From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Mon Mar 2 08:12:52 1998 From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 02 Mar 1998 08:12:52 Subject: DHKC Armed Propaganda Unit attacks gendarmestation Message-ID: DHKC News Agency On 27 February 1998, an armed propaganda unit of the DHKC attacked the Kucukkoy Gendarme Station in Istanbul. As a result of this attack, 26 soldiers, 2 Special Commando's and a luitenant were injured. The guerrillas have returned to their base without any losses. In its statement the unit said that the MGK (National Security Council) and the army are the oppressors of our country. Susurluk is not the work of some cops or soldiers but it's a product of the fascist state and it's defender the MGK. The government and all the political parties are working as instruments of the MGK. "Those responcible for the state-terror in our country will face the people's uprising and feelings of revenge." "Our message to to the oppresors: No one can escape Peoples Justice." -- Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Parti-Cephesi Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) mailto:dhkc at ozgurluk.org http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Mon Mar 2 20:41:12 1998 From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 02 Mar 1998 20:41:12 Subject: Devrimci Soll/Revolutionary Left Message-ID: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/revleft THE FUTURE OF TURKEY IS THE FUTURE OF THE REGION On the one hand, Turkey has been barred from the European Union just like six months ago, and on the other hand it has signed a new Strategic Agreement with the USA. Cooperation with Israel is being stepped up in spite of criticism from Arab countries... At the same time, Russia steps in and new agreements are signed in the same way. Discussion of domestic politics are in full swing. Words like "reorganisation" and "changes" are in everyday use. Why all these promises? In reality, these are the results of the crisis Turkey's oligarchy finds itself in, as well as a consequence of the increasing strategic importance of the country in the region. Turkey's geographic position is important to imperialism for the following reasons: the oil reserves of the Caspian and the new markets in the Caucasus, the proximity of the Middle East, a region where there has long been no political stability and which is not properly under imperialist control, and the Balkans, where imperialism first stirred the peoples up to hate each other and then go to war, followed by imperialism presenting itself as a peacekeeper. Turkey is part of this region. When it is also remembered that there is the drugs trade, the arms trade and money laundering involving the East and West, then Turkey's central position and role as a transit point becomes clearer. Taking all this into account, imperialism cannot do without Turkey. The other side of the coin is that Turkey is equally important strategically in terms of the fate of the peoples. This is not an exaggeration. With regard to this region, one can say that Turkey is either the future of imperialism or the future of the peoples of the world. Imperialism Would Like a Stable Turkey Imperialism sees this. Turkey is to be given new roles to play so as to be able to bear the burdens of imperialism in this region. Imperialism wishes Turkey to be a stable military, economic and political springboard. For imperialism, the world is a gigantic chessboard and the dependent countries are pawns to be positioned in such a way as to secure imperialism's mastery over the world and ensure it can achieve its aims. The expansion of NATO, sending European military forces to dependent countries and the opening of new fronts are a part of this strategy. Imperialism's insistence that Turkey should introduce "constitutional changes" is a vital requirement for the kind of country they want which is free of worries for them. However, the world-wide crisis of imperialism which cannot be overcome, as well as the crisis in the Turkish oligarchy which also cannot be surmounted because the political and economic means are lacking mean that imperialism cannot realise its policies in these areas. US imperialism's deceit and propaganda about the "New World Order" failed in a relatively short space of time. Both political and economic calculations proved unfounded. Examples of this are still quite blatant. The enthusiastic advocates and publicists for the introduction of economic plans in South Korea, Argentina, Mexico, Brazil and similar countries were quickly forced to realise that these merely brought about new crises. The economic ties of imperialism, which are closely interwoven, led to the current crisis in Asia spreading throughout the region and threatening the main imperialist centres. It can be said that they were hit with the weapons they themselves used against dependent countries. The recent stock market crash is a sign of this. But imperialism is condemned to continue introducing such "plans". Just as US imperialism is trying to use South Korea as a base for its policies in Asia and to influence other Asian countries from there, it is also trying in the same way to use Turkey as a base in the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Balkans. But the economic, political and social crisis in Turkey is a big obstacle to realising these plans. Moreover, class and national conflicts persist, there is a people's movement whose existence shakes the confidence of imperialism and its fear of revolution is growing. Plans decided upon in Washington cannot be implemented through the National Security Council (MGK) and the Confederation of Entrepreneurs of Turkey (TUSIAD), the desired aims are not being achieved. The dissolution of the REFAHYOL government (coalition of the Islamic Refah Party and the Dogru Yol or True Path Party) and the institutions close to it by the MGK and TUSIAD, their direct and increasing influence over the government, and even the creation of a new government headed by Mesut Yilmaz - all these things do not resolve the problems. Yilmaz and his government are suffocating more and more through their powerlessness and helplessness. The MGK and TUSIAD took on the kind of role normally played by political parties in an effort to overcome crisis and carry out imperialism's directives. In short the oligarchy is losing more and more credibility, possesses less and less trust among the people, its institutions are ceasing to function and are rotting away. Developments show that the MGK and all the establishment parties are sharing the same fate in the face of the developing revolutionary struggle.The absence of a way out is the result of the system's inability to govern and the deepening crisis. USA: "It Is Not Your Job To Judge Susurluk" It is a year since the Susurluk accident [November 1996] and nothing has been done to explain it or to bring the guilty to judgement. It is a period during which the people have followed its shamelessness with astonishment. During the discussions on lifting the immunity of Mehmet Agar, who had been interior minister at the time, he openly warned the state's institutions and admitted that Susurluk closely reflected what was going on in the state. The lack of fear of the state apparatus clearly showed that anyone put on trial over the case will be acquitted. The chairman of the Washington public relations institution Makowsky which offers the American and Turkish armed forces ideas and advice in return for financial recompense, said the following to Turkish members of parliament from various parties travelling to the USA: "It is not your job to judge Susurluk, no party has such a role to play. This incident will run its course according to its own laws..." The facts speak for themselves! The people see these facts. Under the slogan "The people will demand a reckoning from the bands", one can see these facts as well as the demand for people's justice. The worries expressed by Yilmaz, "The system will collapse," the concern of the MGK that "The people will be driven towards radicalism", and the fearful exclamation by TUSIAD, "There will be a catastrophe", showed their more or less open anxieties and fears. Nonetheless, the MGK tried in the face of these developments to carry out the orders of US imperialism and to play the "democracy game" with new manoeuvres, for example with discussions about "Islamic law versus secularism", and in this way they tried to keep the people and opposition forces within the framework of the system. As part of this the system is seeking to open new channels for itself among that section of the left influenced by the MGK, the pro-MGK trade unions and the media. Revolutionaries must seek in every sphere to expose the plans of the MGK, which is trying to implement its fascist politics and overcome the crisis in the system and itself. These are the key conflicts of this period. In the immediate future the people's demands for justice, rights and freedom will grow louder and the MGK will try to prevent this by stepping up its attacks. Imperialism is commissioning the MGK and the TUSIAD with the task of building up a stronger Turkey. Day-to-day control by US imperialism over the implementation of the directives it issues is being realised through the delegations which travel to America every day. But it is worth noting that both these institutions lack the power to carry out the plans of imperialism. The peoples of Turkey are distancing themselves more and more from the MGK, TUSIAD and their institutions. In this situation, the only aim to be pointed out to the people, the only aim for which revolutionary energy must be centralised, the only aim of left forces and the people's forces is to use their strength to bring about people's power. Tactics and policies which do not contribute to this will directly or indirectly strengthen the MGK and stabilise imperialism. -- Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Parti-Cephesi Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) mailto:dhkc at ozgurluk.org http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Wed Mar 4 06:30:25 1998 From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 04 Mar 1998 06:30:25 Subject: AFP: 26 troops injured in attack on Istanbul police station Message-ID: ANKARA, Feb 27 (AFP) - Left-wing extremists using guns and grenades attacked an Istanbul police station Friday, injuring 26 troops, Turkish Interior Minister Murat Basesgioglu said. The attack occurred in the Gaziosmanpasa district on the city's European side in the morning. Security forces launched a search for the attackers, who witnesses said fled on foot, but there were no arrests. Basesgioglu told reporters here that the urban guerrilla group, the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party and Front (DHKP/C), claimed responsibility for the attack in phone calls to police. The minister said none of the injured was in critical condition, but that 10 were treated in military hospitals. The attackers opened fire first, drawing return fire from the gendarmerie. They then hurled two grenades which exploded and injured the 26 people, the witnesses said. This was the worst such attack in Istanbul in more than a year. The DHKP/C, previously known as Dev-Sol (Revolutionary Left), has killed scores of members of security forces, a few retired army generals and prosecutors and a former justice minister mainly in Istanbul since the late 1980s. However, following effective police operations three years ago, the group lost many of its militants who were either killed or captured. Before the interior minister's statement, security sources said they did not rule out the involvement of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), a separatist rebel group fighting for an independent Kurdish homeland in southeast Turkey since 1984. Its leader Abdullah Ocalan has repeatedly threatened to stage attacks outside its traditional battleground in the southeast. The PKK and the DHKP/C signed a protocol in January last year to stage joint attacks against military and police targets throughout Turkey. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Fri Mar 6 08:58:50 1998 From: english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (english at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 06 Mar 1998 08:58:50 Subject: omct: tur060398/arrest and torture/Turkey Message-ID: TUR 060398 The International Secretariat of OMCT requests your URGENT intervention in the following situation in Turkey. Brief description of the situation: The CETIM (Centre Europe-Tiers Monde), a member of the network, has expressed its grave concern about the detention of Mr Kemal Yildiz, lawyer at the bar association of Istanbul, member of the Association of Juristes Contemporains (CHD) and of the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD). According to the information received, Mr Kemal Yildiz was arrested on 21 February 1998 in Yozgat, while he was leaving the city after having visited his client in the local prison. He has been interrogated by the police although, according to the Turkish legislation, lawyers can only be heard by a prosecutor. He is allegedly suspected of being a liaison officer of an illegal organisation. He may be charged with article 169 of the penal code which provides for a sentence of 3 to 5 years imprisonment. According to another source of information, Mr Kemal Yildiz is currently being detained in Yozgat E-type prison. Action requested: Please write to the Turkish authorities urging them to : i. guarantee the physical and psychological integrity of Mr Kemal Yildiz; ii. order the immediate release of Mr Kemal Yildiz in the absence of valid charges or, if such charges exist, bring him before a competent and impartial tribunal and guarantee his procedural rights at all times; iii. ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with national laws and international standards. Addresses: President S=FCleyman Demirel, Office of the President, Cumhur Baskanligi, 06100 Ankara. Fax : + 90 312 427 13 30 Telegram : President Demirel, Ankara, Turkey. Prime Minister M. Yilmaz, office of the Prime Minister, Basbakanlik, 06573 Ankara, Turkey. Fax : + 90 312 417 0476 Mrs. Ismail Cem, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Disisleri Bakanligi 06100 Ankara Turkey. Fax : + 90 312 419 15 47 Mr. Olatan Sungurlu, Minister of Justice, Adalet Bakanligi, 06659, Ankara, Turkey. Fax: + 90 312 417 39 17 Mr. Basegioglu, Ministre de l'Int=E9rieur, Fax : + 90 312 419 16 64 Geneva, 6 March 1998 Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply. The World Organisation Against Torture Case Postale 119 37-39 Rue de Vermont CH1211 Geneva 20 CIC Switzerland Fax 4122 733 1051 Ph 4122 733 3140 OMCT is: l'Organisation Mondiale contre la Torture The World Organisation Against Torture OMCT at IPROLINK.CH http://www.omct.org/ OMCT - The World Organisation Against Torture is the Worlds largest network of human rights organisations fighting against all forms of torture, cruel inhuman or degrading treatment, forced disappearances summary execution or other more subtle forms of violent repression. OMCT has consultative status with the UN, The ILO and the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Sun Mar 8 15:40:58 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 08 Mar 1998 15:40:58 Subject: Int. Women's day/Turkey: Turk police teargas pro-Kurdish demonstrati Message-ID: Turk police teargas pro-Kurdish demonstration 10:13 a.m. Mar 08, 1998 Eastern ISTANBUL, March 8 (Reuters) - Police used batons and teargas on Sunday to disperse hundreds of people attending a Women's Day demonstration in Istanbul backed by Turkey's main Kurdish party. Large numbers of police and demonstrators were injured in the clash in the central Taksim square, Anatolian news agency said. Arrests were made, but it was not clear how many. ``This is an illegal demonstration,'' a police officer using a loud-hailer told the crowd of some 600 from behind lines of riot police and armoured cars. A helicopter hovered overhead. ``There are some provocateurs among you who are using Women's Day to start trouble with the police,'' he said. The demonstrators, many of them wearing the traditional Kurdish colours of red, green and yellow, threw sticks and stones when riot police charged and fired teargas canisters. The demonstrators dropped banners and flags supporting the People's Democratic Party (HADEP), Turkey's main Kurdish political group, and ran into side streets, pursued by police who began house-to-house searches in the lanes of the area. A crowd of demonstrators smashed car windows and threw stones at a nearby police station. ``Long live March 8,'' read one banner in Turkish and Kurdish. ``Stop torture in detention,'' said another in Turkish. Elsewhere in Istanbul, a larger meeting for Women's Day passed without incident. Police turned back a convoy of six buses carrying women from Ankara and Istanbul to a Women's Day march in Diyarbakir, capital city of the mainly-Kurdish southeast, at the border of Diyarbakir province, a security forces official told Reuters. A march in the city took place under close police watch and dispersed peacefully, witnesses said. A Turkish prosecutor last month charged seven senior HADEP members, including party leader Murat Bozlak, with having links to separatist Kurdish rebels. The seven face a maximum of 15 years in jail. Turkey refuses to grant minority rights to its approximately 10 million Kurds, drawing criticism from Western countries concerned by human rights abuses. Most complaints of rights abuses stem from a 13-year-old conflict between security forces and Kurdish rebels fighting for self-rule in the southeast. More than 27,000 have died. ^REUTERS@ List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From Press Wed Mar 11 02:14:30 1998 From: Press (Press) Date: 11 Mar 1998 02:14:30 Subject: Turkish Court Acquits Doctor Message-ID: Turkish Court Acquits Doctor Tuesday, March 10, 1998; 1:41 p.m. EST AYDIN, Turkey (AP) -- A Turkish court on Tuesday acquitted a doctor who blew the whistle on torture by military police. Dr. Eda Guven enraged local officials when she reported that detainees brought to her for treatment had been tortured. In retaliation, she was charged with abusing her position as a physician, punishable by up to three years in prison. The military police accused her of trying to undermine the authority of the state by accusing its officers of torturing six men detained for theft last November in a town west of Aydin. She was also accused of persuading the victims to file a complaint with prosecutors -- a charge the prosecutors have taken no action on yet. According to human rights groups, local authorities -- including the governor's office -- tried to pressure her into changing her report. When she refused, she was indicted. Members of the independent Turkish Human Rights Association went to Aydin to support Guven, but were harassed by police. ``Some of our friends were seriously assaulted,'' said Nazmi Gur, head of the group. Turkey is often criticized for human rights violations, including police torture. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From greenscreen at mailexcite.com Wed Mar 11 07:19:28 1998 From: greenscreen at mailexcite.com (greenscreen at mailexcite.com) Date: 11 Mar 1998 07:19:28 Subject: Action Alert: Journalists Detained in Turkey Message-ID: --- posted by: ============================== Umit Ozturk Green Screen News PO Box 10386 London E17 7RG, U.K. tel: +44-(0)956-656937 email: greenscreen at gn.apc.org ============================== Subject: Turkey action alert (journalists detained) Date: 03/10 5:49 PM From: IFEX Clearing House, alerts at ifex.org ACTION ALERT - TURKEY 10 March 1998 Journalists detained SOURCE: Reporters sans frontieres (RSF), Paris (RSF/IFEX) - According to RSF, on 8 March 1998, journalists Faruk Aktas and Bulent Acar of the daily Kurdish newspaper "Ulkede Gundem" were detained along with at least fifty other people at an International Women's Day demonstration in Taksim Square, Istanbul. Aktas and Acar were covering the event. The two journalists have been detained at the Security Services premises in Istanbul where a prosecutor advised police that the journalists are to be held for four days. They are to appear in a State Security court on 11 March 1998. RECOMMENDED ACTION: Send appeals to authorities: -demanding the immediate release of Faruk Aktas and Bulent Acar APPEALS TO: Oltan Sungurlu Miniser of Justice Ankara, Turkey Fax : +90 312 417 39 54 Please copy appeals to the source if possible. For further information, contact Alexandre Levy or Phillippe Guerrier at RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45 23 11 51, e-mail: rsf at rsf.fr, Internet: http://www.rsf.fr The information contained in this action alert is the sole responsibility of RSF. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit RSF. Free web-based email, Forever, From anywhere! http://www.mailexcite.com From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Wed Mar 11 08:20:25 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 11 Mar 1998 08:20:25 Subject: Turkish court acquits policemen charged with torturing children Message-ID: ISTANBUL, March 11 (AFP) - A Turkish court on Wednesday acquitted ten policemen charged with torturing a group of high school students, the Anatolia news agency reported. The criminal court in the western Turkish town of Manisa ruled unanimously that there was insufficient evidence for the accusations against the policemen. The case has become a symbol for human rights violations in Turkey. The Turkish Court of Appeals in January overturned the students' conviction for membership in an outlawed left-wing group. It cited a sloppy investigation. The students, aged 14 to 19 years at the time of their arrest in December 1995, had been sentenced to prison terms of up to twelve and a half years by a State Security Court following their arrest for allegedly writing leftist slogans on traffic signs and similar misdemeanours. They had argued in court that their confessions were extracted under torture, a claim that was supported by hospital records. A public outcry and pressure from human rights groups and the students' families triggered the trial of the policemen. But the trial dragged on for years, with the defendants failing to show up time after time. And in a surprising reversal in February the prosecutor dropped his original demand for prison sentences adding up to 700 years for the ten officers and asked for acquittal of several defendants and a total of 39 months in prison for the rest instead. The students' lawyer, Sabri Ergul, expressed outrage at the acquittal of the policemen. "The court's false decision will be overturned by the Court of Appeals," he said. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From Press Thu Mar 12 07:01:44 1998 From: Press (Press) Date: 12 Mar 1998 07:01:44 Subject: Turkish Court Convicts Journalist Message-ID: Turkish Court Convicts Journalist Thursday, March 5, 1998; 7:47 p.m. EST ISTANBUL, Turkey (AP) -- A court sentenced a journalist of a pro-Islamic newspaper to nearly two years in prison Thursday for an article criticizing Turkey's warming relations with Israel. The court ruled Aydin Koral's piece in the small newspaper, Selam, was a threat to national security. The judge also ordered the paper to shut down for two weeks. Growing ties between Turkey and Israel, underscored during a joint naval exercise with the United States in January, drew criticism from the Arab world. Koral's article said such ties could lead to danger, the Anatolia news agency reported. Earlier this year, the Constitutional Court -- urged by of the staunchly secular military -- disbanded the Islamic Welfare Party and temporarily banned some of its leaders from politics. Several pro-Kurdish or leftist journalists have also been locked up. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 12 07:07:43 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 12 Mar 1998 07:07:43 Subject: Gunmen open fire on Turkish police, injure office Message-ID: ANKARA, March 11 (AFP) - Suspected leftist militants opened fire on a police patrol team in Istanbul on Wednesday night, injuring an officer, the Anatolia news agency reported. The attack took place in Gazi district on Istanbul's European side on the eve of the anniversary of bloody clashes there between the police and left-wing protesters, which left more than 15 dead three years ago. The assailants fled after Wednesday's attack and police teams launched an operation to capture them, Anatolia said. Police sources said the outlawed Revolutionary People's Liberation Party and Front (DHKP/C) could be behind the attack. Gazi is one of Istanbul's poorer districts where many DHKP/C supporters live, according to the sources. The group has killed dozens of policemen, a few prosecutors and retired army generals and a former justice minister since the late 1980s. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 12 12:33:29 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 12 Mar 1998 12:33:29 Subject: Turkish court to give verdict in killed journalist's case next week Message-ID: ANKARA, March 12 (AFP) - A Turkish court handling the case of a journalist who died in police custody announced Thursday it would give its verdict next week on 48 policemen accused of murdering him or taking part in the killing. Metin Goktepe, a 27-year-old journalist for the left-leaning Evrensel newspaper, which is no longer published, was allegedly beaten to death by a group of police officers after his arrest on January 8, 1996 in Istanbul. The trial, which began in October 1996, reconvened Thursday in the western town of Afyon and chief judge Mustafa Birisik announced that he would hand down the verdict next Thursday, the Anatolia news agency said. Five of the police officers, who have been in prison since last July, are accused of premeditated murder and face up to 16 years in prison if found guilty. The remaining 43 policemen are charged with second-degree murder or tolerating the journalist's beating, and face shorter prison terms. In Thursday's hearing, the judge rejected an appeal by lawyers of the suspects for the release of the five policemen in jail. At the time Goktepe was arrested, he was covering the funeral of two inmates killed when security forces put down a riot in an Istanbul jail. His death caused public outrage in Turkey and raised criticism over reported police brutality. On the orders of the justice ministry, the trial is being held in Afyon, rather than Istanbul, "for security reasons." -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 12 18:44:30 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 12 Mar 1998 18:44:30 Subject: 10,000 march in Istanbul to commemorate the Gazi Uprising Message-ID: ISTANBUL, March 12 (AFP) - Ten thousand people marched in Istanbul's impoverished Gazi district on Thursday to commemorate the anniversary of bloody clashes there between police and left-wing protesters. Security forces put up checkpoints around the district as marchers streamed in from surrounding quarters, the Anatolia news agency reported. Shops along the demonstration route closed their shutters. Unknown gunmen killed three people in a cafe frequented by the Alevi religious minority in the Gazi district in March 1995, triggering violent demonstrations in the district that lasted for days and left 15 dead. On the eve of this year's anniversary, suspected leftist militants opened fire on a police patrol in Istanbul on Wednesday night, injuring an officer. Meanwhile in Ankara, a dozen people were slightly injured in a demonstration of right-wing civil servants supporting a governmental bill that would allow state employees to join trade unions but would not grant them the right to strike. Some 300 demonstrators protested before the headquarters of People's Republican Party (CHP), who has refused to support the government's proposal. CHP party militants threw stones at the demonstrators and at the police and slightly injured a dozen people. A CHP leader Adnan Keskin, accused the police of molesting him during the protest and demanded the opening of an investigation on Thursday's incidents. Keskin said his party supported the right to strike for civil servants and would do all in its power for the bill to be modified. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 12 18:59:57 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 12 Mar 1998 18:59:57 Subject: Turkish court convicts two Kurdish ex-MPs Message-ID: ANKARA, March 12 (AFP) - A Turkish state security court here on Thursday sentenced two Kurdish ex-deputies to suspended prison terms of less than a year on charges of separatist propaganda. Mehmet Emin Sever was sentenced to 11 months and 20 days and Muzaffer Demir to 10 months for public statements in support of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), court officials announced. The court suspended the sentences, and under Turkish law offenders whose sentences are suspended do not go to jail unless they commit another crime. Sever and Demir were members of the pro-Kurdish Democracy Party, which was dissolved by the Constitutional Court in 1994 for cooperation with the PKK. Four other ex-MPs from the Democracy Party are currently serving 15-year jail terms on charges of collaborating with the PKK. They include Leyla Zana, who was awarded the European Parliament's Sakharov prize for freedom of thought in 1995. More than 29,000 people have been killed in PKK-related violence in southeastern Turkey since 1984 when the rebels launched an armed campaign for a Kurdish homeland. In addition to the Democracy Party, the Constitutional Court, Turkey's highest judicial body, has dissolved two other pro-Kurdish parties on charges of links with the PKK. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Fri Mar 13 17:59:41 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 13 Mar 1998 17:59:41 Subject: US to give $38 million to 'Iraqi opposition' Message-ID: US to give $38 million to 'Iraqi opposition' US State Dept. ponders 'Radio Free Iraq' Six Iraqi 'refugees' will be deported from US UGUR AKINCI Washington -- Turkish Daily News / March 13, 1998 Washington has taken one more step towards building an alternative to the current regime in Baghdad by adding $38 million to the U.S. State Department's 1998-99 fiscal year budget. The funds approved by the U.S. Senate will go towards supporting such "Iraqi opposition" groups as the Iraqi National Congress and opposition figures like Ahmad Chalabi, who testified before a Congressional committee last week. The details of the $38 million increase are as follows: $10 million for "political assistance to democratic opposition in Iraq," $5 million for "Radio Free Iraq," broadcasting anti-Saddam propaganda to Iraqis, $3 million to set up an "international war crimes tribunal" to try Hussein as a war criminal and $20 million to provide "humanitarian relief efforts" in northern Iraq. These suggestions were put forward by Ahmad Chalabi during his Congressional testimony last week and supported by former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director James Woolsey, who also testified. The CIA's northern Iraq operation collapsed along with the CIA-supported Iraqi National Congress (INC), when Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard divisions and the Kurdish Democratic Party forces of Massoud Barzani pushed their way into the north in September 1996 and captured the city of Arbil from Jalal Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. State Department U.S. State Department spokesman Jamie Rubin made it clear on Wednesday that he liked the idea of setting up a Radio Free Iraq and a war crimes tribunal. But when it came to the touchy issue of providing arms to the opposition, Rubin proved reluctant to elaborate. "We have worked with the Iraqi opposition in the past and we are actively considering ways to do so more effectively in the future. The Senate, as you know, has put forward some ideas. Some of those are very interesting to us and we are carefully reviewing them. For example, Radio Free Iraq is an interesting idea that we are examining," Rubin said. "With regard to war crimes, we have supported the calls for an investigation into the Iraqi regime's war crimes, crimes against humanity and possible genocide. In short, there are a lot of ideas out there," he added. When asked if the Clinton administration supports providing arms to the Iraqi opposition, Rubin said: "The question of how we would implement any decision to more effectively support the opposition is something that is under discussion. I wouldn't be in a position to describe what tactics we might pursue." Six will be deported A California court yesterday ruled for the deportation of six Iraqis who arrived in the United States via Guam, along with a group of Iraqi Kurds who escaped Saddam Hussein in September 1996, through Turkey. "It's a very complex issue," Rubin said, providing the following explanation: "After Saddam Hussein brutally struck northern Iraq in September 1996, a large number of Iraqis, most of whom had close connections to the United States, sought our protection. With the help of the government of Turkey, the United States Government evacuated over 6,500 Iraqis, mostly Kurds, from Iraq to Guam and then to the United States. These were primarily Iraqis associated with humanitarian programs in northern Iraq. This was an honorable and humanitarian effort to protect Iraqis who would otherwise have been harmed by Saddam's troops. We were aware at the time that Saddam had many infiltrators in northern Iraq and to the extent we could, we would quickly review the backgrounds of these individuals prior to the evacuation. But because of the urgent circumstances surrounding the evacuation, we deferred complete background checks. Once the individuals arrived in Guam, further background investigations were completed and 25 individuals were identified as persons we believe pose a threat to our national security. The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) placed these individuals into exclusion proceedings on the grounds that they could pose a threat to the national security. They were brought to California for hearings before immigration judges. These cases are in various stages of the immigration process. "Yesterday, a judge found that six of these individuals were ineligible for immigration relief based on classified information developed by the U.S. government indicating that these individuals posed a danger to our national security. No final decisions have been made about what the U.S. government will do if the exclusion orders in these cases become final," Rubin concluded. Copyright 1998. Reprinted with permission. ----------------------------------- Senators Urge Undermining of Saddam Republicans Propose $38 Million for Foes of Iraqi Leader By Walter Pincus Washington Post Staff Writer Wednesday, March 11, 1998; Page A06 A group of Republican senators headed by Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.) has added a $38 million package of programs for opponents of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein to the State Department authorization bill, hoping to change the Clinton administration's policy from containment of the Iraqi leader to actively promoting his removal. The plan, which emerged from a working group of GOP senators, has been attached to the stalled conference report on the fiscal 1998-99 State Department measure, which Republican sources say is expected to be taken up later this week in the House. The plan was first reported in the Washington Times. Many of the steps were first proposed by a group of former Reagan and Bush national security officials. However, the group's most controversial ideas -- giving diplomatic recognition to an Iraqi provisional government and providing it weapons and U.S. military air cover -- are not part of the GOP legislators' initial proposal. "This is only a first step toward the longer-term plan of ousting Saddam Hussein," one Republican source said yesterday. The State Department authorization bill has been tied up in Congress over controversial amendments since last session. One Republican source said the Iraq proposals could get attached to another piece of legislation as well. He called the State Department authorization "the first train at the station, and if it fails, the package will be added to the next one that comes along." On the other hand, this source said, attaching it to the State Department bill "will give us a chance to debate it and get the public to support it." Included in the Iraq package are: $20 million in humanitarian aid for those areas in northern and southern Iraq where the Baghdad regime does not exercise control. The aid would go to areas in the north where Kurdish groups at one time received $40 million that was distributed by the Agency for International Development and the Pentagon. Some of it would also go to areas in the south, where Iran has in the past provided support. $10 million in political support to the democratic opposition to Saddam Hussein. Some of it would be used to revive cooperation agreements among disparate opposition groups, such as the Kurds, who split apart two years ago. Another portion would go for leadership training of these groups. In their report, the conferees do not identify a specific group under which the Iraqi democratic elements should unite, but they note that "disparate Kurdish, Shiite, and Sunni groups have in the past been willing to set aside their differences and unite under the umbrella of the Iraqi National Congress." $5 million to be used to establish a Radio Free Iraq that would broadcast in Arabic from a U.S. government-owned facility in Kuwait. The funds would go as a grant to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the Prague-based broadcasting agency that is being phased out with the end of the Cold War. $3 million to fund an effort to get the United Nations to approve an international criminal tribunal for "indicting, prosecuting and punishing Saddam Hussein and other Iraqi officials responsible for crimes against humanity." Noting that bringing Saddam Hussein to justice for war crimes has been a stated goal of the Clinton administration since 1993, the proponents see the legislation as pushing the State Department into trying to persuade the U.N. Security Council to approve such a tribunal. "Some of these ideas are good and interesting," an administration spokesman said yesterday. He pointed out that Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright had told Congress earlier this year of her support for Radio Free Iraq and working with the Iraqi opposition in the future as the administration had done with mixed results in the past. The administration would rather have the Iraqi government pay for humanitarian aid to the people in the north and south, using proceeds from an increase the U.N. Iraq oil sales program that pays for food and medicine to those areas. "We should be spending taxpayer money on programs that can't be provided by other means," this official said. ----------------------------------------------- Senate Swinging Behind Struggle to Liberate Iraq Forward, p. 1 By Seth Gitell Washington?Political momentum for American recognition of the Iraqi National Congress as the provisional government of Iraq is surging following the testimony before Congress this week of the leader of the group, which opposes Saddam Hussein. Senator Brownback, a Republican from Kansas, left Monday's hearing of the Near East Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing telling the Forward that he intended to "push a number of the proposals" made by INC leader Ahmad Chalabi. "The easier ones I think we can do," said Mr. Brownback, the subcommittee's chairman. Meanwhile, a State Department spokesman, James Rubin, said the State Department was "exploring . . . steps to work more effectively with an Iraqi opposition." Advocates for the free, democratic Iraqi opposition see the next few weeks as a crucial time in their effort to oust Saddam from power in the area between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. For the first time, a group of senators?spearheaded by Mr. Brownback, by Arizona's John McCain and by the majority leader Trent Lott of Mississsippi?are suggesting that the best way to eliminate Saddam's ability to produce weapons of mass destruction is to replace him with a democratic government. The Senate was scheduled to vote on Thursday on a resolution to indict Saddam as a war criminal. And Mr. Chalabi is meeting with Pentagon officials this week. "Now that Saddam again threatens not only the Iraqi people, but the region and the world, the Iraqi people ask you to give us the tools and let us finish the job," Mr. Chalabi told a packed hearing room in the Dirksen Senate Office Building. "All we ask is a chance to free ourselves. We look to the United States to give us that chance." To that end, Mr. Chalabi asked America to establish no-fly, no-drive areas in the north and south of Iraq, from which an INC provisional government could operate without being attacked by Saddam's tanks or helicopters. Mr. Chalabi proposed that oil sales from the liberated areas pay for arms and supplies needed to carry forward the war against Saddam. One of the most vocal advocates of the INC option, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, Richard Perle, said the Clinton administration was considering working with the group once again. It was on American assurances that the INC launched a previous effort against Saddam that ended with 400 Russian T-72 tanks rolling in to crush the rebellion. "They [in the Clinton-Gore administration] face the prospect of having to go into the next election with a monumental failure to defend, and they are actively looking at alternatives," Mr. Perle said. That Chalabi was the star witness of the hearing, Mr. Perle said, "is significant progress and represents a recognition that the current policy cannot succeed." Mr. Perle played his own role in pushing for the policy shift. In late January, he and other foreign policy experts penned a letter about Iraq under the auspices of the Project for the New American Century. That caught the eye of Mr. Lott. Then, in mid-February, Mr. Perle flew with Senator Lieberman, Mr. McCain and others to attend the Wehrkunde Security Conference at Munich. He used the plane ride and the conference to buttonhole the senators about the INC. A former director of central intelligence, James Woolsey, has been another vocal proponent of helping the INC depose Saddam. "It would be wise to recognize a government in exile," Mr. Woolsey said, testifying at the hearing. "The INC seems to be the best option." During the hearing, Senator Robb, a Democrat from Virginia, asked Mr. Chalabi about what "assurances at the highest level" his group received from the American government. "Did you mean the president?" Mr. Robb asked. "No," Mr. Chalabi replied. "The vice-president did so in a letter dated August 1993." Mr. Chalabi turned a copy of the letter in to the committee after the hearing. Mr. Robb also asked Mr. Chalabi about the details of a bank Mr. Chalabi ran in Jordan, a venture that ended when Saddam's Jordanian allies forced Mr. Chalabi from the bank in 1989. An opponent of the INC, Brookings Institute analyst Richard Haass, also testified at the hearing. He warned that ousting Saddam could lead to a region-wide war, with Syria, iran and Turkey all vying for pieces of Iraq. He added that emboldened Kurds could intensify a war against Turkey in an effort to establish an independent Kurdistan. Mr. Haass made two counterproposals he said could help deter Saddam, which amounted to getting tougher on Israel and easier on Iran. "We need a more energetic policy with regard to the peace process," he said. There is linkage here and we need to think of a more nuanced policy with regard to Iran." -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Fri Mar 13 21:45:16 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 13 Mar 1998 21:45:16 Subject: 7.5 million living on the edge of starvation in Turkey - And more Message-ID: 14 March,1998, Copyright ? Turkish Daily News 7.5 million living on the edge of starvation in Turkey * In a statement issued on the occasion of World Consumer Rights Day, Turk-Is demanded the formation of a just policy on national income distribution, the registering of the unregistered economy and tax exemption for minimum wage earners _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News The Turkish Confederation of Labor Unions (Turk-Is) has announced that, with poverty increasing rapidly throughout the world, there are 7.5 million people in Turkey living on the edge of starvation. A written statement issued by Turk-Is on March 15, on the occasion of World Consumer Rights Day, asserted that in Turkey, the net minimum wage of TL 24,518,000 would only meet 14.6 percent of the compulsory spending for February 1998 necessary to remain above the poverty level. The statement continued: "Three and a half million people in Turkey have to live on minimum wages. Four million are unemployed. That makes up seven and a half million people living on the edge of starvation, let alone poverty. When a family of four is considered, every family with an income below TL 168,518 for the month of February are in a sense within the bounds of poverty. All this is the outcome of an inequality in income distribution. Putting it simply, whereas one thirds of the national income is shared by three million people, the remaining two thirds is shared by 60 million, in an unjust way." Turk-Is demanded in their statement the formation of a just policy on national income distribution, the registering of the unregistered economy and tax exemption for minimum wage earners. _________________________________________________________________ Civil servants try to persuade government about rights * Minister Kara, mentioning that the International Labor Organization contract Turkey had signed did not include the rights to bargain collectively and strike, said that the ILO conditions only refer to the right to unionize _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News State Minister Burhan Kara said that the government will give civil servants the right to unionization with the civil servant unions' bill which is currently being debated in Parliament, and that this was an important step. Confederation of Civil Servants' Unions (Memur-Sen) Chairman Akif Inan and the executive board members, visiting Kara in his office on Friday, expressed their opinion about the bill. Inan claimed that the government had not asked their opinion in the preparatory stages of the bill. Inan, noting that the bill would have meaning only if the right to bargain collectively and strike were included in the text, stated that the government should act as a vanguard to amend the relevant articles of the Constitution to include these rights. Meanwhile, minister Kara claimed that the social groups' opinions had been sought during the bill's preparation. Kara, mentioning that the International Labor Organization (ILO) contracts that Turkey had signed did not include the right of collective bargaining and striking, said that the ILO conditions only referred to the unionization right, the Anatolia news agency reported. Kara also mentioned that the Confederation of Turkish Labor Unions (Turk-Is) had asked them to reimburse money that workers lost after a collective bargaining process during the Welfare Party (RP)-True Path Party (DYP) coalition period. Kara, stating that the workers had not suffered any losses during the current government's time in power, added that the necessary preparations for paying this money back had not yet been finalized. On the other hand, Ankara Chamber of Commerce (ATO) Chairman Sinan Aydin Aygun claimed that the recent demonstrations and meetings which were especially serious in Ankara had adversely affected commercial activity. Aygun stated that the ATO would file a compensation suit against the unions which had attended the Kizilay demonstrations. Aygun, while visiting Ankara Governor Erdogan Sahinoglu in his office on Friday, expressed the sentiment that the ATO supported civil servants' rights, but that the demonstrations should take place away from commercial centers. "There are more than 10,000 shops in Kizilay. During demonstrations, citizens cannot go shopping. Shopkeepers' financial losses have reached large proportions. The governor mentioned that the demonstrations would be held in the Etlik and Tandogan districts of Ankara from now on, instead of Kizilay Square. We will file a compensation suit against those who continue to stage demonstrations in Kizilay," Aygun added. _________________________________________________________________ 300 from Bergama solicit support in Ankara _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News More than 300 people from Bergama including Mayor Sefa Taskin, who launched a suit against government officials because court decisions concerning gold mining were not implemented, arrived in Ankara to attend a court hearing and to garner public support. But they could not attend the meeting due to a train delay. The suit targets Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz, Environment Minister Imren Aykut, Energy and Natural Resources Minister Cumhur Ersumer, Health Minister Halil Ibrahim Ozsoy, Public Works and Housing Minister Yasar Topcu, Izmir Governor Erol Cakir and former Environment Ministry undersecretary, Zeynep Arat. The group visited the Middle East Technical University (METU) campus to solicit support from academicians on Thursday, the Anatolia news agency reported. They provided information about their struggle against gold mining with cyanide and Eurogold to members of the METU Environment Club. The head of the METU Teachers Association, Professor Ali Gokmen, said they would give them their full support. _________________________________________________________________ Media bosses get their wishes * Parliamentary Constitution Commission approves the removal of the antimonopolist regulations in the Radio-Television Law _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - TDN Parliament Bureau On Friday, the Parliamentary Constitution Commission approved a government draft removing the regulations in the Radio-Television Law that ban monopolization. The government has been planning to amend the Radio-Television Law per a request made by media bosses. "The same company can operate no more than one radio station and one television channel," reads the current law. The Constitution Commission's approval of removing the antimonopolist regulations will open the way for media bosses to own and operate multiple radio and television stations. The government's proposal will now allow for family businesses, as it will lift another regulation that bars even the distant relatives [three times removed] of a media boss from establishing radio and television companies. The amendment also nullifies a regulation that limits a person from owning more than 20 percent of the shares in a media organization. But it also changes the context, saying that a person will not be allowed to own shares -- at the same time -- in two or more media organizations whose rating exceed 20 percent. That change will apparently help media bosses form a monopoly of radio and television company ownership. The most important antimonopoly regulation, the one that bans those owning more than 10 percent of the shares in a media organization from taking part in government tenders, has also been annulled. This amendment was the biggest barrier to media bosses in taking part in government tenders such as in the area of energy generation and distribution. The government, even before antimonopoly regulations were abolished, announced the allocation of energy tenders -- mostly those in the Istanbul area -- to media bosses. A similar amendment removes the ban against media bosses buying and selling shares on the stock market. The commission action will also give radio and television station operators the option of owning an unlimited number of newspapers as well. The government proposal to remove antimonopoly regulations in the Radio-Television Law has been discussed by the commission for four months. Initially, the two leftist parties in Parliament, the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Democratic Leftist Party (DSP), at first displayed opposition to the law. However, a "u-turn" by CHP deputy Seyfi Oktay in a lower commission paved the way for approval of the amendment. It is expected that the new amendment, approved by the Constitution Commission, will also pass Parliament by June, because the Higher Board of Radio and Television (RTUK) will complete the frequency allocation tender on July 2. If the latest amendment proposal supported by the media bosses is not approved before July, they will not be allowed to take part in the frequency allocation tender to the benefit of their television channels. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Sat Mar 14 08:15:36 1998 From: tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (tabe at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 14 Mar 1998 08:15:36 Subject: Mainstream news on Turkey Message-ID: TDN: 14 March 1998 MIT is in contact with CIA and MOSSAD Ankara - TDN Parliament Bureau National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Undersecretary Senkal Atasagun, noting that different intelligence organizations could interact with each other and share information on some issues, added that MIT sometimes has contact with the CIA and MOSSAD. In an answer to Virtue Party (FP) deputy Zeki Unal's written question which he addressed to Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz in order to learn whether claims that the MIT was in contact with the CIA and MOSSAD were true, Atasagun provided a written declaration by State Minister Yucel Seckiner on behalf of Mesut Yilmaz. "The fact that intelligence organizations share information when needed is a known reality. The MIT interacts with these organizations with the permission of the relevant state offices," the statement said. --- US lawyers' group lambastes release of cops in Manisa case * 'Such impunity will only fuel a continuation of human rights abuses' Washington -- Turkish Daily News Turkey is shooting itself in the foot by acquitting ten police officers accused of torturing teenagers in Manisa in early 1996, said the U.S. Lawyers Committee for Human Rights (LCHR) on Thursday. "The acquittal of the officers accused in this case, which has provoked outrage in Turkey, is a blow to the Turkish government's claims that it is engaged in a serious effort to improve its human rights performance," said an LCHR statement. "Positive words from Turkish government leaders must be reflected in real improvements in human rights practices. The acquittal of the police officers casts doubts on whether those responsible for gross human rights violations will be held accountable by the Turkish legal system," said LCHR Senior Program Coordinator Neil Hicks. "Such impunity will only fuel a continuation of human rights abuses." Praise and criticism The LCHR praised Prime Minister Yilmaz and State Minister Turk for instituting the Human Rights Coordination Board, which put together "a wide-ranging program of human rights promotion and concrete proposals for legislative reform." Then came the criticism: "So far, we have received mixed signals about whether reform is being achieved in practice." The LCHR said they were in particular following the cases of the "prosecution of alleged killers of Metin Goktepe, a journalist beaten to death while in police detention in Istanbul, in January 1996," and "the prosecution of more than 60 members of the security forces accused in the killing of 10 prisoners in Diyarbakir prison." -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Sat Mar 14 08:15:39 1998 From: dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 14 Mar 1998 08:15:39 Subject: Turkey: The National Security Council, the Struggle and the People's Message-ID: Translated from Devrimci Sol The National Security Council, the Struggle and the People's Organisations Dursun Karatas In just about every sphere, whether of ideology, politics or the economy, the policies of both the government and the opposition are determined and set in motion by the National Security Council (MGK). According to its very recent statement, the decisions of February 28 (1997) and the policies that flowed from it were not simply directed against the then REFAHYOL government (a coalition of the Islamist Refah or Welfare Party and the rightist Dogru Yol or True Path Party). The MGK took the decisions of February 28 to try and secure once more the future of the regime, which had become dangerously unstable and was becoming imperilled, and to rescue it from the developments that were threatening it. It is clear that for those who have no answer to the economic and social questions that concern the popular masses, it is not possible to resolve the contradictions among the masses and secure stability, either with violent interventions or with "reform" or "stability packages". We have already pointed to the various reasons why the open intervention by the National Security Council in politics and directing bourgeois governments with its own hands could not bring stability but simply caused more instability. The MGK, just like the bourgeois parties, has no answers and is simply wearing itself out. We can say that the MGK is living through just such a phase right now. The decisions of the MGK in general do not harmonise completely with the interests of the bourgeois parties. Of course they are all united in wanting to continue the war against the people and secure the regime's continued existence. However, even if it is only for appearances, the bourgeois parties must continue to play the democracy game and in elections make bids to realise their electoral potential, and do this by seeming to answer the masses and heed their demands. Although the government of Mesut Yilmaz was founded as a government of the MGK, as a way of pushig aside the Refah Party and whitewashing the Susurluk state (the MGK, in fact), one cannot say that there is harmony between the MGK and the Motherland (ANAP) party of Yilmaz. Until the elections, the MGK and ANAP were united on the need to drive out Refah. But as this policy carried on, the ANAP began to worry about its own image among the masses and for electoral reasons started to make different noises from those made by the MGK. It is hard to predict how far those differences will deepen. But from what one can see of the Education Ministry's, or more precisely the MGK's Clothing Ordinance (ban on the wearing of Islamic headgear, veils and turbans inside official buildings and schools), the government is not able to implement the will of the MGK to a sufficient degree to guarantee stability. The government's retreat over the Clothing Ordinance has proved this. The same also goes for revelations about Susurluk and the even if only partial paralysis arising from the people's reaction.The parties taking part in the Mesut Yilmaz government, and the CHP (a social democratic party) which is supporting the coalition from the outside, have always been parties of the oligarchy and in virtually all cases, whether in government or in opposition, have been responsible for or have supported the measures taken by the Susurluk state. For this reason none of these parties of the oligarchy can admit that the state is Susurluk or wish that the full extent of the crimes against the people can come to light. But whether or not they want it to, Susurliuk has managed to come to light. The point on which the MGK and the bourgeois parties are united is on the need for themselves and thus the state to be washed clean of Susurluk and be able to seek support among the masses by wearing a new face. While the revolutionary struggle is growing, while the the popular masses are coming out onto the streets for their rights and freedom under conditions in which the government cannot resolve their problems, the ruling strata are not able to carry out their plans the way the desire. The contradictions in the government, the opposition and all state institutions are growing dramatically. Egoism and dishonour are escalating to unbelievable proportions and nobody trusts anyone else, and the outstanding talent on show is displayed by those who know best how to enrich themselves under prevailing conditions. While the people, the progressives, democrats and patriots are demanding a reckoning for Susurluk, the MGK tries to remove a few names and a few clapped-out policemen from office and hopes in this way to whitewash itself. While the bourgeois parties on the one hand want to be washed clean, on the other hand they want to present the reality of Susurluk, which cannot be hidden any more, as being solved. Despite all the desperate efforts of the MGK, it is less and less possible to keep the participation of the army in Susurluk a secret. At this stage the bourgeois parties believe that some people in the military will have to be sacrificed so the Susurluk file can be closed. But the MGK, in the awareness that it is itself the state, cannot permit this. This contradiction will sharpen the contradictions between the bourgeois parties, those who want to liquidate the MGK and the MGK itself. The MGK sees securing stability as lying in liquidating or taming the revolutionary movement, the Kurdish national movement and the Islamists. To liquidate, they are not able to resort to a junta like in the past, so they are going through a phase of disorder accompanied by various sideswipes. Although the MGK could draw various groups onto its side like the reformists, the "trade unions" and the "followers of Atat?rk", proclaim the decisions of February 28 and bring its own government to power, it could not guarantee stability. On the contrary, the contradictions have deepened, and opposition forces have been whipped up. The prestige of the bourgeois parties is under the control and direction of the MGK and in the eyes of the popular masses has been destroyed to a large extent. The reformist left has politics which parallel those of the MGK, and in its role in the setting up of the MGK government, it became an instrument that craved the stability of the state. Its characteristics, which are those generally to be found inside legal left parties, are an eagerness not to come into conflict with the MGK and its governments and at every step it tries not to elicit protests from that quarter. In response, the MGK is careful not to touch the reformists while it turns its full strength against the revolutionary movement and tries various provocations. The way of life and politics of the Refah Party and the Islamic orders were constantly integrated into the system: like the two-headed Roman god Janus, they longed for Sharia or an Islamic government without struggling against the present state. The state supported them and called for their aid every time the revolutionary struggle developed. But when a certain level of instability was reached, the state assumed that those who wanted Sharia could exploit the instability and seize power and was afraid. Their fear was increased by the rising support for Refah in opinion polls. Disciplining a government which longs for Sharia is difficult for the MGK, which is not even all that keen on a government headed by Mesut Yilmaz. So the artificial danger of a Sharia was whipped up and Refah was driven out and plans made for new elections, under the control of the MGK, using parties with a stronger mass basis so as to secure a stronger government. The MGK, the Islamists and all bourgeois parties want to secure stability without giving up the democracy game. When the bourgeois parties can no longer maintain the democracy game the MGK takes over this task. The Islamic circles involved in this game have discovered from the constant MGK pressure that it is not sufficient to obey the laws, to act in harmony with the state and keep facing two ways like Janus to be able to continue in existence. The MGK wants a Refah Party it thinks harmless, with its sharp edges filed down. It took on the Islamic circles by means of armoured vehicles, court action and finally banning the Refah Party. This situation led to resistance, albeit passive, from Islamic circles against the repression directed at them, and their different composition, the differences between the leaders and the grassroots and fear and lack of confidence mixed with defiance. So many contradictions could put an end to this resistance at any moment, and the state can end this development by reaching an agreement, if it sees things ar e becoming dangerous. The Islamic circles in our land have no consciousness of the struggle for rights and freedom, they are in no way democrats. They think purely in their own terms. It is their traditional role to be on good terms with the state and be two-faced. But the revolutionaries cannot take this as their basis and not take account of new developments. The Islamists want to reach an understanding with the state and its allies and move within the rules of the game but their contradictions with the state at present have come into the open, even if only temporarily. We are in a situation where we must not forget the traditional role of the Islamist circles but must be prepared to act on the basis of the present contradictions. We must deepen the contradictions between the government and the opposition and take this as our basis. The phase the Islamists have experienced should teach them under all circumstances about consciousness and the struggle for rights. Our problem is not about winning over the leadership of Refah and the Islamic orders. Our first task is to reach the masses of people who saw the hopes for their liberation in what was said by the leaders of the Islamic orders and who were for decades used by the state, whipped up against the revolutionaries and left in ignorance of what the revolutionaries really were. Secondly, we must deepen their contradictions with the state and bring them into the opposition front in its broadest form. Thirdly, we must see to it that their organisational links with the fascist organisations like the MHP are destroyed and they can become active in fields which put them beyond the reach of fascist ideology. Doubtless success in all this depends on many factors but we must become active from this perspective. A discussion like "You are defending the Sharia, you are against secularism" is not a discussion for revolutionaries but one for the MGK and circles which seek harmony with the MGK. This is not where the dividing line runs, but rather the dividing line between on the one hand the oligarchy and the MGK which justifies and implements its policies, and on the other hand the people. At this point revolutionaries take as their basis broadening the fight against fascism. This is quite apart from the fact that the identity of revolutionaries as opponents of Sharia and opponents of any kind of MGK politics is quite clear. Some act as though they have made a great discovery be mentioning Khomeini as an example. Correct, every class and its organisation alters its role in the course of the struggle if it finds it is making no new gains and is using wrong tactics. Various clashes arise. For this, one does not need to go all the way to the Sharia. The situation is actually one concerning the left-wing front. If because of this fear, the front against fascism is not broadened, and some opposition forces are consciously left to fascism, then if this is not the result of insufficient confidence in oneself, it is the result of other calculations. Revolutionaries must not look at the situation as one of secularism versus Sharia, because this is the perspective of the MGK: the revolutionary perspective should be one of destroying the MGK and broadening the unity of the people's forces and developing the struggle. In the headscarves clash and in its pressure directed against youth in general, it was actually the support of the revolutionaries and their participation in actions which frustrated the games of the oligarchy, which put a barrier in the way of its decisions and policies and made it retreat. For a long time the MGK has coopted quite a few left groups indirectly or directly, and it is bringing up Sharia as a way of making such circles think it is legitimate; it is assessing these left groups as its own reserve force. We have frustrated this game and shown that the left in Turkey are not the "Unarmed force" of the MGK. In this matter the borders have been drawn very clearly. For this reason the broadest masses in Turkey have been made aware again that, whoever resists repression will find support from the revolutionaries, that the revolutionaries are the actual vanguard and upholder of resistance against fascism, the vanguard of the struggle for an independent and democratic land. The MGK will defend the current regime against all circles it sees as a threat to stability and a danger to itself, it will continue to try to get into the EU, and build governments out of bourgeois parties, while all forces which wish to make changes can be liquidated. On the other side of its wish list is the desire to render the Kurdish national movement harmless, with the Kurdish question swept off the table by granting a few cultural rights. The MGK wants to localise the problem and parallel to that seeks to open the way to some developments. While the MGK is thinking of solving the Kurdish question in this way, in the existence of the revolutionary movement and the continuation of the struggle it sees a greater danger. So it is making a comprehensive attack on the revolutionary movement. The greatest fear of the rulers is an organisation which defends the unity of all oppressed peoples and aims directly at taking power and wages its struggle with this in mind. Because this basis, this behaviour will render empty the chauvinistic and provocative policies of the oligarchy while reinforcing the people's unity. Dead ends, and the results of a struggle which in a land with many nations has tried to reduce everything to the national demands of one people have become clear and visible to all. Assertions that were arrogantly defended have been shown to be worthless. Lately it has become clear that without consolidating the united struggles of the peoples, without revolution in Turkey, the liberation of no people can be achieved. If there are still those who deny this reality, they will sooner or later have to confess to their error. So all views such as appeals for peace or trying to link the struggle to peace are condemned to damnation and annihilation in the light of the reality of fascism. Whoever feels that the manoeuvres of imperialism are a source of promise at this point or who sees imperialist attacks as promising the birth of a Kurdish state is suffering from a figment of the imagination. The imperialists will never of their own accord have a state founded which secures the freedom of the Kurdish people. They will simply make use of various Kurdish nationalist organisations for their interests. Certainly it is necessary to analyse the contradictions among the imperialists, but this can never be the basis of our own policy. The basis is the unity of the peoples, the struggle and the smashing of the existing power structure. Whoever suggests to the MGK, "Solve the problems of the Kurdish people so we can unite," shows he or she has not failed to grasp the demands of the Turkish and other peoples from the very beginning. Whoever does not put the liberation of other peoples on the agenda is of course doomed to stay within narrow national borders and cannot secure the unity of the peoples. This is basically what Turkish chauvinism demands. The reformists are also included in the MGK's plans for stabilisation. Leftist parties are also part of the system's democratic showcase. But these parties may not go against the system, on the contrary, they must be on the state's side and be directed against those who are against the system. Everything must move inside the system, anything outside must be destroyed in cooperation. When instability grows, all components of the system, without distinction between left and right, must work to shore up stability. That is the status quo desired by the MGK. Without fighting this status quo it is impossible to get broad sections of the people to take part in the struggle, organise them in different forms and direct them against the state. The dissemination of all manner of distorted ideologies and the annihilation of the people's values and the dynamism of the struggle are basically sought by the reformists and the petit-bourgeois intellectuals who have ben recruited by the state. It is their job to treat the MGK and TUSIAD as possessing the ability to renew, as supporters of the MGK and TUSIAD to deliberately muddy the political waters and obscure the boundaries. But this muddying of the waters makes developments and the struggle clearer. Those who see the MGK as a source of renewal, who support the formation of the Mesut Yilmaz government and who keep silent about the massacre of revolutioonaries will not be able to defend themselves when they too come under attack. An obvious sign of this is the MGK government's attack on the action by state employees. Whoever supports the government of Mesut Yilmaz must render an account for it. Whoever has kept silent about MGK policies must now pause for thought. The MGK will attack all forces who demand rights and oppose the system. Admittedly it might do this in the framework of "collecting its own strength", so it divides opposition forces and attacks them one after the other. To the extent it succeeds in driving the revolutionaries back, the reformists who have been treated "carefully" today will be attacked and subjected to various forms of repression to tame them yet further and put them at the service of the oligarchy. All the policies of the MGK, the status quo it wants to create ultimately aim to liquidate the people's opposition. This is what can be seen. Whoever supports the policy of the MGK in any form, or keeps silent or cooperates with it, is doing it a service. The basic way to destroy the status quo of the MGK and the reformists is by stepping up the struggle in the cities and countryside. If the struggle is broadened, the state, the reformists and their media will all use demagogy about terrorism. While the state will use physical executions, mass arrests and detentions to save the status quo, the reformists will do the same in the ideological sphere. They never tire of saying what damage the armed struggle and secret organisations do to the masses. This is a war. The war between the defenders of the status quo and those who want to destroy it. Inside the state, among the reformists, the Islamists, in almost all circles, new splits are arising, all viewpoints will give rise to their own organisations, and these will persist. No armed struggle has a chance of success unless it turns into the organising of the people, unless the masses themselves take part in the struggle in various forms. On the subject of the armed struggle, we must think much more comprehensively in our own reality. We must reduce the influence of the state and its long arm over the masses, and increasingly raise the struggle of the masses. For that, and so as to open the way for the struggle of the masses for economic, democratic and political demands, the masses must be convinced that they can take and implement their demands themselves. If they do not learn this from their own experience they will always remain hesitant and unbelieving. Because the oligarchy and its long arm wants to keep the people in fear and make them do without organisations, filling them with a phobia about organisations. If the masses are afraid, we cannot remove the fear by saying, "Don't be afraid." We must take on the task of giving the masses confidence in themselves. The masses act in proportion to their consciousness and degree of organisation. If the masses are not yet conscious, we must take seriously the question of how to develop their consciousness and organise them. Organising the masses cannot be achieved with cheap and urgent slogans. If the masses themselves do not see the basis of legitimacy, we must show them every kind of mode of organising which opens channels of legitimacy to them. In different spheres, this kind of organising of the people can fail differently, but the crux of the problem is convincing the masses they are waging a legitimate struggle, giving them confidence in taking their own decisions and their own ability to act. One cannot hand down from above directives to the people's organisations, we cannot force them to take the decisions we wish. Despite us, they may take decisions we think are wrong. These wrong decisions show that we have not been convincing enough inside these organisations and could not transmit our views correctly. If we go about educating the masses correctly we will not find it difficult to correct mistaken decisions and conceptions. It is certain that if we are able to give the masses confidence in making their own decisions and can anchor our views among them, then they will make more positive decisions and their experiences will accelerate the development of their education. We must prepare ourselves to confront the fact that inside the organisations of the people very different viewpoints may arise at the same time. If it does not go against the general demands of the people, if it does not serve the enemy, there is no barrier to putting the same demands in another style and expressing them again with a different understanding of what they are. Among sections of the people there are many motivations we think are wrong or which shows signs of the enemy's mentality, though the enemy has them to a much greater extent. In the organisations we are talking about, our people cannot display these features and cannot seek to further them, but nor can they force the people who have these motivations to give them up. Of course the ideological struggle and the education and propaganda activities are continued in this direction, work is being done to make clear what the national values of the people are, what motivations can be expressed and how. Organising the people on the one hand must take these differences into account. We must frustrate the moves of the state and its long arm using skilful politics and tactics which analyse well organisations and the souls of the masses and meet their demands. We must remove any confusion they may have in their heads. The state wants to intimidate the leftist, anti-fascist, democratic masses in particular and drive them into the arms of the reformists. This is the basis for reformism's development. We are in the position of putting organisers and activists into both the armed sruggle and into the organisation of the masses, without counterposing them to each other. At present, the MGK and the parallel organisations will try to put more wide-ranging attacks on the agenda. There is no alternative to increasing the armed struggle and the struggle of the masses, to oppose these attacks and break down the status quo. All revolutionaries, progressives and left-wing forces will define themselves anew on this basis. Whoever does not develop new politics on this basis, whoever does not develop the armed struggle and the struggle of the masses in a more creative way, it does not matter what he or she says to justify what they do because they are condemned to disappear. We must not forget that in the course of developing the struggle new splits could arise and so could new hostilities and provocations. Essentially, there is no difference between the positions of many left groups and the positions of the bourgeoisie. Words differ but practice is the same. In the course of the struggle's development, the difference in words will also disappear. While we seek to intervene in every area of life with our revolutionary politics, we will draw every kind of fascist violence against us. We will give new martyrs and new prisoners. Fascism will try to use this repression to draw us into the system. In this regard we must be serious about the way we conduct the ideological struggle and not neglect it. People filled with the system's contradictions take part in the struggle easily. But if we don't educate them they can easily return to the system or become counterrevolutionaries. We are entering a much more difficult phase in which developments will be rapid. All cadres and sympathisers of the Party-Front must show the ability to act even more morally, sensitively and responsibly. -- Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Parti-Cephesi Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) mailto:dhkc at ozgurluk.org http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Mon Mar 16 13:45:32 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 16 Mar 1998 13:45:32 Subject: Turkey seeks to host rapid intervention force for Balkans Message-ID: ANKARA, March 16 (AFP) - Turkey wants to set up a multi-national rapid intervention force for the troubled Balkans region to deal with crisis situations, a top Turkish general said Monday. Military officials and diplomats from the United States, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Romania and Slovenia held a meeting here on Monday with Turkish authorities on Ankara's proposal. Turkey's arch rival Greece refused to take part in the meeting, a foreign ministry official told AFP. Athens has also recently proposed the creation of a similar force. "The creation of this multi-national peace-keeping force for the Balkans, that we want to host, will be a milestone for security and stability in the whole region," General Cevik Bir, deputy chief of the Turkish general staff, told the meeting of visiting foreign teams. "Today's meeting is the first concrete development toward the formation of this force," the foreign ministry official said. The move came amid renewed concern over security in the Balkans as Serb authorities continue their crackdown on ethnic Albanians in the southern Yugoslav region of Kosovo. Turkish officials said the initiative had no direct link with the Kosovo crisis and dated back to last year. If the Turkish proposal is endorsed, it is suggested that a multi-national brigade of between 3,000 and 5,000 troops from the United States and several Balkan countries would be based at Edirne, a town in eastern Turkey near the Bulgarian and Greek borders. The force would be created under the Partnership for Peace program, which was formed after the former Soviet Union's collapse in 1991 to coordinate cooperation between NATO allies and former communist states. "Today's meeting is not aimed at forming an alliance against a third side, but seeks to share an understanding to get organised to support regional and world peace," Bir said. But analysts said the Turkish initiative was likely to face opposition from Greece, which also is interested in hosting such a force. Greek government spokesman Dimitris Reppas said in Athens on March 10 that Defence Minister Akis Tsohatzopoulos had written to a number of regional countries and the United States, calling for a Balkans rapid intervention military force. Reppas said Tsohatzopoulos had written "15 to 20 days ago" to Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Italy, Romania, Slovenia, and the United States about the idea. Greece is ready to host the force, he said. "Although Turkey favours Greece's inclusion into the process, Athens wants to bypass Ankara. That's the summary of Turkish-Greek relations," the Turkish foreign ministry official said. Although they are both members of NATO, Turkey and Greece are involved in a number of disputes over the Aegean Sea's sovereignty and the Cyprus problem. Ankara says it has historical responsibilities toward the Balkans as the area was part of the Turkish Ottoman empire for centuries. Turkey gave diplomatic support to Bosnian Moslems and Croatia against the Serbs during the wars in former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 1995. Turkish officials have called for a peaceful solution to the Kosovo crisis that respects Yugoslavia's territorial integrity but which also recognises autonomy for the Albanians. List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 19 05:32:51 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 19 Mar 1998 05:32:51 Subject: studentstruggle in Turkey Message-ID: TDN: 1998-03-19 Court of Appeals reverses student protest verdict * A number of people were injured and scores detained during clashes in Ankara between riot police and student demonstrators who were protesting in support of the eight students whose court verdicts were reversed by the Court of Appeals _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News The Court of Appeals on Wednesday reversed the verdict of a lower court which had sentenced eight university students to up to an 18-year prison sentence for displaying placards at a parliamentary meeting. The court also upheld the acquittal of other seven students. The Appeals Court has ruled that the previous verdict suffered from a lack of investigation, ordering a deeper investigation into the case. Fifteen students displayed placards at a parliamentary meeting two years ago to protest increased school tuition. A lower court in Ankara had sentenced eight of them to various punishments ranging from three to 18 years. The other seven were acquitted. Prosecutors claimed during the trial that the leftist Revolutionary Youth organization, of which the students were members, was a successor to the outlawed People's Salvation Party-Front (DHKP-C). Demirel Tavil, the Court of Appeals judge, said on Wednesday that it was not clear whether Revolutionary Youth was actually an illegal group. If the new investigation concludes that it is not, the court might overturn the guilty verdict. Meanwhile, the reversal of the court verdict against the eight protesters gave hope to the youngsters involved in the famous Manisa case and their lawyers. Last week, a court decided to acquit 10 policemen who were claimed to have tortured 14 students in the western Anatolian city of Manisa. Their lawyers said they would appeal. Riots in Ankara A number of people were injured and scores detained during clashes in Ankara on Wednesday between riot police and student demonstrators who were protesting in support of the eight students whose court verdicts were reversed by the Court of Appeals. Students from various universities gathered in downtown Ankara refused the police order to disperse. They later began throwing stones at the riot police, who did not use batons but who protected themselves with shields. Earlier in the day, the police detained 77 students who had come to Ankara from various cities to support the students. They were taken into custody at Ankara's main train station upon their arrival. The authorities said the students would be freed after their identities were determined. The Taksim battle Also in Istanbul, students attacked the police Wednesday in an attempt to set their colleagues free following a decision of the Supreme Court of Appeals to not uphold a lower court's verdict which had been handed down to students who had unfurled an illegal banner in Parliament. The leftist students first gathered in the morning in Beyazit Square and gave a statement to the press. The group, which opened a placard on which was written, "Our future can never be sentenced," then began walking to Taksim Square, gaining support from students at other universities. After walking for a time towards Taksim shouting slogans, the group got on buses which took them to their destination. Since the police had brought up heavy reinforcements in the square, the students had to gather in the side streets from which they attacked police with the sticks and stones they had been carrying. The battle was joined between the protesting students and the police, with its rapid deployment force and the special team composed of male and female robocops. After nearly half an hour of scuffling, 40 students were taken into custody. After the disturbance in Taksim Square, the group spread out into Gumussuyu, Galatasaray and Dolmabahce, and continued to protest there with the police following. The demonstrators stoned the police kiosk in front of the Greek Consulate General in Galatasaray and wanted to assault the two policemen on duty there, who were only saved by taking refuge inside the consulate building. _________________________________________________________________ Manisa prosecutor appeals acquittal in torture case _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News The Manisa Criminal Court Prosecutor has appealed the acquittal on March 11 of ten policemen who had been tried on charges of torturing 14 students while they were in police custody. Prosecutor Necmettin Karabacakoglu filed an appeal of the verdict on March 18. Sema Aktas, an attorney representing one of the students, said that the prosecutor had acted before they had a chance to do so. "We were surprised by the prosecutor's decision," Aktas said. Manisa Bar Chairman Teoman Ergul issued a statement saying that the case was not finalized yet, since the verdict was being appealed. "It is very difficult to find enough evidence in ten days [until the next session] of torture that was applied in dark detention rooms where nobody [except the policemen and people in detention] sets foot, in order to convict them. However, since the acquittal verdict has been appealed by the prosecutor, we still have hope. Evidence which is not sufficient for a criminal court can be enough for compensation cases. International institutions may look at this case and find Turkey guilty of allowing people who violated human rights to be acquitted because there is insufficient evidence. That doesn't make them innocent in the court of public opinion." The defendants, who were tried for torturing the 14 young people while they were being held in detention, were acquitted on the grounds of insufficient evidence. When the verdict was rendered on March 11, the judge said, "Since definitive and convincing evidence for the torture accusations could not be found, the defendants are acquitted." The acquittal triggered outrage from the youths' families and from representatives of various nongovernmental organizations. History of the case The anti-terrorism unit of the Manisa police department took 14 youths into custody on Dec. 26, 1995. Twelve of them were tried on Jan. 5, 1996 on charges that they were members of illegal leftist organizations. The defendants were sentenced to a total of 76 years in prison. This decision was overturned by the Court of Appeals on Jan. 28, 1998. Meanwhile, on Jan. 24, 1996, the Manisa criminal court for serious crimes began to hear the case charging the ten policemenwith torture. The prosecutor had demanded that the accused be tried for mistreatment, but not for torture. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 19 19:00:28 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 19 Mar 1998 19:00:28 Subject: The Internet Anti-Fascist: Sun, 15 March 98--2:12 (#80) Message-ID: The Internet Anti-Fascist: Sunday, 15 March 98 Vol. 2, Number 12 (#80) ______________________________________________________________________ ANTI-FASCIST ACTION ALERT #24 Urgent Action For Kurdish Refugees In Germany Approximately 100 Kurdish political refugees have taken sanctuary in Antoniter Church in Cologne Germany to fight their immediate deportation to Turkey. What started on January 21 by two Kurds seeking sanctuary in the Antoniter church in Cologne has grown into a massive struggle with thousands of people from the Kurdish community and from the Christian churches in this region of Germany. /s/ AFA-Rotterdam. details at: ---------------------------------------------------------------------- The Internet Anti-Fascist: Friday, 13 March 1998 FTP Supplement #17 (#78): Obits For Three Anti-Fascists 1) AP (no author), "Arnold Aronson," 14 Feb 98 2) Radical Women (no author), "Clara Fraser, 1923-1998: American rebel and architect of socialist feminism," 8 Mar 98 3) C.A.I.R. (no author), "Pioneer Community Activist [M. Mehdi] Dies," 25 Feb 98 - - - - - The Internet Anti-Fascist: Saturday, 14 March 1998 FTP Supplement #18 (#79): More Background on Abortion Clinic Violence 1) N.A.R.A.L. (no author), "Justifiable Homicide and the Anti-Choice Movement," factsheet, n.d. 2) N.A.R.A.L. (no author), "Clinic Violence, Intimidation and Terrorism," n.d. 3) Jennifer Coburn (N.O.W.), "Clinic Violence on the Rise," n.d. 4) Abortion Rights Activist (no author), "Who's Who on the Anti-Choice Front," n.d. 5) Abortion Rights Activist (no author), "Anti-Choice Violence in 1997," n.d. --------------------------------------------------------------------- WHAT'S WORTH CHECKING United Press International (no author), "Teens arrested in Miami U. hate attack," 18 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Michigan Mosque Vandalized During Muslim Holiday," 3 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Senate Hearing On "Foreign Terrorists In America," 11 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Student Arrested For Vandalizing Colorado Mosque," 2 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Muslims Asked to Contact Senator For Clarification On Remarks About Islam," 18 Feb 98 Patricia Nell Warren, "Not an Easy Task: Undoing Religious Empire," via , 3 Feb 98 Associated Press (no author), "Czech Skinheads Sentenced in Attack," 19 Feb 98 GLAADALERT, "GLAADAlert Follow-Up: Arkansas Paper Covers Up Suicide," 20 Feb 98 GLAADALERT, "'Fag Forest'," 20 Feb 98 Antifaschistisches Plenum & Jugend Antifa Aktion (JAA), "German Anti- Fascist In The Hands Of Barzani," press release, 14 Feb 98 ______________________________________________________________________ We have no ethical right to forgive, no historical right to forget. back issues archived via: (No permission required for noncommercial reproduction) List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 19 19:01:05 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 19 Mar 1998 19:01:05 Subject: The Internet Anti-Fascist: Sun, 15 March 98--2:12 (#80) References: Message-ID: The Internet Anti-Fascist: Sunday, 15 March 98 Vol. 2, Number 12 (#80) ______________________________________________________________________ ANTI-FASCIST ACTION ALERT #24 Urgent Action For Kurdish Refugees In Germany Approximately 100 Kurdish political refugees have taken sanctuary in Antoniter Church in Cologne Germany to fight their immediate deportation to Turkey. What started on January 21 by two Kurds seeking sanctuary in the Antoniter church in Cologne has grown into a massive struggle with thousands of people from the Kurdish community and from the Christian churches in this region of Germany. /s/ AFA-Rotterdam. details at: ---------------------------------------------------------------------- The Internet Anti-Fascist: Friday, 13 March 1998 FTP Supplement #17 (#78): Obits For Three Anti-Fascists 1) AP (no author), "Arnold Aronson," 14 Feb 98 2) Radical Women (no author), "Clara Fraser, 1923-1998: American rebel and architect of socialist feminism," 8 Mar 98 3) C.A.I.R. (no author), "Pioneer Community Activist [M. Mehdi] Dies," 25 Feb 98 - - - - - The Internet Anti-Fascist: Saturday, 14 March 1998 FTP Supplement #18 (#79): More Background on Abortion Clinic Violence 1) N.A.R.A.L. (no author), "Justifiable Homicide and the Anti-Choice Movement," factsheet, n.d. 2) N.A.R.A.L. (no author), "Clinic Violence, Intimidation and Terrorism," n.d. 3) Jennifer Coburn (N.O.W.), "Clinic Violence on the Rise," n.d. 4) Abortion Rights Activist (no author), "Who's Who on the Anti-Choice Front," n.d. 5) Abortion Rights Activist (no author), "Anti-Choice Violence in 1997," n.d. --------------------------------------------------------------------- WHAT'S WORTH CHECKING United Press International (no author), "Teens arrested in Miami U. hate attack," 18 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Michigan Mosque Vandalized During Muslim Holiday," 3 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Senate Hearing On "Foreign Terrorists In America," 11 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Student Arrested For Vandalizing Colorado Mosque," 2 Feb 98 C.A.I.R., "Muslims Asked to Contact Senator For Clarification On Remarks About Islam," 18 Feb 98 Patricia Nell Warren, "Not an Easy Task: Undoing Religious Empire," via , 3 Feb 98 Associated Press (no author), "Czech Skinheads Sentenced in Attack," 19 Feb 98 GLAADALERT, "GLAADAlert Follow-Up: Arkansas Paper Covers Up Suicide," 20 Feb 98 GLAADALERT, "'Fag Forest'," 20 Feb 98 Antifaschistisches Plenum & Jugend Antifa Aktion (JAA), "German Anti- Fascist In The Hands Of Barzani," press release, 14 Feb 98 ______________________________________________________________________ We have no ethical right to forgive, no historical right to forget. back issues archived via: (No permission required for noncommercial reproduction) List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From 9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk Fri Mar 20 10:53:46 1998 From: 9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk (9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk) Date: 20 Mar 1998 10:53:46 Subject: Glasgow conference Message-ID: From: "Thomas O'Gorman" <9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk> CONFERENCE ANNOUNCEMENT =93150 Years of the Communist Manifesto=94 Centre for Study of Socialist Theory and Movements University of Glasgow 22-23 May, 1998 In commemoration of Marx and Engels=92 seminal work in which the concept of the proletariat as the universal class is developed, the Centre for Study of Socialist Theory and Movements will hold an international conference. Two days of plenary sessions and workshops will provide an opportunity to explore the fundamental concepts put forward in the =91Communist Manifesto=92 in an effort to properly situate them in the past as well as in the present. It is hoped that the ensuing debate and discussion will elucidate the relevance of the ' Manifesto' for the future. SPEAKERS: Istvan Meszaros, Bertell Ollman, Suzi Weissman, Hillel Ticktin, Mikhail Voeikov, Filio Diamanti, Peter Kennedy, Alexeii Gusev, Mick Cox, Peter Burnham, Savas Michael Matsas, Cyril Smith, Peter Hudis and others. The conference will be held at the University of Glasgow, Adam Smith Building, Bute Gardens, from 10am - 5pm on both days. REGISTRATION: At conference, 9:00- 9:45 Adam Smith Building =A320, two days / =A310 cons. =A312, one day / =A36 cons. For information on accommodation and other matters: e-mail: <9011731o at student.gla.ac.uk> or write: Conference Centre for Study of Socialist Theory and Movements 29 Bute Gardens, University of Glasgow G12 8RS Scotland From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 24 06:22:44 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 24 Mar 1998 06:22:44 Subject: Repression Against German Internationalists Message-ID: "Increase International Solidarity!" Paragraph 129a Investigations Against German Internationalists On February 5, 1998, police raided two homes in Hamburg, a home in Cologne, and the offices of the legal aid association AZADI and the Kurdistan Information Desk. The reason for the raids is an investigation against two German internationalists who are organized in the structures of the Kurdistan solidarity movement. After a long stay in Kurdistan, the two returned to Germany a few weeks ago. Federal police say they are investigating a group "which is a successor organization to the Red Army Fraction (RAF)". The "accused and other persons" were "involved in a terrorist group modeled on and oriented towards the strategy of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)". In the homes of the persons being investigated, police confiscated personal items, as well as computers, software, photo materials, and drawings. The two internationalists were detained for a while in Hamburg and Cologne as police took their photos, fingerprints, etc. The War In Kurdistan And The Significance Of The Kurdish Liberation Struggle In Kurdistan, a special war against the population in waged with the active support of NATO member countries. At the present time, we can see how the U.S. war drums beating against Iraq have been used by Turkey as an excuse to intervene more in South Kurdistan. German Chancellor Kohl said that German bases would be made available to U.S. forces to launch bombing raids on Iraq. Police and intelligence cooperation between Germany and Turkey is well documented. For example, refugees deported from Germany are often arrested, tortured, and imprisoned in Turkey due to information gained from German police sources. The German government is suppressing the legitimate Kurdish resistance and all those who sympathize with it in Germany. With the help of the "PKK ban", the political work of the Kurdish liberation movement in exile is being checked. The aim is to hamper the PKK and make it lose its edge. A recent decision by Germany's Supreme Court (November 19, 1997) criminalizing voluntary financial contributions to the liberation struggle represents a further dimension to this ban. Kurdistan lies in the crosshairs of international political, military, and economic interests. The Turkish occupied regions in particular are seen by the Western states as a "bridge" to the Near and Middle East and the oil reserves and natural resources of the former Soviet states. The Kurdish national liberation movement represents a concrete, incalculable barrier to this. As early as the 1930s, the British air force bombarded Kurdish rebellions in South Kurdistan. The destruction of Kurdish lands, culture, and society began with the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) and have continued to this day. In 1997 alone, the Turkish army carried out three major offensives in the "UN safe haven" in South Kurdistan, in front of the eyes of the American and British militaries (the MCC, Military Cooperation Center). The significance of the Kurdish liberation struggle today goes well beyond the damage it causes to the economic and military interests of the imperialists states. The success of this struggle, and the political, social, and economic perspectives which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) has fought for since it began its struggle, would have a direct impact on the situation in the entire Middle East, so therefore this question has an international dimension. At a time when the notion of waging a determined struggle for socialism had suffered heavy blows, the PKK, with its living socialist perspective, represents a danger for the imperialist camp. The breaking down of feudal structures of domination, in particular the emancipatory steps which have been taken against the oppression of women - the most deeply rooted form of oppression in the world - and respect for human beings and the environment resonates not only in Europe but also all over the world. This explains the hard line of the imperialist states, under U.S. leadership, in their continuing political and military support for the Turkish regime. Increase International Solidarity! The repression against the two German internationalists is further evidence of the German government's involvement in the dirty war in Kurdistan. The state's criminal investigations under Paragraph 129a of the Criminal Code (supporting a terrorist organization) represent a concrete attack on active and practical solidarity with the struggle of the Kurdish people for independence and self-determination. The idea behind this is to separate one segment of the German solidarity movement from the liberation forces in Kurdistan, and to politically and socially isolate them in Germany. This program of "divide and conquer" is an age old tactic of the ruling powers, and it is a means for the German government to make its support for the dirty war in Kurdistan that much easier. This policy is directed against Kurdish forces in Germany, as well as against those Germans who have decided to stand clearly on the side of the Kurdish liberation forces. These two internationalists expressed their international solidarity by deciding to learn directly about and support the liberation movement. They aided in the process of building a bridge of solidarity and understanding to the Kurdish people and the Kurdish liberation movement. In order to do this, they needed photos to document life in the mountains and the guerrilla training camps, as well as daily life in the villages and refugee camps. The two made drawings of Kurdish life, interviews with comrades and the general population, spoke with former political prisoners, some of whom had spent as many as 18 years behind bars in Turkey, others of whom were imprisoned in Germany. These materials documented the life of people in flight, and in struggle. They reported on the achievements of the liberation struggle, as well as its many problems, and they showed how the liberation movement is trying to solve the problems which the people face due to the war. These materials, which were confiscated by the police, were to be used in articles and public events to show the reality of the Kurdish people who are fighting for their freedom. This would serve as a balance to the often false and misleading reports which appear in Turkish propaganda and the German media. Abolish Paragraph 129a! For A Strong Internationalist Movement! Because of the German state's Paragraph 129a investigations, the lives of two internationalists are under total surveillance. Their movements and contacts with other persons are controlled. They are being pushed into the corner as "terrorists" and isolated. The authorities are trying to push their own militarist thoughts onto others, namely that accepting the struggle and the goals of the PKK must mean "joining a PKK unit and completing military training". According to the warrant for the raids in February: "The group sought practical experience in the PKK camps so that they could then employ violence to change the political and social structures in Germany." Assata Shakur, a woman activist of the former Black Panther Party, once said: "One of the hardest lessons we had to learn was that the revolutionary struggle is more scientific than it is emotional. We must learn to base our decisions on objective conditions, and then aim ourselves towards what is rational and necessary." The Kurdish liberation struggle represents an actual dimension which goes well beyond that of any weapon. Federal authorities in Germany are also basing their investigations on the alleged involvement of Andrea Wolf in the RAF's bomb attack on Weiterstadt Prison in March 1993, who is now said to have "formed a terrorist organization" which sees itself as "the successor organization to the RAF". In a TV interview in April 1997, broadcast by the Kurdish station MED-TV in the summer of 1997, Andrea Wolf said she had joined the Kurdish guerrilla movement. In the August 21, 1997 edition of the autonomist publication 'Interim', Andrea wrote in a letter: "For me, learning from the PKK means learning from people who have a different cultural, historical, and economic background, and who have made great progress in their struggle over the past ten years...I see it as my responsibility to take what I have seen, experienced, and learned in Kurdistan and to relate these things to the people back home, so that these experiences might influence our own struggle for a just and humane future." The criminalization of the two internationalists as "members of a terrorist association" is an attack on the Kurdistan solidarity movement in Germany, organized by the Kurdistan Information Desk. This movement is in solidarity with the Kurdish liberation movement being led by the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The Kurdistan solidarity movements consciously stands beside the Kurdish people who are struggling for liberation and self-determination. But this movement also sees itself as part of the German left, and seeks to develop resistance to the German government's involvement in the war in Kurdistan and against repression without losing sight of the conditions which exist here in Germany before our very eyes. That is the best form of concrete solidarity which can be expressed here in Germany. In the words of Amilar Cabral, who sent a letter to European progressive forces in 1970s from Guinea Bissao: "The important thing is to struggle. We in Guinea struggle with weapons in our hands; you all too should struggle. I'm not saying you must struggle with weapons, I am not saying with what means you should struggle, because that is for you to decide. But the important thing is to find a means and way to struggle. That would be the best way for you all to show your solidarity." - We demand that all Paragraph 129a investigations be dropped, and that both internationalists have their confiscated materials returned to them. - We demand an end to the investigations against Andrea Wolf. - We call on the German left to stand side by side with the Kurdish liberation struggle. Stop The Dirty War In Kurdistan! Lift The Ban On The PKK And The ERNK In Germany! Kurdistan Information Desk Cologne, Germany (Translated by Arm The Spirit from 'Kurdistan-Rundbrief', Nr. 5, Vol. 11 - March 10, 1998) Arm The Spirit P.O. Box 6326, Stn. A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada E-mail: ats at etext.org WWW: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~ats/ ATS-L Archives: http://burn.ucsd.edu/archives/ats-l ----------------------------------------------------------------- List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 24 06:47:22 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 24 Mar 1998 06:47:22 Subject: Turkey: Italians arrested after taking part in pro-Kurdish demonstr Message-ID: 24 March 1998 Italians arrested after taking part in pro-Kurdish demonstration _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News Three Italian activists were in police detention Monday, awaiting a court hearing after being arrested for taking part in pro-Kurdish celebrations in the southeastern city of Diyarbakir, Italian diplomats said. The Italians, two students and a journalist, were taken away by police on Saturday along with several other people who were participating in the traditional spring festival known as Newroz, said a spokesperson for the Italian consulate in Izmir, who spoke on condition of anonymity. Noting that the Italians had displayed flags of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and shouted slogans in support of the group, Diyarbakir Security Chief Gaffar Okan said in a press conference, "Whoever tries to violate the territorial integrity of the country, whether they be foreigners or not, will be prevented." An Italian official in Ankara told the TDN that they are awaiting the judge's decision. "We have done everything we possibly can for the three Italians detained, who include one woman, but we will wait for the Turkish judge's decision, we cannot intervene," said the same official. Several people were arrested on Saturday when the celebrations turned into scuffles with police in Diyarbakir and Van. Apart from these incidents, this year's Newroz celebrations were peaceful. Kurds use the festival, which welcomes spring, to assert their cultural identity. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl Tue Mar 24 07:19:03 1998 From: dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl (dhkc at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl) Date: 24 Mar 1998 07:19:03 Subject: Evaluation of one year protocol between the DHKP and the PKK Message-ID: THE PROTOCOL OF DHKP-C-PKK AND THE DEVELOPMENTS The struggle improves with alliances through practice in everyday life not by propagandising The protocol between the DHKP-C and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) was discussed, signed and announced to the public under the name of "'This is Our Call to Build the Revolutionary Front" during the last month of 1996, and became a source of fear for the oligarchy and happiness and new hope for democrats and revolutionaries. The period since then has clearly not met up to these expectations. Obviously this can be evaluated from several angles. But those responsible for this failure continue to criticise and adopt a superior attitude to the left wing in Turkey (in their words, 'the Turkish left wing") about the concept of unity, as if the left wing does not exist and they themselves bear no responsibility. This is a matter that should be debated separately. For instance, to give a recent example, the ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan, military wing of PKK) said in the latest issue of Alternatif magazine that; "Towards this force (DHKP-C) our approach was under the concept of unity. The deficiencies in their understanding of struggle are holding them back from unity. In particular, there has been the war in Kurdistan, its effects on the masses and again, new improvements in the situation in Turkey, and despite all these, their inactivity apart from organising a front has created uneasiness even among their cadres. But they still insist upon their known attitude and line regardless of all these. In fact, the main principle of Marxism is to favour the broadest possible unity. At this point they could not tolerate our presence in Turkey. If they call themselves `democratic and revolutionary', they should participate in regional and local unity - if nothing else is possible." (Alternatif, January-February 1998, issue no: 6-7) The Revolutionary Front is the necessity for the Revolution of Turkey. It will be built one way or another. We have not changed our mind about it. Within struggle and war, there is no place for disappointments. If this time there was no success, next time we'll try again. We will continue our struggle against an attitude which has a negative impact on unity and fronts. This also shows our persistence and determination about unity. Let's look at this passage. There is no trace of the "Call for the Revolutionary Front". It says that "they should participate in regional and local unity". In fact, we declared that we could go beyond this point. Why does the commander speaking on behalf of the ARGK ignore this fact? He ignores it, Because there is no such idea or formation of such unity, a revolutionary front, on the agenda of the ARGK, ERNK (National Liberation Front of Kurdistan) or the PKK. Whoever says that we do not participate in unity should read the protocol once more. Whoever had forgotten or did not pay enough attention should check again. What did we say, what happened and why did it not work? (1) We gave our word to build the Revolutionary Front. We reached an agreement to put it into practice and initiate it. We declared and signed that"we are ready to show the necessary effort and self-sacrifice". This was covering all areas of struggle. Of course, the Revolutionary Front would not be created with intentions but with concrete steps, organisations and institutions that cover life and practice. The problem occurred at this point. (2) Firstly, a joint committee would be formed, which will control and make sure the protocol will be put into practice. This was brought on the agenda right after the formation of the protocol and agreement had been reached. The decision was made about how and where this committee would be formed. The PKK asked for 1-1.5 months to organise the place where the committee would be formed. We agreed. It took one year. Nothing was done. Our questions of "what happened, why did it not start?" did not make a difference. And our questions have received no answers even now. Unity for the construction of the Revolutionary Front is a serious business. In a situation where the matters agreed upon are not carried out and they do not bother to explain the reasons, the required seriousness is no longer present. (3) Despite this, we wanted to take some steps in these areas. We pushed harder. In almost all these areas, they did not want to be in unity. Besides, we said in the protocol "Our alliance that aims to form and develop the unity of our peoples in a front, undertake...the development of the collective organisations and struggle against the common enemy for the interests of our peoples and revolution in all legal institutions, trade unions, professional boards, democratic positions like associations, among workers and civil servants, the press and cultural front, in the villages, among student youth, in the jails and residential areas and abroad, where our parties are in charge or are participating." A protocol was signed for the workers and civil servants sector only with great difficulty. This was also full of comedy. No matter what, they wanted to put the word "peace" in the protocol papers. It came to the point where the words "peaceful struggle" were put in. And they did not obey any of the principles or concepts of this protocol. They did not keep their promises in the General Congress of SES (Trade Union of Health Workers). By breaching the agreements they rejected the revolutionary alliance out of fear of losing union positions. When we asked for their self-criticism, they grew aggressive. Nobody accepted responsibility. In Maliye-Sen1 "The Patriotic Workers" denied the alliance by declaring that the protocol has no significance for them. Even the lack of seriousness about the protocol did not bother them. In Genel-Is 2 they signed the resolutions whose objective was liquidation. In the Congress of DISK 3, they were not in unity against the MGK 4 efforts at liquidationism within DISK. (4) Unity efforts among youth were left to fail. They said, "either what we say willl be done, or nothing". In the end, this did not happen. Their understanding was that everything revolves around them. Anything else was wrong. (5) They did nothing to establish the People's Councils, and did not even attend them. This is what we said in the protocol: " WE AIM TO SPREAD THE ALLIANCE TO ALL AREAS . In the light of today's concrete duties, to organise the democratic opposition of our peoples, we aim and take it as a duty to develop a council which will cover all forces, to enable our peoples to participate and make decisions through these councils, to create opportunities for self-determination, and therefore to establish the local People's Councils, from the smallest residential areas to the biggest cities, in every area." All revolutionary popular opinion can bear witness to this: since then in many places the councils have started to function, but the PKK did not participate in the work, including in the areas where they have a presence, and in some other places it was not clear whether they have been participating or not, where they display an unserious attitude. (6) To write a new Constitution and have people acknowledge it as their own was our collective idea. This was also mentioned in the protocol. " ... We take it as a duty to prepare a draft constitution that aims for independence and democracy, and have people acknowledge it by providing for the participation of all anti-imperialist, anti-fascist organisations and individuals who want freedom and justice." We prepared the Draft Constitution and gave it to them. They said they have no objection but only The Right of Self-Determination of Nations should be detailed. There was no problem. When it was time to continue the campaign, they were not interested. During the debate they said things like "they are busy, it is not today's job and you do it". And it is not certain what to say and to whom. In almost each contact the responsible ones on their side were different. The newcomer says, "he/she does not know anything about it". Some of them would even say, "People's Councils? What are they?" (7) We made suggestions about collective practical organising. It was clear that this would also develop the implementation of the protocol. For example, the occupation of territory in Iraq by the Turkish oligarchy was on the agenda. We said, let's do something together. They did not accept this. We said, let's celebrate Newroz (Kurdish new year) together. They did not accept this. (8) We said, let's organise the struggle of the captives in the prisons collectively. They accepted it. In fact, they (at the top level) suggested the establishment of "the United Resistance Committees" in the prisons. We asked them how they were thinking of doing it. They did not reply. Later we suggested that the prisoners" central structures should debate it themselves and a collective organisational model would be implemented. The prisons debated. At the end the PKK captives said, "there is no common point to agree on in the prisons." In the reply to the document submitted by the DHKP-C captives, the PKK prisons central structure said: " First of all, our approaches towards the prisons and the foreseen roles of the dungeons are different. Our understanding of the actions and the foreseen roles of the dungeons are far apart. ... On this basis to form a collective platform and centre for coordination is very difficult. We do not think that your suggestion of the establishment of a coordination centre for all prisons is realistic. Neither would it function." It said in the document, "You made a suggestion during the talks at central level about united resistance committees, but you did not mention how they would be formed." However, what they wrote back to us said nothing about them. So why was the suggestion made in the first place? (9) This is what these concrete developments show; all their words are for propaganda only. They are just words. They cannot be in unity with anyone. The aims of the articles in their publications like "let's unite and establish a collective headquarters" are for propaganda. Within this propaganda, the most striking one is the words of "whoever wants whatever, we'll give it" and it is repeated frequently. In fact, the PKK do not join in such relations with anyone. The PKK only want useful forces that support and revolve around them. These are the realities we live with concretely. Before the protocol, in a guerrilla zone, we were facing great difficulties. Again the PKK were talking from on high. We asked for certain minimal things from them, whether through them selling them to us, lending or giving them as solidarity. They did not even reply. Besides, after some time, two of our fighters escaped from this same zone with their weapons. The PKK seized these weapons and did not give them back. We demanded them, one year passed and still they did not reply . Where are solidarity, revolutionary behaviour and principles? While this is the situation, what shall we do together and how? The PKK will be comfortable if we say; "If you want you can lead our troops", "let's share the delegates in such and such a place" etc. The reality of politics and organisation cannot be like this. We remind them to be realistic. But their involvement is a matter of propaganda. (10) The legal organisations within the PKK orbit wanted to be with reformists like the ODP (Freedom and Solidarity Party) and did not want to be seen with revolutionaries. Therefore there could not have been any alliance in actions. We insisted, but to no avail. The alliance in legal and democratic areas that was also foreseen in the protocol became impossible as a result of such politics. In this subject no political resolution could be made and the signature under the protocol did not carry any weight for anyone within these areas. The main problem is not the non-recognition of central decisions in the regions but far more the unwillingness of their centre to act in unity and collectivity. (11) They say, "let's publish a daily paper together and use TV" etc. OK, but suggest a project to us and let's talk about it, we say. When concreteness is required, the subject is forgotten. In reality the PKK want only "workers", not sharing or collective administration. (12) We were open and took seriously every subject and every word. Whenever it was necessary, in certain subjects, we told them they were wrong or had wrong information and gave the correct information. We said, if there is a problem, first ask us. As if nothing had happened, we were been sold via TV. They prepared TV programmes to fawn upon Sabanci and compliments were broadcast. (The Sabancis are the owners of one of the biggest trusts and are members of the oligarchy in Turkey. One of them, Ozdemir Sabanci, was executed by the DHKP-C in 1996.) Our actions were announced as suspicious. When the name of a country was mentioned in the Middle East and connected with Mustafa Duyar's capture, they panicked and that country was fawned upon, we were sold again (Duyar was one of those who punished Ozdemir Sabanci. He later turned traitor and surrendered to the Turkish embassy in Syria, where he had taken refuge.) (13) They suggested to us the making of a TV programme about March 30. We accepted it. The programme was prepared. Two days later the programme was cancelled without asking our opinion. The reason was obvious. Everything had to be theirs. Later, the mentioned programme was put in the archives, another programme was prepared with three or four untrustworthy reformists, they talk about March 30 and meanwhile by using them as shop-windows, they bring themselves to the fore. Is unity possible with such a mentality? (14) A revolutionary front would consist also of the armed forces, the guerrillas. But the reality is, the ones who cannot establish unity in minor things can never establish unity among guerrillas. The alliances that have allegedly succeeded have nothing to do with proper alliances and fronts. Everything is obvious. "The United Forces" is mentioned. There is no such thing. There are only a few men of the TDP 5. They do not even mention them. Many of the actions in the Black Sea region and Taurus Mountains were claimed by the ARGK in their publications. But in the recent issues of Alternatif magazine, in articles like "Conversation by radio", it has been said that the actions were carried out by the United Forces. For example, in ?lkede G?ndem (The Agenda in the Country) and Ozgur Politika (Free Politics) daily newspapers of August 17-18, it is published that in Mesudiye/Ordu the guerrillas organised a checkpoint action and a policeman was shot. The news was headed as "The ARGK guerrillas, who have intensified activities in the Black Sea region..." The same action was claimed by the United Forces in the November-December '97 issue of Alternatif. There are dozens of similar examples. The majority of the actions that are claimed by the United Forces and written about in Alternatif were also claimed by the ARGK in the mass publications. What is the aim? In the mass-circulation publications, ARGK, in the others, United Forces. Is this kind of unity possible, is there a serious attempt at unity here? And after that, it is said that there is no formation and programme of the United Forces yet. In November 1997, in Alternatif, while the actions were claimed by the United Forces, in Yurtsever Genclik (Patriotic Youth) magazine in November 1997, Semdin Sakik wrote that "The name of this organisation is not formally announced yet. But such activity will take place." These things are lacking in seriousness. As a participant in the United Forces, the DHP is also mentioned. In fact there is no such organisation called DHP. The PKK, in order to enlarge the scope for manoeuvre, is using this name through some of their men. This route is dangerous and forces the concept of unity into a cul-de-sac. It is not too difficult after all. Everybody can establish "organisations" internally and use such names. Revolutionaries do not cheat each other. (15) In the beginning of the passage in Alternatif, it says that; "In the last 4-5 years, the DHKP has been present in the areas like Ovacik and Dersim. We acted together. A period of winter was spent together..." Unserious comments. As with announcing "the United Forces" and comfortably claiming the actions by the ARGK, they used to talk as they wish and not be made accountable and explain their actions. Announcing our presence in Dersim in the last 4-5 years is not because of ignorance but follows their logic, which is to belittle others. Since 1991, for the last 8 years, we have had guerrillas in Dersim. The lines of "we spent the winter together" have nothing to do with Dersim. The mentioned togetherness happened in Tokat. Because of the operations in Sivas, they came to Tokat, in a chance meeting they said they had no contacts and required help, and all kind of facilities were provided, including a shelter. (Photographs of this shelter were also published in the media during an operation by the state in Turkey.) Even then they were at such a stage in relations that they introduced themselves as DHKP-C guerrillas to peasants, rather than using their true identities. How can an organisation use another's name, what kind of understanding is this? (16) In an interview with the ARGK, they say"they helped us". This subject was mentioned in several other articles and speeches. They should reveal how they helped us. These kind of comments are written and said very often. We repeat: it is not correct. If the other way round is claimed, they should reveal it. (17) The "Spreading to Turkey" programme of the PKK is not new. In this matter the comment of "the left-wing could not do it, we waited, therefore we are doing it now" is wrong. Since 1990, to establish an organisation for Turkey and develop DHP is on their agenda. They could not succeed at it. The function of the DHP was only to make the propaganda of the PKK and to swear at the left wing, especially us, in PKK style. They had no other significant work to do. During the period when our organisation was facing an internal conflict, they shamelessly invited our militants to go over to their organisation and, using the same tactics as the putschists, announced that "the DS (Devrimci Sol, Revolutionary Left) is finished" A very opportunist and primitive way of understanding. The DHP, naturally, cannot develop within the logic of the PKK and cannot achieve an original line. It can only function as an advertisement for the PKK. There is either the PKK or the DHP. Both cannot exist. They are producing a caricatured version of the former Communist Party of the Soviet Union's attitude. (18) The PKK do not participate in any partnership unless they are in control. Relations on the basis of equality are not to their taste neither. They will be in charge and in control. The functioning of an alliance involving the PKK is subject to this condition. Where the PKK has no control, the agreements and signatures are invalid as far as the PKK is concerned. "Administrative unity? Let's do it," they say. The questions of how it will happen and what the function is are left uncertain. When we say let's concretise, they are silent. We have faced many examples of this. The protocol is here, let's put it into action. Why was it not applied? Let's discuss it, render an account and renew it. Who is responsible for what and what are the limits of authority? Let's define them. Let's make detailed and concrete programmes how the Revolutionary Front will be formed in all areas. As far as we are concerned, there is no obstacle to these. We took the necessary steps in these and are ready for new ones. But steps which meet with no response cannot go forward in a one-sided manner. The idea of "left-wing congress" was brought. We said, it is not realistic. But if you can do it, do it. If the result is positive and unity is established, the necessary action will be taken. They did not even go a step further. Those who cannot be in unity with us, can be in unity with nobody. (19) At the level of international relations, the PKK do not show the attitude of solidarity, continuously spreading the politics of blackening others, especially us. In July 1997, during the International Youth Festival in Cuba, the bulletin they distributed is a striking example. "... Turkish revolutionaries could not free themselves of the official ideology of the Turkish state, Kemalism. They have no power to do this and therefore they are the captives of chauvinism. They are on the side of the Turkish state and they do not fulfil their internationalist responsibilities towards the Kurdish guerrillas. ... Meanwhile the Turkish leftists formed a basis for the military coups taking place every 10 years... First of all, we want to comment on that reality. Kemalism is a secret fascism administrated by western imperialists. Its mission is to organise massacres against Armenians, Greeks and Kurds and protect the capitalist system. If the Turkish leftists cannot understand this, they cannot perform their internationalist responsibilities" Is unity possible when such a style and logic exists that sees the "Turkish left" as set out above? In spoken terms they do not hesitate to blacken others and come up with such comments. While the reality is obvious, the words about help in every area, solidarity and "we'll give and do what you want" are only misleading. (20) In most cases the politics of the PKK leadership are based upon belittling the Turkish left. There are several consequences of this logic, one of them is always being in search of a unity that will be subservient to it. Because the ``Turkish left' is seen as forces to be administered and directed. This logic was also used to send several messages to the oligarchy. In an interview with Cumhuriyet (Republic) paper, the following question is asked to (PKK leader Abdullah) Ocalan, "A protocol between the PKK and Dev-Sol is mentioned. Is Dev-Sol an extension of the PKK in the cities?" Ocalan replies, "In general, the type of environment that I created gave the left the chance to breathe. But to say that we gave a mission to Dev-Sol consciously is exaggeration. It is correct that Dev-Sol gets power from us. But we do not have such directives like kill such and such. I clarify it openly. We could use them properly. The Turkish left is unbelievably backward..." (Cumhuriyet, 7.12.1991, Semin Idiz) The definition is clear: "They do not give missions to Dev-Sol consciously" but they can, that is, they can direct it. The PKK is ready for an agreement with the state, the PKK also has the power to affect Dev-Sol, so the state should use this opportunity! This is what is said. Here is another interview. IHA interviewed Ocalan, it was not broadcast on IHA, but broadcast on MED TV. "The late (Turgut) Ozal (Turkish prime minister) had a will. I value it. We should make it the topic of the day. Erbakan also has made some approaches. This should be on the agenda as well. There are even some voices in the military, with all my true feelings these should be clarified. I want a beautiful Turkey with all my heart. I also had relations with the Turkish left. Even with Dev-Sol and such. I believe in the necessity to introduce them to the political arena. There are many such groups. I will endeavour to solve all their problems within democratic boundaries. Some should not be uncomfortable about this." That is, who is pulling whom and where? Who is giving duties and to whom? There is no such thing. More importantly, the mentality is unhealthy. Relations with revolutionary organisations cannot be used as tools for giving messages to the bourgeoisie. (21) This approach in the PKK, looking down on the other organisations as forces to be directed and administered is also widespread among their rank and file. Each of them acts like a coarse overseer who sees others as being there to take orders. The words have no meaning. Whatever is said today is denied the next day. "Forget it, let's look at the future...Let's look at such work.. " is said. Another one comes and denies what the previous one said too. That is, whatever is on their agenda they try to engage you to it. They want you to be in a position of a simple supporter. (22) The expansion of the guerrillas on the mountains of our country is a threat to the oligarchy. And one of the necessary actions to clear the obstacles in front of the class war and develop revolution is clearly to provide this expansion. But it is also clear that, bringing this expansion on the agenda for "tactical" purposes will not develop the revolution. For the PKK, making "extending to Turkey" a reality means extending to the Black Sea Region. The PKK show it as proof. But the PKK have no significant forces in the Black Sea Region. The oligarchy exaggerated the present situation in order to intensify oppression there, and they also succeeded in their objective. (23) Their comment about extending towards the Black Sea and Taurus Mountains as "strategic", not "tactical" means the failure of the principal strategic thesis of the PKK. The colonialism thesis has failed and extending to Turkey was born as a result of the failure. As we mentioned, "extending to Turkey" is not a new concept for the PKK. But extending to Turkey is a political preference, and sending guerrillas to several mountains of Turkey alone does not mean there is an extension to Turkey. In a different area, the line of HADEP and HEP was that "we are parties of Turkey". And these parties had branches in almost every city of Turkey. Despite this they could not extend to Turkey and stayed Kurdish parties. Because they do not have the mentality of being from Turkey and on the contrary, their political method is limited within the bounds of Kurdish nationalism. The essence of the problem is the same in all areas of struggle. To hide the failure of the separate revolution (in this sense separate organising, a separate struggle) and to hide the bankruptcy both of ``extending to Turkey" and the colonialism theory, they are now claiming that they had this perspective from the start. For instance; "the relations between our revolution with the revolution of Turkey is not like the relations between the revolutions of two countries. The futures of our peoples are to be interwoven. This and some other reasons are compelling the uniting of our revolution's development." (September 14, 1997, ?lkede G?ndem, M Can Yuce) and again "if there will be revolution, it will happen in Turkey and Kurdistan together" (Semdin Sakik) In the Kurdish nationalist press, you can read many similar comments. We have been saying such things for years. But these were ignored and criticised as "Kemalism". An understanding, which puts the Turkish people on the same level as the Greek people in their party programme, and which is now saying things of the type we have quoted above, requires that an evaluation be made of the past. If such an evaluation is not made, it will have no power to persuade; moreover, unifications and alliances will not meet with a response. Finally; The protocol carrying signatures at the central level is known. Up to now, we were faithful towards all our signatures. We also showed the same fidelity in the protocol. Whatever we have done is known. Despite our concrete suggestions and persistence, whatever the PKK did not do is also known. In order to reach the goals of the protocol, we have almost run after the PKK in areas. We prepared the constitution and presented it. We made suggestions in practical matters. We showed openness. What we got in return is the same attitude, behaviour and insensitivity as was the case before the protocol. The necessity to discuss the problems was stated to them but we could not get a reply. Therefore this explanation became essential. The signature was disowned. They used methods with us that cannot be used in revolutionary relations. As long as attitudes do not change, building the revolutionary front becomes impossible. Minds should be changed. Political methods should be changed. The Revolutionary Front is a must for the revolution of Turkey. One way or another it will be established. We will not give up. There is no place for disappointment in the struggle and war. This time, if it did not happen the right way, we'll try again. We will continue our struggle against understandings failing to result in fronts or unification. This is also a sign of our determination and persistence with regard to the concept of unity. For the text of the protocol see: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/pub/dhkpppk.html -- Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Parti-Cephesi Revolutionary Peoples Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) mailto:dhkc at ozgurluk.org http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Wed Mar 25 04:31:40 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 25 Mar 1998 04:31:40 Subject: Students/Workersstrugglke in Turkey Message-ID: 25 March,1998 Istanbul municipal workers stage short strike _________________________________________________________________ Istanbul - Turkish Daily News Workers belonging to the Belediye-Is Union walked off the job Tuesday for four hours to protest the lack of progress in negotiations over a new comprehensive agreement for 1998-2000. Gathering in front of the Aksaray Metro Station early in the morning, the workers then proceeded to march straight to Istanbul City Hall, shouting slogans as they went. According to a statement made in front of City Hall, the talks for a comprehensive agreement have been going on since February 12 but negotiators have been unable to reach a consensus on 25 articles, four of which involve money and 21, administrative matters. Stressing that the latter are as important as the money issue, their spokesman, Belediye -Is Branch No. 2 Chairman Hasan Gulum, said that the 80 percent increase offered to them was not enough. Pointing out that the average wage in the municipalities was TL 35 million, Gulum emphasized that as long as the municipalities did not provide job security and a liveable wage, they would be unable to reach an agreement. _________________________________________________________________ Incident at Istanbul University * Police clashed with leftist students at Istanbul Univeristy; six police and 10 students were injured. _________________________________________________________________ Istanbul - Turkish Daily News Incidents continue to happen at Istanbul University. Monday two students were injured as a result of a fight which broke out between leftist and rightist students. Tuesday leftist students who wanted to protest these incidents at the Political Sciences Faculty gathered. When the police intervened against those who were inside the Faculty, molotov cocktails and stones were thrown at the former. As a result of the incident, six police were injured and taken to Capa Medical Faculty Hospital for treatment. While these incidents were occurring inside the faculty building, the police squad which first intervened asked for assistance by wireless telephone and rapid deployment force teams gathered in the University's garden. The result of the argument in which sticks and stones were used, two rightist students and eight leftists were wounded and taken to the hospital at Capa Medical Faculty. Afterwards the six policemen who were wounded went to the office of the prosecutor and filed complaints against the students who injured them. The number of students taken into custody by the police was not announced. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Wed Mar 25 05:33:14 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 25 Mar 1998 05:33:14 Subject: One Italian charged in Diyarbakir, others freed Message-ID: 25 March 1998 One Italian charged in Diyarbakir, others freed * Italian FM Dini asked for immediate deportation of the Italians detained in Southeast _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News Italian Foreign Minister Lamberto Dini told reporters late on Monday that Italy wished Turkey to immediately deport the Italians who were detained in Diyarbakir. A State Security Court charged an Italian man with inciting national hatred based on ethnic separatism after he allegedly took part in pro-Kurdish celebrations, the Anatolia news agency said. Two other Italians who had also been detained were not charged and set free. The three were arrested on Saturday in this southeastern city while observing a traditional spring festival known as Newroz. Dino Frisulo, a member of Italy's Peace Association, was found carrying documents belonging to the banned Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) which has been waging a bloody war for autonomy, the report said. A few other people were also detained when Saturday's celebrations turned into scuffles with police in Diyarbakir and neighboring Van. No trial date has been set for Frisulo. He could receive up to three years in prison if convicted. In Italy, Italian Senator Stefano Boco called the arrests "the latest demonstration of the brutality and summary nature of methods used by the Turkish Government" against the Kurds. Protestors gathered outside the Turkish consulate in Florence, Italy, for a second day Monday, showing solidarity with Frisulo and his compatriots. Close to 37,000 people have died in fighting between Turkish troops and the PKK since 1984, when the PKK launched their campaign for autonomy. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 26 10:16:45 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 26 Mar 1998 10:16:45 Subject: Tuyrkey: Defendant in Adana suicide bomber incident sentenced to dea Message-ID: TDN: March, 26 Defendant in Adana suicide bomber incident sentenced to death _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News Bayram Yaruk, one of the defendants accused of inciting suicide bomber Leyla Kaplan who killed four people in Adana, three of whom were policemen, was sentenced to death on Wednesday. Thirteen defendants were present at the trial in the State Security Court in Adana. Attorneys for the defendants claimed their clients were innocent and asked for their acquittal. The accused themselves denied all charges against them and demanded their release. The court announced its verdict following a ten-minute recess at the end of testimony. Bayram Yaruk received the death penalty and Ibrahim Aksoy was sentenced to life in prison. Other defendants convicted in the case include Imam Dulcek, who was sentenced to 15 years in prison; Nezir Tas, who was given 12 years and 6 months and Mustafa Aydin, Hamza Pirinc, Abdullah Ulku and Agit Timur, who were each given sentences of three years and nine months. The remaining defendants were acquitted. After the verdict was announced, the convicted defendants chanted slogans in favor of the separatist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thu Mar 26 16:02:29 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 26 Mar 1998 16:02:29 Subject: A.I. on the Manisa-trail Message-ID: --Multipart_Fri_Mar_27_00:48:57_1998-1 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl --Multipart_Fri_Mar_27_00:48:57_1998-1 Content-Type: message/rfc822 From: Amnesty International Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive Subject: TURKEY: Appeal Court overturns student POC sentences Followup-To: alt.activism.d Date: 25 Mar 1998 08:07:44 GMT Organization: ? Message-ID: <6fae0g$1bis$1 at news.missouri.edu> Resent-From: owner-amnesty-l at oil.ca * News Release Issued by the International Secretariat of Amnesty International * AI INDEX: EUR 44/14/98 19 March 1998 PUBLIC STATEMENT TURKEY Court of Appeal overturns prison sentences against student prisoners of conscience Following intense campaigning by Amnesty International and by student groups inside Turkey, yesterday the Ninth Chamber of the Court of Appeal overturned a series of heavy prison sentences which had been imposed on five students by Ankara State Security Courts. Students who had been conducting a peaceful campaign for changes to the education system had been subjected to torture in police custody and sentenced to up to 18 years' imprisonment on apparently bogus charges of membership of an illegal organization. The sentences were overturned on technical grounds including that the prosecution had failed to investigate whether the illegal organization of which the students were supposed to be members actually existed -- an issue raised in an Amnesty International report last September. In recent months Amnesty International sections arranged public meetings in Belgium, France, Germany, Holland and Israel where fellow students from Turkey spoke and showed films to raise awareness of this case as well as meeting politicians and government representatives. The five students, Ahmet Askin Dogan, ?zg?r T?fek?i, B?lent Karakas, Metin Murat Kalyoncugil and Mahmut Yilmaz, are still in custody pending a second hearing of the trial. Amnesty International will continue to campaign for their release and for the prosecution of their torturers. ********************************** For further information please refer to Amnesty International report: Student campaigners tortured and imprisoned, September 1997; AI Index: EUR 44/54/97. Note: for Background on the Manisa-trail see http://www.ozgurluk.org/hrindex.html --Multipart_Fri_Mar_27_00:48:57_1998-1-- List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Mon Mar 30 09:17:02 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 30 Mar 1998 09:17:02 Subject: Help wanted Message-ID: Hello to you all, We need your help: We urgently need Spanish translations off the following two texts, regarding the protocol signed by the DHKP-C and the PKK and the evaluation of this protocol by the DHKP-C. The Texts are available in German and English at the following URL's Protocol: English: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc//pub/dhkpppk.html Deutch: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/german/protoc.html Evaluation: English: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/pub/protdev.html German: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc//german/protodt.html We take this unusual step for asking for help in translating this because of limited possibilities we have ourselves and we have a tight schedule. Please, if you can help us with this, contact us at ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Thank you for your time. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 06:48:21 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 06:48:21 Subject: Another massacre attempt in Buca (Turkey) Message-ID: Urgent appeal: Brussels March 31, 1998 1130 am Another massacre attempt in Buca (Turkey) This morning the gendarmerie attacked the prisoners of the DHKP-C in the prison at Buca (Turkey). The prisoners had planned to hold a commemoration for the revolutionary martyrs. This commemoration is traditionally held from the last week of March to the first week of April by the DHKP-C. During the preparations, the prisoners were attacked by the gendarmerie, and 11 persons were separated and taken away by the gendarmes. To resist, the prisoners put up barricades. These barricades are being attacked at this moment. On September 21th, 1995, the gendarmerie carried out a massacre in the same prison. Three DHKP-C prisoners (Yusuf Bag, Turan Kilic and Ugur Sariaslan) lost their lives - they were beaten to death by the gendarmerie who attacked the prisoners with weapons, gas bombs and heavy iron bars. All over the country the prisoners in other prisons are already protesting against the latest attack. In the prisons of Bergama, ?mraniye/Istanbul and Ankara the prisoners displayed banners with the slogan ?Come in if you dare" . In one prison, a guardian has been taken hostage to forestall a new massacre by the authorities. It is to be feared that this new attack will lead to the deaths of more prisoners. This new attempt to kill revolutionary prisoners must be prevented. We appeal to democratic public opinion to protest immediately against the attack to stop it before any more prisoners die. Send your faxes to: Minister of Justice Oltan Sungurlu: Fax: 0090 - 312 - 417 39 54 President S?leyman Demirel: Fax: 0090 - 312 - 427 13 30 And please send a copy to the DHKC Information Bureau in Brussels: Fax: 0032 - 2 - 733 72 81 -------------------------------------------------- DHKC Front Revolutionnare de Liberation du Peuple Bureau d' Information Leuvensensteenstraat 323 1030 Brussel Tel/Fax: 32 2 73 37281 e-mail: dhkc at xs4all.be www: http://www.xs4all.be/~dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 11:21:04 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 11:21:04 Subject: Another massacre attempt in Buca (Turkey) References: Message-ID: Amsterdam 21.00 Hrs. Update! The situation is escalating! Right now, the Turkish Televison stations are showing how the Army and Policeforcers are surrounding several Turkish Prisons! The Turkish state has a history of attacking and murdering revolutionary prisoners! This is probably a prelude to another massacre under Political prisoners! See: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/pub/buca2.html http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc/umrhome.html We call upon the Democratic and revolutionary puiblic opinion to do what ever is possible in an effort to prevent a new massacre against prisoners of the DHKP-C Documentation: Urgent appeal: Brussels March 31, 1998 1130 am Another massacre attempt in Buca (Turkey) This morning the gendarmerie attacked the prisoners of the DHKP-C in the prison at Buca (Turkey). The prisoners had planned to hold a commemoration for the revolutionary martyrs. This commemoration is traditionally held from the last week of March to the first week of April by the DHKP-C. During the preparations, the prisoners were attacked by the gendarmerie, and 11 persons were separated and taken away by the gendarmes. To resist, the prisoners put up barricades. These barricades are being attacked at this moment. On September 21th, 1995, the gendarmerie carried out a massacre in the same prison. Three DHKP-C prisoners (Yusuf Bag, Turan Kilic and Ugur Sariaslan) lost their lives - they were beaten to death by the gendarmerie who attacked the prisoners with weapons, gas bombs and heavy iron bars. All over the country the prisoners in other prisons are already protesting against the latest attack. In the prisons of Bergama, Umraniye/Istanbul and Ankara the prisoners displayed banners with the slogan 4Come in if you dare" E In one prison, a guardian has been taken hostage to forestall a new massacre by the authorities. It is to be feared that this new attack will lead to the deaths of more prisoners. This new attempt to kill revolutionary prisoners must be prevented. We appeal to democratic public opinion to protest immediately against the attack to stop it before any more prisoners die. Send your faxes to: Minister of Justice Oltan Sungurlu: Fax: 0090 - 312 - 417 39 54 President Suleyman Demirel: Fax: 0090 - 312 - 427 13 30 And please send a copy to the DHKC Information Bureau in Brussels: Fax: 0032 - 2 - 733 72 81 Email: dhkc at ozgurluk.org, dhkc at xs4all.be -------------------------------------------------- DHKC Front Revolutionnare de Liberation du Peuple Bureau d' Information Leuvensensteenstraat 323 1030 Brussel Tel/Fax: 32 2 73 37281 e-mail: dhkc at xs4all.be www: http://www.xs4all.be/~dhkc List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 17:46:22 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 17:46:22 Subject: Mainstreamnews on political prisoners in Turkey Message-ID: TURKISH POLITICAL PRISONERS TAKE GUARDS HOSTAGE AT FOUR JAILS Copyright © 1998 Nando.net Copyright © 1998 Reuters News Service ANKARA (March 31, 1998 12:19 p.m. EST http://www.nando.net) - Left-wing inmates at Turkish jails held dozens of prison guards hostage and set fire to cells on Tuesday in nationwide protests over jail transfers, prison officials said. They said the prisoners, affiliated to a far-left urban guerrilla group, seized 12 warders at Bergama jail and 11 guards in Bursa in western Turkey, 11 staff at a prison in Istanbul, and four more at an Ankara jail. There was no word of any injuries. The prisoners of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C) are demanding an end to transfers of left-wing inmates from the western Buca jail. Two senior prison officials were among the hostages. "The DHKP-C has taken 11 guards hostage, including the deputy governor," an official at Umraniye jail in Istanbul told Reuters. A fire started by the inmates in Ankara jail was put out by emergency services called to the scene. A similar fire at Buca jail, the focus of the protests, was also extinguished early on Tuesday. But Buca inmates had barricaded themselves in their dormitories and were refusing to participate in a roll call, prison officials said. A human rights group was mediating in negotiations with the prisoners. "The prisoners said the protest would come to an end and the hostages released when their comrades had reached their destinations safely," Justice Minister Oltan Sungurlu was quoted as saying by the Anatolian news agency. "I hope they stop this protest, because there's no serious reason for it," he said. Police wearing riot gear and backed by armoured cars surrounded the Ankara jail, witnesses said. "At the moment two lawyers are negotiating inside," an official from the Human Rights Association said of the Ankara prison, a grey concrete complex with blank steel gates in one of the city's oldest districts. "The situation is the same. Negotiations are continuing," a prison official at the Istanbul jail told Reuters. Prisoners in Turkey's jails are generally kept in open dormitories instead of individual cells. Political groups are normally held together to avoid violence with rival factions. Guerrillas from DHKP-C have been involved in rocket attacks and killings of security force members in Turkey's major cities. Seven people died last year when baton-wielding police put down a riot at an Istanbul prison. Ten prisoners died in a similar incident the year before. Eleven people died in a hunger strike over prison conditions in 1996. Scores of jail hunger strikers called off a similar protest late last year narrowly avoiding casualties after a deal with prison authorities. By ALISTAIR BELL, Reuters -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 21:18:06 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 21:18:06 Subject: Torture in Turkey: Is electroshock safe enough to use? Message-ID: 1 April 1998 Is electroshock safe enough to use? _________________________________________________________________ Ankara - Turkish Daily News Air-Tazer, the new electroshock device which was imported into Turkey by the Security Department to be used for allegedly defensive purposes during street riots, has been put under scrutiny at the Gulhane Military Medical Academy (GATA). A sample of the Air-Tazer was given to the Health Ministry Ethics Board by the Security Department to ascertain the device's safety as well as its power levels, reported the Anatolia news agency. After these observations, the Air-Tazer was sent to GATA by Health Minister Halil Ibrahim Ozsoy for further tests. The results of the study, to be done by a group of psychologists and neurologists, will later be sent to the Health Ministry. The permission to use -- or not to use -- the new electroshock device will be granted by the ministry. Unlike truncheons, the most common weapon used by the police in Turkey, the Air-Tazer can immobilize a person in 20 seconds by means of strong electroshock waves. Officials from the Health Ministry stated that the Air-Tazer should be observed carefully in order to its prevent improper use, which could cause unforeseen and regrettable results. It was indicated by the same officials that it might cause blindness upon contact with the eye, and therefore proper measures should be taken before the police are permitted to use it. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 21:18:45 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 21:18:45 Subject: Turkey / Army: Command structure to carry on as planned Message-ID: 1 April 1998 Army: Command structure to carry on as planned * 'Regardless of whatever or whoever else might change within the military, the determination to fight fundamentalism and terrorism will not change' _________________________________________________________________ METEHAN DEMIR Ankara - Turkish Daily News Amidst rumors that Chief of General Staff Gen. Ismail Hakki Karadayi's term would be extended by another year, the Turkish military on Tuesday signalled that there would be neither an extension nor an extraordinary change in its highest command posts in the upcoming August term, when Karadayi's office ends. Military sources told the Turkish Daily News that their commander has no intention of remaining in his post or of considering any proposal for extending his tenure past August. "The Turkish Armed Forces have a perfect command-chain structure which allows for incumbents and successors to work together in harmony with the military's principles and sensitivities," said a senior general. He stated that none of the generals are plotting against their colleagues to garner promotion, adding that the creation of such rumors by certain parties are intended to hurt the credibility of the armed forces. Such rumors have recently created deep disturbances in both military and political circles. Who is who? The general said that this year in August, Land Forces Commander Gen. Huseyin Kivrikoglu very probably will become the chief of General Staff, while First Army Commander Gen. Atilla Ates will become the next land forces commander. He added that Naval Forces Commander Adm. Salim Dervisoglu, Air Force Commander Gen. Ilhan Kilic and Gendarmarie Forces Commander Gen. Fikret Ozden Boztepe will remain in office through August 1999. The general reiterated that regardless of whatever or whoever else might change within the military, that body's determination to fight radical Islam and terrorism will not change. Gen. Kivrikoglu ready for position as chief of staff Meanwhile, a speech on Tuesday by Gen. Huseyin Kivrikoglu caused speculation in military circles that Gen. Karadayi had enlisted his assistance in sending the message that Kivrikoglu will be the next chief of General Staff and to confirm that Gen. Karadayi will leave the service as scheduled. Gen. Kivrikoglu signalled that he is fully ready for his next post, if that should be as chief of general staff. He pointed out that regardless of the cost, all Turkish Armed Forces personnel must fight against fundamentalism and the threat of terrorism, as well as all internal and external threats, giving no concessions. Speaking at the graduation ceremony of first lieutenants at the Armored Units Training School in Ankara, Gen. Kivrikoglu said that the Turkish Armed Forces -- which takes its power from the constitution and laws to preserve the democratic, secular and social state -- has been proudly carrying out its responsibilities. He added that these missions were given by the Turkish public to the Turkish military. He warned all Turkish citizens to beware of Islamic reactionary movements, adding that in order to be able to live in peace, the Turkish Republic must be ready for all possibilities, including war. Gen. Kivrikoglu's also repeated the comment that regardless of ranks or names, the military will continue its determination to fight the waves of radical fundamentalism. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl From ozgurluk at xs4all.nl Tue Mar 31 21:18:47 1998 From: ozgurluk at xs4all.nl (ozgurluk at xs4all.nl) Date: 31 Mar 1998 21:18:47 Subject: Turkey: "Incidents in the prisons" Message-ID: 1 April 1998 Incidents in the prisons * An armed clash in Bayrampasa Prison has left one dead and two injured. Prisoners in Umraniye Prison and in Ankara Closed Prison have taken their prison directors and the wardens hostage _________________________________________________________________ Istanbul - Turkish Daily News Bayrampasa Prison has returned to the old days now that the "magic prosecutor," Necati Ozdemir, has been removed from his position. For nearly two years the prison had been quiet. But Monday evening saw a return of the violence as gunfire echoed through the ward in which ultranationalist mafia members were being held. Fatih Iscan, one of the prisoners under arrest for drug smuggling, died of bullet wounds. Fatih Bayata and Siddik Gunduz, underlings of Alaattin Cakici, the internationally wanted killer and drug smuggler, were wounded. The incident occurred on Monday evening when ultranationalist members quartered in the same ward began quarreling for unknown reasons. The prisoners then drew weapons they had smuggled into with them and turned the ward into a pool of blood. Other prisoners hid under their beds during the incident in an attempt to save themselves. Iscan was the only fatality. Fatih Bayata, who was wounded in the leg, is at the center of the investigation for ambushing Cakici's former partner, Tevfik Agansoy. Siddik Gunduz, also wounded during the incident, was taken to hospital for a stomach wound. Security forces entered soon after to prevent the incident from escalating. In another incident, leftist prisoners at Istanbul's Umraniye Prison took the prison guards hostage, in protest over a decision to transfer ten of members of the Revolutionary Peoples' Liberation Party - Front (DHKP-C) held in Buca Closed Prison to other facilities. Among those taken prisoner was the deputy director of the prison, Nedim Dogan, and ten guards. While police and gendarmerie forces stepped up security in front of Umraniye Prison, no definitive course of action had been decided upon as we go to press. Fears have been expressed that if the security forces attacked, a bloodbath would ensue. At Ankara Central Closed Prison, the director and three wardens are being held hostage at the present time, and unrest is reported at Canakkale, Sakarya and Bergama Prisons. Meanwhile, the protest action of 75 prisoners in Izmir's Buca Prison, arrested for being members of illegal leftist organizations, are continuing. The protest started yesterday to protest transfer of 10 prisoners to other prisons. The prisoners had reportedly formed barricades in front of the gates to prevent the intervention by security forces. Officials have stated that they will make no concessions for the protesting prisoners, and meeting any of their demands was out of question. Minister of Justice Oltan Sungurlu said that Buca prison was not appropriate for convicted prisoners. Sungurlu stated that members of illegal leftist organization continue their actions in Buca, Bergama, Bayrampasa, Ulucanlar and Umraniye prisons with hostages taken only in Umraniye and Bergama prisons. Sungurlu said "I was told that the prisoners will end their action and release the hostages if their comrades are delivered to their destinations unharmed." Some illegal leftist organization members have also rebelled in Canakkale prison. There, prisoners have formed barriers in the corridors to prevent guards from taking action. Meanwhile, general chairman of Contemporary Law Experts' Association stated that he had met with rebellious prisoners and that he would convey the prisoners demands to the Ministry of Justice. -- Press Agency Ozgurluk For justice, democracy and human rights in Turkey and Kurdistan! Website: http://www.ozgurluk.org mailto:ozgurluk at xs4all.nl / mailinglists: petidomo at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl List info: english-request at ozgurluk.xs4all.nl