind our friends without news of hope. 

For a better understanding of the historical characteristics of this
congress and to give a view of our future, I present to you, comrades
delegates, all the cadres and the people, a report about the general
history of our movement and my report about the present situation and
my thoughts about the future. We came here as the leaders, the
responsibles and the fighters from several segments of this honourable
and famous history,

Our history is filled with characteristics, rarely seen in the history
of revolution. This history is a history which was written by those
who always, whatever the circumstances cried out the truth, who stood
upright against all attacks, who persistently followed the road of the
revolution, despite pain and treason, who did not hesitate to give
martyrs. And it is a history which tells of heroism and of treason
while martyrs fell.

We, with our faults and values, with our strengths and weaknesses, we
as the soldiers of this rich history must not let fall those who are
the real owners of this history, our martyrs, the ones who were
tortured, the wounded, the prisoners, the ones who give us their trust
and who speed up the revolution, the ones which are the torches of our
road. They will remain the most valuable elements of our struggle.

The imperialists, the collaborating oligarchy, the bourgeois ideology,
the opportunist who follow this ideology, the revisionists, all of
them can destroy a lot, they can distort and darken the truth which is
known to the whole world but they do not possess the strength to wipe
out the history, buried in the memory of the people, written in blood
at the cost of hundreds of martyrs and thousands of prisoners. This is
not just important for the history of revolution, it is important for
the history of society as well. It's us who were able to break through
the siege by our enemies because of the history, written by our
martyrs, against the attacks by imperialism and the oligarchy, whether
they come from abroad or within, whatever their disguises and the
words they used as a mask. They resisted without surrendering, thus
creating a belief and a consciousness which enabled the breakthrough.
This belief and this consciousness created our limitless belief in
Marxism-Leninism and our trust in our people and ourselves. 

The development of this trust through the years.

Now we are a movement which was not weakened or destroyed, despite the
traps and difficulties, despite many calamities. Despite all the
attacks and despite many standstills, our strength and influence is
increasing faster and faster. This is a positive development.

To analyse this development, albeit shortly, it is good to look at the
segments, the difficulties and the ideological dimensions of our
movement, its friends and its enemies. 

When our movement entered the stage of history, it new chapter was
opened in the history of revolution in Turkey. This new chapter can
not be separated from the THKP-C, its fighters and its leaders,
especially Mahir Cayan. They destroyed the barricades, erected by the
opportunists and revisionists and they showed revolutionaries and the
left forces the reality of revolution, the ideological and political
road to the people's power, to the liberation of the people with a
life, full of the will to sacrifice. 

Devrimci Sol and the THKP-C are not just connected because of the same
ideology or similar views. The unity between Devrimci Sol and the
THKP-C is expressed in its ideology, its policy and practice,
essentially in its responsibility towards our people and the people in
the whole world, in its determination, its spirit and its
consciousness of power, in its readiness to sacrifice, even giving our
lives. 

Nowadays, a lot of groups - calling themselves an organisation or a
party - taking upon themselves the mission to defend every single word
of the THKP-C, thus making a caricature of the THKP-C, and which
disassociated themselves from the masses, do not exist anymore. They
neither exist physically, nor did they keep their ideology or
philosophy. The main reason why they disappeared was that they could
not understand why the THKP-C had dealt with them. The THKP-C always
applied Marxism-Leninism according to the concrete circumstances and
it took a clear position against imperialism, the bourgeois ideology 
and its lengthened arms: opportunism and revisionism. 

THKP-C means, whatever the price may be, defending the armed struggle
as the way to defeat the state of the oligarchy and the way to
establish the revolutionary people's power. They did not understand
this.

The THKP-C internalised that imperialism could change its appearance,
be it in politics or economy, but that it would never change its
methods of exploitation and oppression. The others did not understand
this. The THKP-C did not look at Marxism-Leninism just from the view
of the revolution in our country, it developed and applied its theory
and practice from a internationalist perspective.. 

The THKP-C posed the thesis that a revolution is impossible without
looking at history with its psychological, social and cultural
characteristics (waging the struggle from a purely international
dimension without looking at the reality in the country itself to
organise the people).

According to the THKP-C, a people's movement can not develop without a
consciousness of history, without adopting the progressive and
revolutionary moments in history. Because of this reason, the THKP-C
took position against imperialism and the bourgeoisie and it stood up
for all institutions with a popular character, sometimes for
individual persons as well. 

The THKP-C acted against all forms of bureaucracy and revisionism,
against all measures which tried to command the people from above,
against all those who did not put their beautiful words into practice,
who satisfied themselves with gibberish and did not give the people
any hope. It did not accept all of this, it fought the fraud of
opportunism and it became a movement which gave the people hope and
security. 

All these characteristics, and others which we do not list here, made
the THKP-C an immortal movement in the eyes of the people, a movement
which was even present with its warmth when circumstances did not
allow direct contact with the people. A close bond with the people
emerged, developing into a strength which would carry us into the
future. A movement emerged for which one could stand up without second
thoughts, for which one became a barricade when it was attacked. 

Those who could not understand the universal principles of the THKP-C
couldn't understand either how, despite all the denunciations and the
attacks by the oligarchy,  the THKP-C could leave such a potential
behind when it did not exist physically anymore. And they definitely
could not understand how the THKP-C could reorganise itself so
quickly, after all these denunciations and attacks by those who
themselves to the mercy of the oligarchy.

When the THKP-C raised the flag of freedom and liberation of the
people in the armed struggle during the dark times of 12 March 1971,
imperialism, the oligarchy, opportunism and revisionism aimed their
joint attacks against the THKP-C. 

The leaders and the fighters had reckoned with these circumstances,
they knew that they had to shout out the truth about the revolution,
whatever the circumstances. 

While the struggle increased, the counter-revolution developed. This
counter-revolution within the THKP-C was caused by petite-bourgeois
elements who dreamt about a revolution in the near future. They had
not understood the complicated road of the revolution, they had not
understood the strength of the proletariat and the brutality of the
bourgeoisie and they produced traitors. 

These traitors planned to end the unity with the people, weakening it.
They even went further, propagating giving up the armed struggle
against imperialism and the oligarchy. They repeated their theories
about imperialism - claiming it was peaceful and that its Turkish
collaborators were in fact progressive democrats - inside the prisons,
the torture chambers and the courts of the junta. 

The THKP-C witnessed itself what imperialism and revisionism mean when
the want to force the "New World Order" upon the people in the world,
what they mean when they talk about "the peacefulness of capitalism".

One of the most precious values of our heritage is not to compromise
in case of such attacks and treason and never hesitate to continue the
armed struggle. 

On 30 March 1972, the voice of the THKP-C was heard everywhere. It was
destroyed physically, but the armed struggle, waged for just a short
time, created a large potential among the youth, the workers, peasants
and different segments of the population. The THKP-C became the most
important force, indestructible, strength of this potential. 

While this potential understood the views of the THKP-C, and was
prepared to follow its road, there were others who rejected it. The
old supporters and fighters of the THKP-C, imprisoned in the dungeons
by the oligarchy, started to commit treason when they were released
from prison. They started to develop theories to legitimise their
treason, stemming from their personal weakness and disbelief. These
traitors, although they differed in minor nuances, did not understand
anything of the potential, created by the THKP-C because of its
struggle and they did not understand its message to the people.

They betrayed their own history, their past, all the positive things
they developed in their own past. 

This was the success of the oligarchy: while the struggle carried us
forward and created a great potential, we learned to know treason
which was to block our road so often in the future. This method will
be tried again and again. 

We were learned a lesson by the traitors and we learned the importance
of crushing treason and continuing our road without doubts. 

The traitors tried to change the line of the THKP-C to be tolerated by
the oligarchy. They claimed to form a left opposition to the THKP-C.
The former leading cadres of the THKP-C, released from prison,
agitated in the political arena under a new name and they criticised
the line of the THKP-C in several points. This line should be
considered equal to the treason by Yusuf K?peli and M?nir Ramazan
Aktolga in 1971 when the THKP-C was under fire from all sides by the
enemy. 

Although their statements were different, their conduct did not differ
from that of Yusuf K?peli and M?nir Ramazan Aktolga who praised
imperialism,  who offered themselves to the oligarchy and who called
upon the revolutionaries to surrender. 

While the prisoners drew up their theories how best to liquidate the
THKP-C, in the years 1972-1974 the youth and people from several
segments of the population were waiting full of hope - not knowing
about the treason - for those who had become a tool of the
bourgeoisie, who lost their conscience and consciousness, to show them
the way. During this time, the potential of the THKP-C and partly of
the THKO in general carried the spirit and the enthusiasm of the armed
struggle. They were willing to attack and they believed in their
struggle. At the same time they were young and inexperienced. They did
not know treason, opportunism and egoism well enough. The events of
these times can be considered to be the nucleus of our movement.
Because despite their deficiencies, these people - knowingly or
unknowingly - started to erect a barricade against the attacks against
the THKP-C by the revisionists, the opportunists and the oligarchy.
Among the youth and many segments of the population, groups emerged
which defended the line of the armed struggle, the line of the THKP-C,
and who spread its writings. These groups started to organise the
economical-democratic struggle of the youth and they developed it into
a anti-imperialist, anti-fascist struggle. 

The oligarchy did not consider the old cadres in prison - working to
legitimise their treason - a danger anymore. They were considered
useful and released after a general amnesty in 1974. For the youth,
who had put their hopes on those they considered to represent the
THKP-C, a world collapsed. Almost all who were released from prison
tried to pull the THKP-C to the right. Some at the fringes, far away
from the masses, degenerated into individual terror. 

Some people did not dare to attack the THKP-C openly. They claimed to
defend the THKP-C and declared that the armed struggle had been
started in a time in which the subjective conditions had not been
present. That's why they had been defeated. 

Some., released from prison, recognising the enormous potential on the
outside, decided to hide their real views and pursued a tactic which
was aimed to draw the large leadership potential among the youth on
their side to spread and push through their opportunist views in a
later time. 

Those who had chosen for betrayal in prison, who betrayed their
comrades, these renegades who essentially had finished with the armed
struggle, were suddenly blinded by the strength of this large and
young potential and they decided to enter the political arena again. 

They did not have the belief and the feeling for such an important
cause as the revolution, although the claimed to share the same
beliefs. They split up in a lot of small groups in an incredible
speed, trying to organise this enormous potential. 

As if they hadn't parted from the THKP-C in prison, they now tried -
in one way or the other - to take upon themselves the mission of
defending the THKP-C. 

The young cadres who had created the THKP-C potential were now
confronted with a historical responsibility. They had to defend the
line of the THKP-C, the line of the armed struggle, the line of our
revolutionary martyrs and our leaders. Masses of aged, rotten and
lying elements now tried anything conceivable to get this
revolutionary potential into their hands. 

Some did this directly with the words of the bourgeoisie, others hid
behind a scientific mask and their theories. But they all launched an
ideological attack. Added with all the prattle, the speculations and
the denunciations, one sees that they continued their attacks,
simultaneously insulting our martyrs. 

At the same time the civic fascists emerged, organised by the
oligarchy to fight the revolutionary potential, attacking it with
terror. Now the youth had the task to wage the struggle against the
traitors of the revolution, simultaneously fighting of the fascist
attacks, leading and organising the academic-democratic struggle of
the youth at the same time. 

No doubts, the renegades did not have this problem. They were busy to
legalise there orders, strengthening them and drawing people to their
side. That's why they did not want to accept the practical tasks and
the ignored the attacks by the fascists. A fight, based on
revolutionary violence, against the fascist attacks was labelled by
them as a provocation and they tried to hinder the youth, pulling them
to their side. Despite this, and despite their demagogy, the theories
of the renegades were pushed aside because the problems of the people
and the increasing attacks by the oligarchy were apparent. 

It can be said that the youth recognised the defenders and the
forsakers of the THKP-C in the practice of the struggle and that they
gathered around the foundation of the THKP-C. All kinds of opportunism
and denunciation emerged in this time, occupied with establishing
their private pious orders. 

The young potential became aware that there was nobody left to show
them the way, nobody left to trust and follow. These feelings and
thoughts quickly grew into a self-confidence. This trust was based on
the line of the THKP-C, despite everything, challenging the enemy by
means of the armed struggle, giving the people its own voice. Our
leaders were leaders who had fallen, they were fighters to die for. We
had to be good scholars to carry on their inheritance, understanding
their words. 

If the history of the revolution was to judge us, this judgement would
solely be based on the fact if we would be able to carry the flag of
the revolution, handed over to us by our martyrs and our leaders who
risked their lives. We were young and inexperienced, we were
surrounded by profit seekers, and the lack of experience weakened us. 

We had to accept the inheritance of our martyrs by taking strength of
our past, by waging the struggle again against opportunism, reformism
and the enemy within ourselves, by learning how the fight in the
struggle itself. This strength could not be defeated by the oligarchy,
nor by opportunism. This was a fact which enabled us to take a step
forward each day, we became better fighters and we were able to
recognise treason. 

The more we learned about the struggle, the reality of revolution and
our past, the more we internalised the THKP-C and its leadership, its
greatness under the circumstances of its time and its dedication to
the revolution. 

And slowly we started to see how imperialism and the oligarchy tried
to infiltrate the revolutionary ranks with traitors and renegades, how
they tried to suffocate the revolution in its first stage. It can be
said that we started to see during these years that we had to draw a
broad line between Marxist-Leninists and the opportunists and
reformists. 

Opportunism and reformism tried to infiltrate, using thousands of
disguises. 

Those who had nothing to do with the THKP-C tried to force their
opportunistic and revisionist views upon us, using the name of the
THKP-C. 

>From 1974, we started to raise the flag of the ideological battle
openly against these devious elements without character. 

We revealed their true faces and we prevented that they could hide
among the democratic organisations of the youth and the people, using
the THKP-C as a mask. 

At this point I have to commemorate all the comrades, foremost Niyazi
and Ibrahim who played an important role in this struggle, who always
showed their bond with the THKP-C and who kept their radical stand
alive. 

We realised during those years that we had to organise ourselves
urgently. We were forced to stand up against the renegades, the
opportunists and the oligarchy and we began to realise that we had to
start the armed struggle again real soon. 

Of course, our attitude could not be just of a ideological nature at
that time. The young generation defended the THKP-C everywhere, it led
the armed and the unarmed, the ideological and the political struggle.


The hidden and the open renegades, seeing our offensive and measure of
organisation, tried to weaken us by all means, with their little games
and their denunciations. These elements who had infiltrated several
structures under the name of the THKP-C and who tried to take them
over, were swindlers and they were so afraid and opportunistic that
they did not even risk an open ideological struggle. We blocked all
their attempts to liquidate us by taking over the leadership of the
struggle in practice and we took the masks away from the faces of
these renegades. Some of them went to the revisionists of the TKP
(T?rkiye Kom?nist Partisi, Turkish Communist Party), others found
their place among the ranks of the bourgeois-nationalist PDA (Proleter
Devrimci Aydinlik, Proletarian Revolutionary Enlightenment). 

Many among our ranks were influenced by these opportunists because of
their masks and their ready-made slogans. 

The theory of social-imperialism, hidden behind the mask of a
ostensible THKP-C line, championed by ?mer G?ven, who later went over
to Aydinlik (PDA), and his accomplices was the reason why a
considerable number of people who defended the line of the THKP-C
switched over to Aydinlik. These people were the reason why the PDA
tried to get to know the people in our structures, to tried to discuss
with them. In the end, when they were removed from the practice, they
all found a place which suited them, be it in Aydinlik or with the
TKP-revisionists. 

The group which was acting at this time as Devrimci Genclik
(Revolutionary Youth), later as Devrimci Yol (Revolutionary Path),
claiming to defend the line of the THKP-C, was just observing the open
attacks by the opportunists against the THKP-C. In stead of uniting
against these attacks and taking a joint stand, to started to flirt
with the opportunists. The task of defending the line of the THKP-C
was thus forced upon the younger generation. It gathered the potential
of the THKP-C behind itself. 

The attacks by the opportunists and renegates against the THKP-C met a
barricade, built by the young generation. This young generation
defended the spirit of the THKP-C with all its strengths and
weaknesses. 

In that period, all kinds of deviations from the THKP-C line prospered
and its representatives tried to conquer their place in the political
arena. The younger generation learnt - with a ripeness which was
extra-ordinary for their age - within a short time to take the
necessary measures against the attacks by the enemy. They became their
own teachers. 

The first nucleus of our movement: the Kurtulus Grubu  (Liberation
Group).

In 1975, especially the youth in Istanbul defended the ideology of the
THKP-C, representing a rather strong force. These youngsters, moving
thousands of people, fighting, opposing fascist attacks with
revolutionary violence, feeling the need to organise broad masses of
the people, developed a consciousness of illegal organisation as they
progressed. 

The needs of the struggle grew on several levels day by day.

While we were the organisers, the leaders and the executors of almost
all armed attacks and mass confrontations, we kept our position as the
legitimate leaders of the youth. 

The political developments and the practice in those days learnt us
that next to the existing democratic forms of organisations, further
steps and forms of organisation had to be developed. With this
conviction, we established our place in the political arena as
KURTULUS GRUBU. The Kurtulus group proved its legitimacy and strength
convincingly in several elections, in the struggle against opportunism
and revisionism and in several political statements. On the other
hand, the real mission of the Kurtulus group was to take serious steps
in building up a Marxist-Leninist group which would defend the
heritage of the THKP-C against the open attacks against its ideology
from the right and the left, a group which would lead the struggle,
armed with the views of the THKP-C, with the will to power, demanding,
self-confident, under no circumstances deviating from the line of the
revolution. 

With the formation of this group, for the first time since Kizildere
all the works of Mahir Cayan were gathered centrally by a movement and
distributed across the whole country to spread the ideology of the
THKP-C. Furthermore, the parts I, II and III of his work
"Uninterrupted Revolution" were printed in large numbers. Thus the
views of the THKP could be spread and established among the new
generation of revolutionaries. Even though this task seems futile,
seen from a present view, under the conditions of the time it played a
major role. These writings were like a guide in the struggle against
opportunism and the renegades and they secured that the views of the
THKP were spread, established and defended almost everywhere. They
accelerated the fall of the mask of opportunism. In a way they
provided the right answer against the attempt to eradicate history.
These writings were multiplied again and again and they spread
automatically. 

The  split between opportunism and Marxism-Leninism increased. The
opportunists and renegades who didn't trust themselves and who feared
theory and practice split off, together with those they could draw
away of the mass organisations, and they set up their own
"monopolies". They had no trust in themselves in the joint struggle of
the mass organisations against imperialism and fascism. That's why
they hastily withdrew from the field where they could not gain a
majority, where they were losing support. 

This was also the phase in which several opportunists organised
provocations to legitimate their own monopolies and to gather forces.
They provoked our mass organisations and attacked our people and tried
to confuse them with vulgar slogans like "Neither America, nor
Russia". 

We can say that this was also the time of the biggest mass
demonstrations and mass confrontations in the history of the
revolution in Turkey. The funeral of the revolutionaries who were
murdered by fascists in 1975 were witnessed by tens of thousands of
people. This strength even grew during the funeral when the masses
resisted the attacks of the enemy in Kocamustafapasa/Istanbul. The
people  did not flee, men and women fought street by street, house by
house, using bricks, fire arms, whatever they could get a hold of.
This confrontation was written in gold in history went the people
succeeded to defeating the arms and the tanks of the enemy. This big
mass protest was to be a great lesson. Furthermore, the masses broke
through the barricades of the opportunist and revisionist block,
thrown up to divide the masses, but the masses took their place in the
resistance, despite all provocations. 

These developments show that the animosity of opportunism towards our
movement is nothing new, it existed a long time before we entered the
political arena. This animosity starts with the heritage of the THKP-C
and it continued till today, becoming even bigger as our strength
grew. 

In this period, the Kurtulus group became the leading group in the
economical-democratic struggle of the youth in schools and
universities. They began to organise the fight against the
civic-fascist terror in some Gecekondular (slum areas). Several armed
and mass actions, several actions of handing over state property to
the people and  anti-imperialist and internationalist actions against
attacks against the people in the world were carried out during this
time. 

Everybody was able to see that the THKP-C could not be eradicated. The
task was to organise the THKP-C anew in practice and theory, taking on
the mission of leadership. It was the greatest wish and the ideal of
the young generation to introduce the THKP-C again in the political
arena as an organised force, to let it show the way to the people's
masses. Therefore they were looking for forces to enable a rapid
organisation of the THKP-C, although hopes were not high that it could
be done quickly. The young generation was open to all, except for the
opportunists and the renegades. 

In that time Acil (T?rkiye Devrimin Acil Sorunlari, Urgent Questions
of the Revolution in Turkey) and the MLSPB (Marksist Leninist Silahli
Propaganda Birligi, Armed Marxist-Leninist Propaganda Unit) appeared,
remains of a radical left-wing line. They accused all others of
denouncing the THKP-C and the interpreted the THKP-C from a radical
left view, the focus perspective. 

Looked at carefully, they made a caricature of the line of the THKP-C,
they did not understand the historical and political circumstances in
which the THKP-C waged the battle, they were unable to apply the
objective conditions to Turkey and they had a rough dogmatic view.
That's the reason why they could drift to the right se easily. Neither
in the context of a mass basis, nor in the context of there actions
were they to be taken seriously. Demoralisation within these groups
made them dissolve themselves. 

This was the time we met the group of Dev-Genc.


-- 
Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi (Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Front)
DHKC Informationbureau Amsterdam
http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc                          
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Sat Sep 27 11:26:43 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 27 Sep 1997 11:26:43
Subject: Blind Turk Says He's Going to Jail for Sake of Freedom
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3202abqqi.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

_________________________________________________________________
 
     BLIND TURK SAYS HE'S GOING TO JAIL FOR SAKE OF FREEDOM
_________________________________________________________________
 
     The New York Times
     September 26, 1997
 
     By STEPHEN KINZER
 
     ISTANBUL, Turkey -- A blind lawyer has sat in his apartment
for the last few days, waiting for the police to take him to jail
so he can begin serving a 23-year sentence after making a speech
deemed favorable to separatism.
     
     "There is nothing further I can do," the lawyer, Esber
Yagmurdereli, said in an interview in his apartment in Ankara the
other day, soon after a court turned down his final appeal. "I
have told my friends that I will not go into hiding or try to
leave the country. I'm ready to go to jail and wait for a
political decision, for political change, for constitutional
change that will allow me to be freed."
     
     Yagmurdereli's imprisonment is likely to focus further
attention on human rights problems that have kept Turkey out of
the European Union and the informal club of Western democracies
for decades.
     
     In willingly facing his sentence, Yagmurdereli is part of
another Turkish tradition, the determination of some
intellectuals to sacrifice their freedom in an effort to draw
attention to what they consider their country's lack of full
democracy.
     
     "I am not a masochist," he said. "I see this as a patriotic
duty, a way of trying to enlighten my fellow citizens."
     
     The court decision upholding Yagmurdereli's sentence was one
of three that have made headlines in recent days. In the two
other cases, accused gunmen who were charged with membership in
state-sponsored death squads and policemen who were charged with
beating a journalist to death were set free.
     
     The coincidence of these three decisions caused much comment
in political circles and the press, where the existence of the
"deep state," a set of obscure forces that seem to function
beyond the reach of law, has become a major topic of discussion
over the last year.
     
     One leading newspaper reported the three decisions under the
headline "Biggest Crime: To Think." Another published a cartoon
showing the accused gunmen and police officers walking out of a
prison door and Yagmurdereli being ushered in another door. The
caption was, "Deep state protects its own."
     
     This brush with the law is not Yagmurdereli's first. He is
one of a small group of human rights advocates who have
continually challenged Turkey's restrictions on freedom of speech
and press.
     
     Yagmurdereli, 52, who was blinded in an accident when he was
11, holds a law degree and a doctorate in philosophy from one of
Turkey's leading universities. During the 1970s, when Turkey was
consumed by political violence and the military sought to crush
what it viewed as a communist threat, he represented trade unions
and opponents of the government. This marked him as politically
suspicious, and in 1978 he was arrested and convicted of leading
a clandestine revolutionary group.
     
     A report on his trial by the human rights group Amnesty
International said it "failed on a number of counts to conform to
internationally recognized standards governing fair trials." It
said that witnesses against him had withdrawn their charges in
court and that "their statements to the police had been extracted
under torture."
     
     The death sentence passed on Yagmurdereli was later commuted
to life imprisonment, which in Turkey is equivalent to 36 years
in jail. He served nearly 14 years, 7 of them in an isolation
cell.
     
     Only a month after his release in 1991, Yagmurdereli made a
speech asserting that Turkish governments had denied religious
and ethnic groups, specifically the Kurds, rights that are
guaranteed under international law.
     
     "The Kurdish people have revolted for liberty and democracy
for the first time in history and have found their leadership,"
he said. "They have reached the critical stage at which they
reject the oppression and inhuman conditions in which they have
lived for thousands of years."
     
     A court found Yagmurdereli guilty of slandering the Turkish
state and "propagating separatism by supporting and provoking
violence," specifically the guerrilla war being waged by the
Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK.
     
     "In this speech, part of the country was referred to as
Kurdistan, and the illegal and inhumane activities of the
terrorist PKK were described as the struggle of the Kurdish
people for independence," the verdict said. "We strongly believe
that in this speech, the above-named person has advocated
separatism and praised illegal activities."
     
     The court sentenced Yagmurdereli to a year in prison,
subtracting two months he had served just after the speech. Under
Turkish law, he must now serve 10 months plus the 22 years that
remained on his previous sentence when he was paroled.
     
     "Because the government outlaws the discussion of ideas it
considers hostile, there is no way to open up new avenues, new
designs for the country's future," Yagmurdereli said. "If you try
to have open debate here, you wind up with a prison sentence.
That is what allows the government to try to solve the Kurdish
problem with violence rather than by political means."
     
     Despite his current tribulations, he believes that political
change is imminent in Turkey, and that as a result he will end up
serving no more than a year or two in prison.
     
     "People are much more aware of the restrictions on their
freedom than they were in the past," he said. "Policies which
limit the practice of politics in this country cannot survive
much longer."
 
     Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company



-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Sep 29 12:57:57 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 29 Sep 1997 12:57:57
Subject: [omct@iprolink.ch] OBSERVATORY - TUR 002 / 9709 / OBS 013
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3pvpr9ail.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

From: omct at iprolink.ch
Message-Id: <199709291523.RAA60268 at mail.iprolink.ch>
To: "Turkey"<omct at iprolink.ch>
Date: Mon, 29 Sep 1997 15:58:29 +0000
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-transfer-encoding: Quoted-printable
Subject: OBSERVATORY - TUR 002 / 9709 / OBS 013

URGENT ACTION
TUR 002 / 9709 / OBS 013
Risk of Prison / Freedom of Expression
Turkey

26 September 1997


The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint
FIDH and OMCT programme, request your URGENT intervention in the
following situation in Turkey :

Description of events:

The Observatory is gravely concerned for the freedom and security of
Esber Yamugdereli, lawyer and reputed human rights defender who faces
imminent risk of arrest and a 23 years prison sentence.

At the end of the 70s, Esber Yamugdereli, was very active in the legal
defence of workers rights during the  70's. Sometime before the
military take-over of 1980 he was charged and sentenced to 5 years in
prison for  "supporting illegal organisations".

In 1982 the military - still in power .- decided to reopen his case.
Against the most fundamental of rights, his sentence was commuted to
life. Having served 15 years, he was conditionally released. The
authorities refused, however to return his passport.

Esber Yamugdereli, now released, continued his human rights work and
was invited to many demonstrations. During one of these many he
attended, he spoke on the search for a peaceful solution to the
Kurdish issue in the South East of Turkey. For this action he was
sentenced by the Security Court on charges relating to separatist
propaganda -.based on article 8 of the anti terrorist law - and
sentenced to 10 months in prison. The appeal against this sentence was
rejected in May 1997. His final appeal in the Supreme Court was
finally rejected about a week ago.

In addition to the 10 months sentence, Esber Yamugdereli  faces the
life sentence handed down by the Military Court in 1982. Esber
Yamugdereli has left Istanbul as he fears imminent arrest and
detention. 

Esber Yamugdereli is a prominent human rights defender. Up to his
departure he was involved in trying to improve the conditions of
political prisoners. With the writer Yachar Kemal, he intervened to
help end the hunger strike in Turkish prisons which has resulted in
the death of 12 persons in the Summer of 1996. Along with many other
Turkish intellectuals he gathered in less than a month more than a
million signatures in favour of peace in Turkey

Esber Yamugdereli faces a sentence handed down by a special court
during a period of martial law it  runs contrary to international
norms, most notably the European Convention on Human Rights. 

Action Requested
Please write to the Turkish Authorities requesting that they:

i	grant an immediate amnesty for Esber Yamugdereli and all other human
rights defenders condemned for their opinions on the basis of article
8 of the Anti terrorism law.

ii	repeal article 8 of the Anti Terrorist Law 

iii	effectively guarantee the freedom of opinion and expression of
human rights defenders and give greatere respect to their freedom of
action

Addresses : 

Monsieur le Pr=E9sident Demirel, Pr=E9sident de la R=E9publique, Pr=E9side=
nce,
Cumhur Baskanligi, 06 100 Ankara, Fax : 90 312 427 13 30

Monsieur Yilmaz, Premier Ministre, Basbakanlik, 06 573 Ankara, Fax :
90 312 417 04 76 

Monsieur Olatan Sungurlu, Ministre de la Justice, Fax : 90 312 417 39
17

Monsieur Basegioglu, Ministre de l'Int=E9rieur, Fax 90 312 419 16 64


Geneva - Paris, 26 September 1997
Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code number of
this appeal in your reply.

Ben Schonveld 
Projects Manager
Case Postale 119
37-39 Rue de Vermont
CH1211 Geneva 20 CIC
OMCT-SOS-Torture
Fax 4122 733 1051
Ph  4122 733 3140
OMCT is: l'Organisation Mondiale contre la Torture
         The World Organisation Against Torture

OMCT at IPROLINK.CH
http://www.omct.org/

OMCT - The World Organisation Against Torture is the Worlds largest 
network of human rights organisations fighting against all forms of 
torture, cruel inhuman or degrading treatment, forced disappearances 
summary execution or other more subtle forms of violent repression.
 
OMCT has consultative status with the UN, The ILO and the 
African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights.

List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Mon Sep 29 14:12:38 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 29 Sep 1997 14:12:38
Subject: TAZ: Kein Wort =?ISO-8859-1?Q?=FCber?= Menschenrechte
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3raa7u8s9.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Kein Wort ?ber Menschenrechte

Die Polizei redet seit Jahren mit t?rkischen
Polizeioffizieren ?ber die Ausbildung von
Ordnungsh?tern.
Menschenrechtsverletzungen der t?rkischen
Beh?rden werden nicht erw?hnt

Die Polizei unterh?lt seit vier Jahren regelm??ige Kontakte zur
t?rkischen Polizei - doch die Einhaltung der Menschenrechte
steht bei diesen Gespr?chen nicht auf der Tagesordnung.
Bisheriger H?hepunkte der Partnerschaft: Innensenator J?rg
Sch?nbohm empfing vor zwei Wochen 15 hochrangige
t?rkische Polizeioffiziere. Nach Angaben der Innenverwaltung
wurde im Rahmen des Besuches ?ber Ausbildungsprogramme
debattiert und Ausbildungseinrichtungen besucht. Auch habe
der "Umgang der Polizei mit Ausl?ndern in Berlin" eine Rolle
gespielt, doch politische Gespr?che seien nicht gef?hrt
worden. Nach Angaben des gr?nen Abgeordneten Riza Baran
hatte die t?rkische Presse berichtet, da? dar?ber hinaus ?ber
Kriminalit?tsbek?mpfung und den Einsatz von Computertechnik
im Polizeibereich gesprochen wurde.

Mi?handlungen und Folterungen durch die t?rkische Polizei
sind in der Vergangenheit wiederholt von t?rkischen und
internationalen Menschenrechtsgruppen kritisiert worden. Erst
Ende September verurteilte der Europ?ische Gerichtshof f?r
Menschenrechte in Stra?burg die T?rkei zur Zahlung von
Schmerzensgeld an eine junge Kurdin. Die Frau war durch
Polizisten gefoltert und vergewaltigt worden. Das Gericht r?gte
dabei auch die ungen?genden Ermittlungen der
Staatsanwaltschaft.

Dieses Thema wurde allerdings mit den Besuchern nicht
er?rtert. Selbst die Inhaftierung der Berlinerin G?llu Selcuk
durch die Antiterroreinheit der Istanbuler Polizei sei nicht zur
Sprache gekommen, erkl?rte Sch?nbohms Pressesprecher
Thomas Raabe. Der Grund: "Mir war der Fall gar nicht
bekannt."

Kritik am Vorgehen des Innensenators ?bt der b?ndnisgr?ne
Abgeordnete Norbert Schellberg. "Ich werfe Sch?nbohm nicht
vor, die t?rkischen Polizeioffiziere empfangen zu haben. Aber er
h?tte die Menschenrechtssituation in t?rkischen
Polizeigewahrsamen deutlich ansprechen m?ssen."
Sch?nbohm hatte aber in seiner Begr??ungsansprache
lediglich darauf hingewiesen, da? Minderheiten in Deutschland
einen anderen Stellenwert h?tten als in der T?rkei.

Kontakte zwischen Berliner und t?rkischen Polizisten finden
seit 1993 regelm??ig statt. Laut Innenverwaltung gehen sie auf
eine 1989 geschlossene St?dtepartnerschaft zwischen
Istanbul und Berlin zur?ck. Der Austausch solle Sch?nbohm
zufolge "zu einer objektiveren und vorurteilsfreieren
Meinungsbildung sowie zur Akzeptanz anderer Lebenswelten
und Mentalit?ten auf beiden Seiten f?hren". Die
"Antiterroreinheit" eben dieser Istanbuler Polizei hatte die
Berlinerin G?llu Selcuk in Polizeigewahrsam genommen und
gefoltert.

Bereits 1993 und 1995 gab es Austauschprogramme f?r
einzelne Beamte aus dem mittleren und gehobenen
Polizeivollzugsdienst, die jeweils mehrere Wochen dauerten.
Berliner Polizeibeamte besuchten Polizeidienststellen in
Istanbul, Ankara und Antalya, t?rkische Polizisten im
Gegenzug Polizeidienststellen in Berlin und Brandenburg sowie
das B?ro der Ausl?nderbeauftragten Barbara John.

Die Ausl?nderbeauftragte Barbara John, aus deren Haushalt
der erste Polizeiaustausch 1993 teilweise finanziert wurde,
begr??t die Kontakte. Sie w?nscht mehr Polizeikontakte, damit
die t?rkischen Polizisten sehen, "da? Rechtstreue nicht
durchgesetzt werden kann, indem man die Menschen foltert".
Den Berliner Ordnungsh?tern w?rden im Gegenzug
interkulturelle Kenntnisse vermittelt. 

Marina Mai
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu  Tue Sep 30 07:29:26 1997
From: kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu (kurd-l at burn.ucsd.edu)
Date: 30 Sep 1997 07:29:26
Subject: Message From PKK President, Abdulla
Message-ID: <bac1c849.Pine.BSF.3.96.970930022..@burn.ucsd.edu>

From: Arm The Spirit <ats at locust.etext.org>
Subject: Message From PKK President, Abdullah Ocalan

Message From PKK President, Abdullah Ocalan, To The Peace
Festival In Diyarbakir

September 1, 1997

(We document a statement by Abdullah Ocalan for the planned but
forbidden Peace Festival in Diyarbakir which was part of the
activities concerning the 'Musa Anter Peace Train'.)

To the people of Kurdistan,

     On this occasion, International Anti-War Day, September 1st, I
would like to extend my greetings to you. We believe that through
our struggle, we have displayed our respect and loyalty to you, a
people which has suffered centuries of oppression, particularly
during the dirty war of the last few years.
     We need peace even more than we need bread and water, for
our bread depends on peace. Those who have imposed a hellish
regime on our people have condemned Diyarbakir - Amida, one of
the most ancient of cities - to an unprecedented hunger. You are
well aware that this hunger is a direct consequence of the dirty
war. The centuries-old oppression, denial, and assimilation are
today confronting us as a disastrous hunger. Our entire people is
suffering, both those in the South and the North.
     Our struggle was launched to put a stop to this. Never
forget that without national honor and a national liberation
movement there would be no bread at all. You can see this is the
case. Your sole response to hunger should be to achieve a better
understanding of the national liberation movement, to organize
within this framework, and, if necessary, to fight to achieve an
honorable peace. We did not wage this struggle simply to make a
sacrifice under unbelievably harsh conditions, but initially to
preserve our identity and prevent it from disappearing, and now in
order to get nearer to freedom.
     It can be said that for the first moment we have reached the
time when an honorable peace is imminent. An honorable peace is
possible by means of an honorable national liberation struggle.
We have waged such a national liberation struggle and brought the
concept of national peace and living equally and freely with
other peoples to the light of day. But unfortunately even a
'Peace Train' has been deemed too much for you. The celebrations
on September 1st, International Anti-War Day, which progressive
humanity had chosen to embrace you, have been forbidden.
     Those who are waging the dirty war fear peace, they fear our
campaign for peace. So who is in favor of war, who insists on
war? This September 1st proves who the warmonger is. To prove this
conclusively you must attend the rallies and confront the enemies
of peace. Our only demands are that your identity is accepted,
that your national democratic demands are accepted, and that the
unilaterally imposed war be halted. We are exercising our sacred
right to resist. You know very well that without the right to
resist neither our identity will be recognized nor will we be
able to protect our dignity. Consequently you must understand the
importance of this national liberation movement and fulfil your
duties accordingly. If you do not do this, we face being wiped
from the pages of history as a nation.
     As you know, our most esteemed people, Musa Anter, Vedat
Aydin, and thousands of others have been murdered. They were the
honor of our people, they defended its dignity, its identity, and
its freedom. But they were not tolerated. They were unarmed, but
for their thoughts and their courageous hearts. You must
understand them well and you must definitely have a response. On
this occasion I reiterate, and all progressive humanity and
our friends must know that we would all like to be in Diyarbakir
with the Peace Train to declare the triumph of peace. But they
will not give up this opportunity. What rights can those who fear
the Peace Train grant our people? Millions of tourists go to
Turkey. Of course they have the right to enjoy themselves, but
why are a small group of prominent people, who want to make
public the fact that our people are suffering tremendous
oppression, prevented from traveling? The German government
allows millions of tourists to travel, why does it ban a train
carrying a few distinguished people? We understand this banning
mentality in Turkey, but in Germany, in Europe? Europeans should
ponder this, and understand how such bans affect our people, not
only in Turkey but also in their own countries. The European
governments are partners in crime as far as this banning mentality
is concerned. Perhaps they consider their support for Turkey
insufficient. But surely the European governments could have
permitted this Peace Train to reach Turkey's borders. Since they
have not done this, it is now quite clear from their prohibitive
mentality that they are responsible for the dirty war being waged
against our people.
     I hope that European intellectuals will have observed that
this is strikingly clear, and will have cause to ask questions of
their governments and much to do for peace. You Europeans have
realized that you were mistaken in declaring the PKK to be
terrorists. The PKK has never made preconditions for peace; it
has simply stated: "We will accept whatever is proposed." We
have always said that all we wanted was that the cease-fire
be bilateral and that our people's national identity and national
demands be recognized. The PKK is prepared to declare a
cease-fire, but as you can see Turkey is not only opposed to a
cease-fire and consequently to peace, they also ban you, who have no
connection whatsoever to the war or the PKK. This presumably has
demonstrated to you the extent of the bans, oppression,
and war weighing down on our people.
     On this occasion, you, our friends from various countries,
will have the opportunity to acquaint yourselves with our people
and their demands for democracy and freedom, to learn about their
struggles, and offer your support and solidarity as never before.
There is no better way to show your support for peace than to
come to Diyarbakir and speak out for peace. To do anything else
would be hypocrisy and disrespectful to our people.
     To do this would be the best response to International
Anti-War Day, to honor the memory of millions who have given
their lives for peace. Of course, I am not accusing you of the
warfare transported to Kurdistan by various governments, but
European technology and European political and economic support
is translated into the bombs and bullets that rain down on
Diyarbakir and Kurdistan, is translated into hunger. I hope you
have witnessed this and that your consciences have been awakened.
     I emphasize once again to our people and to our esteemed
friends that we would have very much liked to have been involved
in this peace process, to solve our people's serious problems
through political dialogue. Until we succeed in achieving this we
will continue to fight. There is no other way. The alternative is
fascism, racism, chauvinism, massacre, and hunger. If those
responsible for this continue on this path they will not only
find themselves in crisis, they will be finished. You may be sure
of that.
     We have demonstrated this by achieving the impossible and we
believe, with the strength and confidence of having come this
far, that we will soon achieve an honorable peace and our
people's national democratic demands, and equality and freedom
for all peoples. We believe that to have reached this stage today
is itself a great victory. Our history has entrusted us
with the task of achieving peace for the whole region and for all
of humanity, not just for our own people. Our struggle is an
honorable war against the defiling of humanity.
     I am more than ever convinced that we will achieve victory
and I wish you every success in your struggles. Once again I extend
my greetings and good wishes.

Abdullah Ocalan,
President, Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

(Source: Kurdistan Information Center, Amsterdam)

-----------------------------------------------------------------
Arm The Spirit is an autonomist/anti-imperialist information
collective based in Toronto, Canada. Our focus includes a wide 
variety of material, including political prisoners, national 
liberation struggles, armed communist resistance, anti-fascism, 
the fight against patriarchy, and more. We regularly publish our 
writings, research, and translation materials on our listserv
called ATS-L. For more information, contact:

Arm The Spirit
P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A
Toronto, Ontario
M5W 1P7 Canada

E-mail: ats at etext.org
WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats
ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l
MRTA Solidarity Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/mrta.htm
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-----------------------------------------------------------------

 ++++ stop the execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal ++++
   ++++ if you agree copy these lines to your sig ++++
     ++++ see http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/spg-l/sigaction.htm ++++


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Sep 30 10:45:45 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 30 Sep 1997 10:45:45
Subject: Turkey: The army, Islamism and imperialism
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m3d8lqu2sb.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

Kurtulus 41, 2 August 1997

The army, Islamism and imperialism

After the accident in Susurluk, the oligarchy went through one of it
most bitter internal fights. A large part of the population, and the
revolutionaries with them, had been trying for decades to reveal the
real face of the state, risking their lives in doing so. But these
sacrifices had not been in vain because as a result of the gathered
experience, the people were able to recognise the fascist face of the
state in Susurluk, a face it had not seen before. The suspicion of
normal people were confirmed in Susurluk. The T=DCSIAD (Turkish
Employers and Business Association), the collaborator of the
imperialist which is playing now a different role as usual, offers the
state and numerous institutions programmes, containing stabilisation
packages. 

There was rather a large interest in these programmes of the
T=DCSIAD. Essentially, the T=DCSIAD stated quite clearly that if the state
was not going to be restored by means of new programs, the system
would be in grave danger. The imperialists forced these views upon the
T=DCSIAD and they have been developed according to the character of the
collaborators. The imperialists and their collaborators established
their political rule through the system parties. Despite support by
the imperialists and the monopolies, the parties did not succeed in
designing a new policy  which would even partly guarantee the
stability of the state and reduce the potential of opposition among
the people's masses. So the imperialists were forced to look for new
ways. When the existing parties do not sufficiently serve the
imperialists and fascism, new parties are founded. The parties which
are no longer of any use, are discarded. Most important, the
economical and political profit of the collaborators of the
imperialists is right and the continuation of the system is
guaranteed. In this sense, anything is possible, all methods are
allowed. In case Islam is of any use, Islam will be used as well. When
a junta is needed, a junta will be put in power. If need be,
artificial enemies are depicted and the support by the left within the
system is asked for under the disguise of democracy. Old governments
are brought down with lies and deceit, new governments are formed.

When the republic was founded, Mustafa Kemal proclaimed the aim of
achieving "the level of a man of culture" and the despotic methods he
used are still applied in another way. All the bourgeois parties, and
even renown fascist parties and generals of the junta, tried to
practice politics as apostles of democracy. The junta of September 12,
claiming to bring democracy on the right track again, in fact aimed at
liquidating the revolutionary movement and the opposition forces for
which it used almost all Islamic structures. It was not forgotten to
support them economically and politically to integrate them into the
system. Islamic forces occupied almost all posts in the state
apparatus and the system. Religion is an important force in Turkey.
The state wanted to exploit religion to secure its future and for the
benefit of profit. The state could not use religion as it pleased with
its bureaucratic cadres. Religion as a power of sustenance has always
been under the influence of the sheikhs and sectarian leaders.
Therefore all the politicians, including Mustafa Kemal and the army,
tried to get this power in their hands by several manoeuvres. Despite
several differences, the Islamic forces were able to rally behind the
demand of the "Sharia". The continuing support by the system parties
and the army and the discussions about religion in politics gave the
religious forces the impression that it was possible to gain power
within the system in a cunning way. They pursued this thought and made
a theory out of it in the end. This development and the support by the
state prevented a radicalisation of the Islamic movement as occurred
in other countries. 

That's why the Islamic organisation never declared the state to be a
direct target of their attacks. It is only natural that those who do
not make the state a concrete target of the struggle, are opposed to
those who attack the state directly and that they seek their place in
a peaceful coexistence with the state. The Islamists followed the
tradition of "takiyye" (1) which they have applied for decades and
this caused them to form one front within the system with the state
and the fascists, united against the opposition forces. The coup of
September 12 was meant to protect the system. But it became apparent
that this protecting was not going to be lasting because of the
specific nature of the oligarchy and that the crisis was becoming even
worse. The governments of the oligarchy are aware of the strength of
the army and they often felt it. 

That's why they are eager not to pursue a policy against the army,
looking for ways to establish their own power so they wouldn't wake up
one morning, being interrogated in Zincirbosan. When they realised
that the MIT (National Intelligence Agency), traditionally
subordinated to the army, could not be controlled, the =D6zal
government set up an alternative secret service. The tradition
authority of the secret service, until then with the MIT, now found
its counterpart within the police force. The massacres, provocations
and all kinds of criminal activities, perpetrated in the past by the
MIT, were now carried out by the police. With the increase of the
revolutionary war, the gendarmes and special units were deployed more
and more and the MIT disappeared out of the picture. The revolutionary
war was spreading across the country and now the contra-guerrilla
gangs emerged. The contra-guerrilla war against the revolutionaries
increased, as did the struggle for profit.  This struggle for profit
caused a struggle for power and a discussion how to defend the state
ideologically. 

The institutions of the oligarchy, the system parties and its
politicians could not find a solution against the people's
struggle. The massacres and the violence, ostensibly carried out to
end terror, didn't work and backfired. The system parties couldn't
even supply the beginning of a solution and the crisis deepened. The
imperialists and the monopoly bourgeoisie could not watch idle. The
T=DCSIAD and the MGK (National Security Council) have openly taken
over the role of the parties. To bring the system parties under their
control, as wished by the imperialists, campaigns were launched and
the solution proposals of the T=DCSIAD were presented to the
public. These T=DCSIAD programs were only the beginning. They were to
be followed. In the name of stability, the oligarchic state mechanism
had no other solution than violence to discipline the bourgeois
parties. 

The task of the T=DCSIAD was taken over by the National Security
Council. Planned by the general staff and supported by the monopoly
capitalists, the public was exposed the propaganda about a military
coup and the Sharia. By creating an artificial fear for a interim
regime, a black regime and the Sharia, they tried to broaden their own
front to liquidate those parties who could neither guarantee the
stability of the system, nor could be disciplined. So many bourgeois
parties, trade unions and several so-called left-wing groups were
drawn into the front of the MGK and the T=DCSIAD. Because of the
active public appearance of these forces, the fear for the Sharia and
a military coup spread. While many forces took a military coup
seriously, the MGK - like a political party, entered the
arena. However, it did not carry out a military coup, it just
increased fear. And so it increased its own strength. In this phase,
neither a Sharia-led state power existed, nor the danger of a military
coup. 

These notions were brought into the discussions as a result of
the inability to guarantee stability by the system parties. This
theory was brought up by imperialism. The political failure of the
system parties and the contra-guerrilla gangs which reached a stage
where they harmed the system and could no longer defend it, forced the
imperialists to implement changes. Otherwise the revolutionary
people's movement would gain strength and the system would even be
more endangered. The Refah party, portrayed as a "Sharia danger" did
in fact not move outside of the policy of imperialism and the MGK. To
proof itself, Refah and the DYP carried out massacres and repression
without a second thought. But despite their efforts, the Refah party
and the DYP could not offer a solution for the instability in the
country. Aware of the fact that its old allies had fulfilled their
function, the imperialists and their collaborators chose the way of
liquidating the RefahYol government. Using the Refah party as a
scapegoat, notions like the Sharia and sectarianism were to be
propagated as a danger, nationalism was to be stimulated - based on
Kemalism - and the Sharia was to be proclaimed public enemy no 1. Thus
the system forces, including some groups, were to be united in the
front of the T=DCSIAD and the MGK. The DYP, and especially Tansu
Ciller, were to be linked to the contra-guerrilla gangs. The
embezzlements, carried out by all, the executions which could no
longer be kept secret, the massacres, disappearances and other means
of oppression by the contra-guerrilla gangs were to be blamed to them
in order to keep the hands of the state clean. The imperialists called
the revolutionary struggle in Turkey terrorism and considered every
method which was applied against the revolutionaries legitimate. 

Until now no government resisted the economic, political and military
policy of the imperialists, all of them carried out this policy. The
Refah party and the DYP became consequent collaborators of the
imperialists as well, but because they have fulfilled their function,
they are no longer needed. However, there is a need for new actors who
are able to reduce the potential of opposition among the people's
masses with their "democracy games" and who are willing to continue
oppression and exploitation in the name of democracy. Despite some
manoeuvres by Refah, applying "takiyye", the MGK, as well as T=DCSIAD,
know that there is no threat of a "Sharia state". The real problem
lies in the fact that the oligarchy is unable, despite its
willingness, to overcome the present crisis. The place of the Refah
party could be taken by any other party. Because of the existing
dependency, the crisis and the ongoing war, no government is able to
offer a solution. 

This crisis will continue, and get worse, until there is a
revolution. Until then, governments will be brought down and new ones
will be formed. Despite the demagogy about democracy and the claims to
oppose the gangs, oppression, violence and the gangs will remain, and
it will deteriorate. When the imperialists spoke about democracy,
T=DCSIAD and the MGK immediately began to implement this policy. Since
the Refah party became a power in itself because of the support by the
state, the state is no longer in the position to use religion as its
tool as it pleases. As a result of the demagogy of the Refah party,
religion was seen as a possible road to liberation by broad masses of
the poor people. Because the people's masses can not see through the
collaborationist and conformist face of the Refah party, they take
side with Refah and other Islamic fronts on the basis of religious
motives, containing notions like justice, rights and resistance
against cruelty.  This is one of the contradictions between the state
and Refah. 

The state crisis has reached such a dimension that the state can't
even uphold its status quo. Exactly at this point the essential task
of the imperialists and its collaborators comes into place. Based on
Kemalism, Islam and the Europeanisation, the people's masses on
channelled.  The program, proposed by T=DCSIAD, propagates imperialist
democracy. The task force of the MGK, oriented to the West,
constitutes a direct message to the imperialists. And they do not
behave unfavourable towards the T=DCSIAD program. Although there were
initial reactions against the proposal of T=DCSIAD to abolish the MGK,
the MGK itself pursued the policy of the imperialists after the
imperialists intervened. In this way the MGK became the main
institution considering the demands for Kemalism, human rights,
against embezzlements and against the gangs, and for the solving of
many other problems. And many forces who had championed these demands
became the unarmed accomplices of the MGK. Defending the thesis that
there will be no military coup in Turkey anymore would surely be
false. In a country which is constantly in a state of crisis, there is
always the danger of a military coup. However, the fact remains:
without the support of the imperialist, nobody would dare to carry out
a military coup. Imperialism has many other alternatives at its
disposal. In the history of the Turkish Republic, the political
parties have always been relatively powerless. The army and the
bourgeoisie were always considered to be the decisive powers. In the
past, a military coup was always seen as a solution for a crisis, a
crisis which is now culminating. 

The chain of military coups till now has caused coups an ineffective
tool. This forced the imperialists to look out for other
possibilities. This is the reason why the MGK started to act like a
political party, without carrying out a military coup. In stead of the
army, institutions like the trade unions were used. They will create
the conditions for a coup when they are convinced that such a coup
would bring a solution. The political call of some left groups and
trade unions against a military coup are also conforming the policy of
the imperialists and T=DCSIAD. Without doubt, the "Sharia threat" is
nothing more than a planned, artificial phenomenon. It is known also
that the imperialists and T=DCSIAD favour a pseudo-democracy, not a
military coup. The notion of a coup was raised by the MGK to unite the
forces against the Sharia. Under this slogan, the left forces were
conscribed as reserve forces of the MGK. The MGK caused the fall of
the Refah party and it put the new ANASOL-D government in its
place. It's a public knowledge that this government will do nothing
for the people, that it will continue to implement the decisions of
the MGK and that it will continue the exploitation and cruelties, they
will in fact get worse. Those who gathered around notions like the
Sharia and a coup are accessories to the Mesut Yilmaz
government. Nowadays the supporters of a Sharia state propagate
anti-system slogans, even slogans which are adopted from the
revolutionaries, and the organise the poor segments of the population.
Of course, the revolutionaries wage a struggle against the governments
who hide exploitation and oppression behind the mask of the "Sharia
state". But the fundamentalists are not in power, in organising the
masses they claim to oppose the system, but in reality the move within
the boundaries of this system. It is not dangerous for the
revolutionaries when the fundamentalists take away the weapon of
religion from the state. It is advantageous for the people when the
weapons, abused by the state against the people, are taken away from
the state. In this, it is not important whether they are loyal to the
system, or whether they oppose it. The only thing important is that
all those who are in contradiction to the oligarchy are fighting
against the present state. There are several contradictions in every
period of time. These contradictions can not all be seen as the main
contradiction. 

The present main contradiction is not the Sharia, it is imperialism,
it is T=DCSIAD and the MGK. The fundamentalists will see that they
will not achieve their goals with their sly manoeuvres and their
methods of resistance which are in fact loyal to the state. They will
make no progress. With the fall of the Refah party, discussions within
Islamic circles increased. The Refah party will maintain its share in
new elections when there are no provocations. In this phase it will be
even more difficult for the oligarchy to get out of its crisis. The
Refah party, striving for power, will have to adopt to the imperialist
policy because only then will they have a chance to get in
power. Otherwise it will have to continue its role in the opposition.
When they get in power, according to the conditions of the
imperialists, this will mean for Refah that its demagogy will be
exposed. It will become clear to the people that there is no
difference with the other system parties. With an electoral victory of
the Refah party, which will lead them to power, new cadres will emerge
within the party who will start to organise and fight without the
system. We as revolutionaries must be aware that it is not our primary
task to fight against the Sharia state, we will have to act according
to our knowledge how the state and the Refah party are using religion
as a weapon. The discussions about a secular state and the Sharia are
just artificial debates, instigated by the imperialists and the
oligarchy to solve their own internal contradictions and to counter
the revolutionary resistance. 

We must advocate a common struggle of all forces which oppose fascism,
imperialism and the existing state, even when these forces are
Islamists and want a state which is governed by the Sharia. Of course,
there are no similarities between the revolutionaries and the
fundamentalists. But although they are loyal to the system and
although they collaborate with the imperialists and the state, a large
majority of the fundamentalists speak out against imperialism,
exploitation and cruelty. We must make an effort to hold them to their
words, the bring them on a line of struggle against the state. The
masses which are now under the influence of the fundamentalists will
eventually see the demagogy of the Islamists in case we act as said
above. Because those who are propagating against the Europeanisation
and an imperialist democracy are not the left, they are the
Islamists. They have changed this war into a war between Christianity
and Islam. We will have to take away this weapon from the
fundamentalists as well. 

We will have to expand our propaganda in the knowledge that the
history and the tradition of our peoples are not those of imperialism,
they are the history and the tradition of the peoples in the Middle
East, the Caucasus and the Balkan and we must act according to the
differences in nationality of the Turkish, the Kurdish and all other
nations.


 (1) takiyye: method used to achieve the establishment of a Sharia
 state by which such a state is disguised as a democracy,
 leading to an integration within the ruling system. 

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl


From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl  Tue Sep 30 19:25:54 1997
From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl)
Date: 30 Sep 1997 19:25:54
Subject: New site: To be checked out!
Message-ID: <bac1c849.m34t72kz86.fsf@ozgurluk.xs4all.nl>

http://www.mazlumder.org/index.html


-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl mailinglists:petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl
List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl