Turkey: The army, Islamism and imperialism

[english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl]

Kurtulus 41, 2 August 1997

The army, Islamism and imperialism

After the accident in Susurluk, the oligarchy went through one of it
most bitter internal fights. A large part of the population, and the
revolutionaries with them, had been trying for decades to reveal the
real face of the state, risking their lives in doing so. But these
sacrifices had not been in vain because as a result of the gathered
experience, the people were able to recognise the fascist face of the
state in Susurluk, a face it had not seen before. The suspicion of
normal people were confirmed in Susurluk. The T=DCSIAD (Turkish
Employers and Business Association), the collaborator of the
imperialist which is playing now a different role as usual, offers the
state and numerous institutions programmes, containing stabilisation
packages. 

There was rather a large interest in these programmes of the
T=DCSIAD. Essentially, the T=DCSIAD stated quite clearly that if the state
was not going to be restored by means of new programs, the system
would be in grave danger. The imperialists forced these views upon the
T=DCSIAD and they have been developed according to the character of the
collaborators. The imperialists and their collaborators established
their political rule through the system parties. Despite support by
the imperialists and the monopolies, the parties did not succeed in
designing a new policy  which would even partly guarantee the
stability of the state and reduce the potential of opposition among
the people's masses. So the imperialists were forced to look for new
ways. When the existing parties do not sufficiently serve the
imperialists and fascism, new parties are founded. The parties which
are no longer of any use, are discarded. Most important, the
economical and political profit of the collaborators of the
imperialists is right and the continuation of the system is
guaranteed. In this sense, anything is possible, all methods are
allowed. In case Islam is of any use, Islam will be used as well. When
a junta is needed, a junta will be put in power. If need be,
artificial enemies are depicted and the support by the left within the
system is asked for under the disguise of democracy. Old governments
are brought down with lies and deceit, new governments are formed.

When the republic was founded, Mustafa Kemal proclaimed the aim of
achieving "the level of a man of culture" and the despotic methods he
used are still applied in another way. All the bourgeois parties, and
even renown fascist parties and generals of the junta, tried to
practice politics as apostles of democracy. The junta of September 12,
claiming to bring democracy on the right track again, in fact aimed at
liquidating the revolutionary movement and the opposition forces for
which it used almost all Islamic structures. It was not forgotten to
support them economically and politically to integrate them into the
system. Islamic forces occupied almost all posts in the state
apparatus and the system. Religion is an important force in Turkey.
The state wanted to exploit religion to secure its future and for the
benefit of profit. The state could not use religion as it pleased with
its bureaucratic cadres. Religion as a power of sustenance has always
been under the influence of the sheikhs and sectarian leaders.
Therefore all the politicians, including Mustafa Kemal and the army,
tried to get this power in their hands by several manoeuvres. Despite
several differences, the Islamic forces were able to rally behind the
demand of the "Sharia". The continuing support by the system parties
and the army and the discussions about religion in politics gave the
religious forces the impression that it was possible to gain power
within the system in a cunning way. They pursued this thought and made
a theory out of it in the end. This development and the support by the
state prevented a radicalisation of the Islamic movement as occurred
in other countries. 

That's why the Islamic organisation never declared the state to be a
direct target of their attacks. It is only natural that those who do
not make the state a concrete target of the struggle, are opposed to
those who attack the state directly and that they seek their place in
a peaceful coexistence with the state. The Islamists followed the
tradition of "takiyye" (1) which they have applied for decades and
this caused them to form one front within the system with the state
and the fascists, united against the opposition forces. The coup of
September 12 was meant to protect the system. But it became apparent
that this protecting was not going to be lasting because of the
specific nature of the oligarchy and that the crisis was becoming even
worse. The governments of the oligarchy are aware of the strength of
the army and they often felt it. 

That's why they are eager not to pursue a policy against the army,
looking for ways to establish their own power so they wouldn't wake up
one morning, being interrogated in Zincirbosan. When they realised
that the MIT (National Intelligence Agency), traditionally
subordinated to the army, could not be controlled, the =D6zal
government set up an alternative secret service. The tradition
authority of the secret service, until then with the MIT, now found
its counterpart within the police force. The massacres, provocations
and all kinds of criminal activities, perpetrated in the past by the
MIT, were now carried out by the police. With the increase of the
revolutionary war, the gendarmes and special units were deployed more
and more and the MIT disappeared out of the picture. The revolutionary
war was spreading across the country and now the contra-guerrilla
gangs emerged. The contra-guerrilla war against the revolutionaries
increased, as did the struggle for profit.  This struggle for profit
caused a struggle for power and a discussion how to defend the state
ideologically. 

The institutions of the oligarchy, the system parties and its
politicians could not find a solution against the people's
struggle. The massacres and the violence, ostensibly carried out to
end terror, didn't work and backfired. The system parties couldn't
even supply the beginning of a solution and the crisis deepened. The
imperialists and the monopoly bourgeoisie could not watch idle. The
T=DCSIAD and the MGK (National Security Council) have openly taken
over the role of the parties. To bring the system parties under their
control, as wished by the imperialists, campaigns were launched and
the solution proposals of the T=DCSIAD were presented to the
public. These T=DCSIAD programs were only the beginning. They were to
be followed. In the name of stability, the oligarchic state mechanism
had no other solution than violence to discipline the bourgeois
parties. 

The task of the T=DCSIAD was taken over by the National Security
Council. Planned by the general staff and supported by the monopoly
capitalists, the public was exposed the propaganda about a military
coup and the Sharia. By creating an artificial fear for a interim
regime, a black regime and the Sharia, they tried to broaden their own
front to liquidate those parties who could neither guarantee the
stability of the system, nor could be disciplined. So many bourgeois
parties, trade unions and several so-called left-wing groups were
drawn into the front of the MGK and the T=DCSIAD. Because of the
active public appearance of these forces, the fear for the Sharia and
a military coup spread. While many forces took a military coup
seriously, the MGK - like a political party, entered the
arena. However, it did not carry out a military coup, it just
increased fear. And so it increased its own strength. In this phase,
neither a Sharia-led state power existed, nor the danger of a military
coup. 

These notions were brought into the discussions as a result of
the inability to guarantee stability by the system parties. This
theory was brought up by imperialism. The political failure of the
system parties and the contra-guerrilla gangs which reached a stage
where they harmed the system and could no longer defend it, forced the
imperialists to implement changes. Otherwise the revolutionary
people's movement would gain strength and the system would even be
more endangered. The Refah party, portrayed as a "Sharia danger" did
in fact not move outside of the policy of imperialism and the MGK. To
proof itself, Refah and the DYP carried out massacres and repression
without a second thought. But despite their efforts, the Refah party
and the DYP could not offer a solution for the instability in the
country. Aware of the fact that its old allies had fulfilled their
function, the imperialists and their collaborators chose the way of
liquidating the RefahYol government. Using the Refah party as a
scapegoat, notions like the Sharia and sectarianism were to be
propagated as a danger, nationalism was to be stimulated - based on
Kemalism - and the Sharia was to be proclaimed public enemy no 1. Thus
the system forces, including some groups, were to be united in the
front of the T=DCSIAD and the MGK. The DYP, and especially Tansu
Ciller, were to be linked to the contra-guerrilla gangs. The
embezzlements, carried out by all, the executions which could no
longer be kept secret, the massacres, disappearances and other means
of oppression by the contra-guerrilla gangs were to be blamed to them
in order to keep the hands of the state clean. The imperialists called
the revolutionary struggle in Turkey terrorism and considered every
method which was applied against the revolutionaries legitimate. 

Until now no government resisted the economic, political and military
policy of the imperialists, all of them carried out this policy. The
Refah party and the DYP became consequent collaborators of the
imperialists as well, but because they have fulfilled their function,
they are no longer needed. However, there is a need for new actors who
are able to reduce the potential of opposition among the people's
masses with their "democracy games" and who are willing to continue
oppression and exploitation in the name of democracy. Despite some
manoeuvres by Refah, applying "takiyye", the MGK, as well as T=DCSIAD,
know that there is no threat of a "Sharia state". The real problem
lies in the fact that the oligarchy is unable, despite its
willingness, to overcome the present crisis. The place of the Refah
party could be taken by any other party. Because of the existing
dependency, the crisis and the ongoing war, no government is able to
offer a solution. 

This crisis will continue, and get worse, until there is a
revolution. Until then, governments will be brought down and new ones
will be formed. Despite the demagogy about democracy and the claims to
oppose the gangs, oppression, violence and the gangs will remain, and
it will deteriorate. When the imperialists spoke about democracy,
T=DCSIAD and the MGK immediately began to implement this policy. Since
the Refah party became a power in itself because of the support by the
state, the state is no longer in the position to use religion as its
tool as it pleases. As a result of the demagogy of the Refah party,
religion was seen as a possible road to liberation by broad masses of
the poor people. Because the people's masses can not see through the
collaborationist and conformist face of the Refah party, they take
side with Refah and other Islamic fronts on the basis of religious
motives, containing notions like justice, rights and resistance
against cruelty.  This is one of the contradictions between the state
and Refah. 

The state crisis has reached such a dimension that the state can't
even uphold its status quo. Exactly at this point the essential task
of the imperialists and its collaborators comes into place. Based on
Kemalism, Islam and the Europeanisation, the people's masses on
channelled.  The program, proposed by T=DCSIAD, propagates imperialist
democracy. The task force of the MGK, oriented to the West,
constitutes a direct message to the imperialists. And they do not
behave unfavourable towards the T=DCSIAD program. Although there were
initial reactions against the proposal of T=DCSIAD to abolish the MGK,
the MGK itself pursued the policy of the imperialists after the
imperialists intervened. In this way the MGK became the main
institution considering the demands for Kemalism, human rights,
against embezzlements and against the gangs, and for the solving of
many other problems. And many forces who had championed these demands
became the unarmed accomplices of the MGK. Defending the thesis that
there will be no military coup in Turkey anymore would surely be
false. In a country which is constantly in a state of crisis, there is
always the danger of a military coup. However, the fact remains:
without the support of the imperialist, nobody would dare to carry out
a military coup. Imperialism has many other alternatives at its
disposal. In the history of the Turkish Republic, the political
parties have always been relatively powerless. The army and the
bourgeoisie were always considered to be the decisive powers. In the
past, a military coup was always seen as a solution for a crisis, a
crisis which is now culminating. 

The chain of military coups till now has caused coups an ineffective
tool. This forced the imperialists to look out for other
possibilities. This is the reason why the MGK started to act like a
political party, without carrying out a military coup. In stead of the
army, institutions like the trade unions were used. They will create
the conditions for a coup when they are convinced that such a coup
would bring a solution. The political call of some left groups and
trade unions against a military coup are also conforming the policy of
the imperialists and T=DCSIAD. Without doubt, the "Sharia threat" is
nothing more than a planned, artificial phenomenon. It is known also
that the imperialists and T=DCSIAD favour a pseudo-democracy, not a
military coup. The notion of a coup was raised by the MGK to unite the
forces against the Sharia. Under this slogan, the left forces were
conscribed as reserve forces of the MGK. The MGK caused the fall of
the Refah party and it put the new ANASOL-D government in its
place. It's a public knowledge that this government will do nothing
for the people, that it will continue to implement the decisions of
the MGK and that it will continue the exploitation and cruelties, they
will in fact get worse. Those who gathered around notions like the
Sharia and a coup are accessories to the Mesut Yilmaz
government. Nowadays the supporters of a Sharia state propagate
anti-system slogans, even slogans which are adopted from the
revolutionaries, and the organise the poor segments of the population.
Of course, the revolutionaries wage a struggle against the governments
who hide exploitation and oppression behind the mask of the "Sharia
state". But the fundamentalists are not in power, in organising the
masses they claim to oppose the system, but in reality the move within
the boundaries of this system. It is not dangerous for the
revolutionaries when the fundamentalists take away the weapon of
religion from the state. It is advantageous for the people when the
weapons, abused by the state against the people, are taken away from
the state. In this, it is not important whether they are loyal to the
system, or whether they oppose it. The only thing important is that
all those who are in contradiction to the oligarchy are fighting
against the present state. There are several contradictions in every
period of time. These contradictions can not all be seen as the main
contradiction. 

The present main contradiction is not the Sharia, it is imperialism,
it is T=DCSIAD and the MGK. The fundamentalists will see that they
will not achieve their goals with their sly manoeuvres and their
methods of resistance which are in fact loyal to the state. They will
make no progress. With the fall of the Refah party, discussions within
Islamic circles increased. The Refah party will maintain its share in
new elections when there are no provocations. In this phase it will be
even more difficult for the oligarchy to get out of its crisis. The
Refah party, striving for power, will have to adopt to the imperialist
policy because only then will they have a chance to get in
power. Otherwise it will have to continue its role in the opposition.
When they get in power, according to the conditions of the
imperialists, this will mean for Refah that its demagogy will be
exposed. It will become clear to the people that there is no
difference with the other system parties. With an electoral victory of
the Refah party, which will lead them to power, new cadres will emerge
within the party who will start to organise and fight without the
system. We as revolutionaries must be aware that it is not our primary
task to fight against the Sharia state, we will have to act according
to our knowledge how the state and the Refah party are using religion
as a weapon. The discussions about a secular state and the Sharia are
just artificial debates, instigated by the imperialists and the
oligarchy to solve their own internal contradictions and to counter
the revolutionary resistance. 

We must advocate a common struggle of all forces which oppose fascism,
imperialism and the existing state, even when these forces are
Islamists and want a state which is governed by the Sharia. Of course,
there are no similarities between the revolutionaries and the
fundamentalists. But although they are loyal to the system and
although they collaborate with the imperialists and the state, a large
majority of the fundamentalists speak out against imperialism,
exploitation and cruelty. We must make an effort to hold them to their
words, the bring them on a line of struggle against the state. The
masses which are now under the influence of the fundamentalists will
eventually see the demagogy of the Islamists in case we act as said
above. Because those who are propagating against the Europeanisation
and an imperialist democracy are not the left, they are the
Islamists. They have changed this war into a war between Christianity
and Islam. We will have to take away this weapon from the
fundamentalists as well. 

We will have to expand our propaganda in the knowledge that the
history and the tradition of our peoples are not those of imperialism,
they are the history and the tradition of the peoples in the Middle
East, the Caucasus and the Balkan and we must act according to the
differences in nationality of the Turkish, the Kurdish and all other
nations.


 (1) takiyye: method used to achieve the establishment of a Sharia
 state by which such a state is disguised as a democracy,
 leading to an integration within the ruling system. 

-- 
Press Agency Ozgurluk
The Struggle for justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan
http://www.ozgurluk.org                          
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