Illegal Settlements Bonanza as Zionists plan the end of Palestine

Tony Gosling tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Fri May 11 00:44:34 BST 2012


European Zionists started their invasion/occupation of Palestine in 1917.



From:
Subject: Illegal Settlements Bonanza as Zionists plan the end of Palestine

While the Israeli settlement drive since then has swallowed much of the West
Bank and East Jerusalem, populating them with over half a million 
Israelis, the
international community's response was as moot in 1967 as it is now in 2012.
Responding to the latest sanctioning of illegal outposts, UN Secretary General
Ban Ki-Moon declared that he was "deeply troubled" by the news. Meanwhile,
Russia was 'deeply concerned' and so was the EU's Catherine Ashton. As for the
US, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland insisted that the Israeli
measure is not "helpful to the process." What process?

While Israel has now showed all of its cards, and the international community
declared its complacency or impotence, the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah
continues to plan some kind of UN censure of the settlements. Even if a
watered-down version of some UN draft managed to survive the US veto, what are
the chances of Israel heeding the call of international community?

There is no doubt that Israel is plotting its version of the endgame in
Palestine, which sees Palestinians continuing to subsist in physical
fragmentation and permanent occupation





-

Israel Plots an Endgame
http://www.counterpunch.org/2012/05/03/israels-plots-an-endgame/


by Ramzy Baroud

May 03, 2012

Israel's colonization policies are entering an alarming new phase, 
comparable in
historic magnitude to the original plans to colonize Gaza, the West Bank and
East Jerusalem following the war of 1967.

On April 24, an Israeli ministerial committee approved three 
settlement outposts
- Bruchin and Rechelim in the northern part of the West Bank, and 
Sansana in the
south. Although all settlement activities in the occupied West Bank and East
Jerusalem are considered illegal by international law, Israeli law
differentiates between sanctioned settlements and 'illegal' ones. This
distinction has actually proved to be no more than a disingenuous attempt at
conflating international law, which is applicable to occupied lands, 
and Israeli
law, which is in no way relevant.

Since 1967, Israel placed occupied Palestinian land, privately owned or
otherwise, into various categories. One of these categories is 
'state-owned', as
in obtained by virtue of military occupation. For many years, the 
'state-owned'
occupied land was allotted to various purposes. Since 1990, however, 
the Israeli
government refrained from establishing settlements, at lease formally. Now,
according to the Israeli anti-settlement group, Peace Now, "instead 
of going to
peace the government is announcing the establishment of three new
settlements.this announcement is against the Israeli interest of 
achieving peace
and a two states solution"

Although the group argues that the four-man committee did not have 
the authority
to make such a decision, it actually matters little. Every physical 
space in the
occupied territories - whether privately owned or 'state owned', 'legally'
obtained or 'illegally' obtained - is free game. The extremist Jewish 
settlers,
whose tentacles are reaching far and wide, chasing out Palestinians at every
corner, haven't received such empowering news since the heyday of 
Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon.

The move regarding settlements is not an isolated one. The Israeli 
government is
now challenging the very decisions made by the Israeli Supreme Court, 
which has
been used as a legitimization platform for many illegal settlements that drove
Palestinians from their land.

On April 27, the Israeli government reportedly asked the high court 
to delay the
demolition of an 'unauthorized' West Bank outpost in the Beit El settlement
which was scheduled to take place on May 1st. The land, even by Israeli legal
standards, is considered private Palestinian land, and the Israeli government
had committed to the court to take down the illegal outposts - again, per
Israeli definition - on the specified date.

Now the rightwing Netanyahu government is having another change of 
heart. In its
request to the court, the government argued: "The evacuation of the buildings
could carry social, political and operational ramifications for 
construction in
Beit El and other settlements." Such an argument, if applied in the larger
context of the occupied territories, could easily justify why no 
outposts should
be taken down. It could eradicate, once and for all, such politically
inconvenient terms such as 'legal' and 'illegal'.

"Previous Israeli governments have pledged to demolish the 
unauthorized settler
outposts in the West Bank, but only a handful have been removed," according to
CNN online. In fact, that 'handful' are likely to be rebuilt, amongst 
many more
new outposts, now that the new legal precedence is underway.

Michael Sfard, an attorney with Yesh Din, which reportedly advocates 
Palestinian
rights, described the request as "an announcement of war by the Israeli
government against the rule of law." More specifically, "they said 
clearly that
they have reached a decision not to evacuate illegal construction on private
Palestinian property."

Some analysts suggested that Netanyahu was bowing down to the more rightwing
elements in his cabinet - as if the man had, till now, been a peacemaker. The
bottom line is that Israel has decided embark on a new and dangerous 
phase, one
that violates not only international law, but Israel's own self-tailored laws
that were designed to colonize the occupied territories. It appears that even
those precarious 'laws' are no longer capable of meeting the colonial appetite
of Israeli settlers and the ruling class.

Israeli settlements have been contextualized through Israeli legal 
and political
references, as opposed to references commonly accepted in 
international law. The
emphasis on differences between Israeli governments, political parties and
religious/ultra-nationalist settlement movements is distracting and 
misleading;
colonizing the rest of historic Palestine has been and remains a national
Israeli project.

An article in the rightwing Israeli Jerusalem Post agrees. "Support for
settlement is not simply a program of right-of-center Likud. Its history has
firm roots in Labor party activity during the periods of its governments, and
activities by predecessors of the Labor party going back before the 
creation of
the Israeli state" (April 27).

The only variable that might be worth examining is the purpose of the
settlement, not the settlement itself. Following the war of 1967, the 
Allon plan
sought to annex more than 30 percent of the West Bank and all of Gaza for
security purposes. It stipulated the establishment of a "security corridor"
along the Jordan River, as well outside the "Green Line", a one-sided Israeli
demarcation of its borders with the West Bank. Then, there was no 
Likud party to
demonize, for that was the Labor party's vision for the newly occupied
territories.

While the Israeli settlement drive since then has swallowed much of the West
Bank and East Jerusalem, populating them with over half a million 
Israelis, the
international community's response was as moot in 1967 as it is now in 2012.
Responding to the latest sanctioning of illegal outposts, UN Secretary General
Ban Ki-Moon declared that he was "deeply troubled" by the news. Meanwhile,
Russia was 'deeply concerned' and so was the EU's Catherine Ashton. As for the
US, State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland insisted that the Israeli
measure is not "helpful to the process." What process?

While Israel has now showed all of its cards, and the international community
declared its complacency or impotence, the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah
continues to plan some kind of UN censure of the settlements. Even if a
watered-down version of some UN draft managed to survive the US veto, what are
the chances of Israel heeding the call of international community?

There is no doubt that Israel is plotting its version of the endgame in
Palestine, which sees Palestinians continuing to subsist in physical
fragmentation and permanent occupation. Unless a popular Palestinian uprising
takes hold, no one is likely to challenge what is actually an Israeli
declaration of war against the Palestinian people.

Ramzy Baroud is an internationally syndicated columnist and editor of
PalestineChronicle.com. He is the author of "
<http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0745325475/counterpunchmaga> 
The Second
Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle" and his most recent
book is " <http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0745328814/counterpunchmaga>
My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story" (Pluto Press, London).

This analysis can be found on the Web at
http://www.counterpunch.org/2012/05/03/israels-plots-an-endgame/

Coyright C 2012 PalestineChronicle.com.
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