[Diggers350] MST Founder João Pedro Stedile Confronts Landlords in Brazil's Congress
Tony Gosling
tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Sun Aug 20 13:13:01 BST 2023
<https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/world/latin-america/brazil/>BRAZIL,
<https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/world/latin-america/>LATIN
AMERICA,
<https://libya360.wordpress.com/category/resistance-and-revolution/revolutionary-movements/mst/>MST
MST Founder João Pedro Stedile Faces Off against Right Wing in Congress
https://tlio.org.uk/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-landlords-in-brazils-congress/
https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/17/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-right-wing-in-congress/
Posted by
<https://libya360.wordpress.com/author/internationalist360/>Internationalist
360° on
<https://libya360.wordpress.com/2023/08/17/mst-founder-joao-pedro-stedile-faces-off-against-right-wing-in-congress/>August
17, 2023
<https://peoplesdispatch.org/author/pd/>Peoples Dispatch
[]
João Pedro Stedile of the National Board of the
MST testifies in the CPI on the MST. Photo: Lula Marques/Agência Brasil
The leader was summoned by right-wing deputies to
testify before the Parliamentary Commission of
Inquiry that is investigating the Landless Rural Workers Movement
After seven hours of questioning before the
Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI)
investigating the Landless Rural Workers
Movement (MST), João Pedro Stedile exited the
Chamber of Deputies and was embraced by dozens of
representatives of peoples movements, religious
leaders, and parliamentarians who sang This
struggle is ours, this struggle is of the people.
And only in struggle, will we create a new Brazil.
Stedile was summoned to testify to the CPI by the
right-wing deputies Ricardo Salles, the minister
of the environment under Jair Bolsonaro, and
Zucco, a member of the Brazilian military. The
establishment of the CPI was approved on April 26
by the Chamber of Deputies of the National
Congress, dominated by the right, in order to
investigate the activities, the real
purpose, and the means of funding of the MST.
The CPI had its first session on May 23 and since
then they have received testimonies from diverse
witnesses and experts who are questioned by the
deputies in the commission. The information
collected throughout these months is then drafted
into a report which is presented to different
entities of the judicial, executive, and
legislative branches of power with conclusions and recommendations.
However, analysts have pointed out that the
investigative commission has largely focused on
bringing former or disgruntled members of the two
million person movement to testify about
grievances they have with local leadership,
alleged irregularities or even alleged crimes
which they participated in or witnessed, and
other isolated incidents. Right-wing deputies
which until recently composed the majority of the
commission, have also used the space to launch
baseless sweeping accusations at the movement and
criticize its struggle not only for popular
agrarian reform but for social change, against
racism, and for a sovereign Brazil where all can live with dignity.
Many have also pointed out that it is no
coincidence that this CPI is occurring alongside
moments of great political difficulty for the
countrys right-wing including an ongoing CPI
investigating the coup actions committed on
January 8 in Brasilia by thousands of Bolsonaro
supporters with links to government officials and
businessmen, as well as the investigation of
several members of the Bolsonaro government as
well as some of his close allies over corruption.
So, what has come to be known popularly as the
CPI Circus against the MST had one of its last
major days of work on August 15 with the
testimony from João Pedro Stedile, one of the
founding members of the MST and a member of the
national board. Despite their efforts to catch
the leader off guard and tire him out through
hours of questioning and accusations, the
testimony of Stedile ranged from explanations of
Marxism, a defense of the organizational
structure and vision of the MST, and a deep
criticism not only of capitalism and
agribusiness, but also of how the deputies
carried out the work of the commission.
[]
Methodological errors
The deputies running the CPI have employed a
common tactic used by the right, which is to use
testimonies of specific individuals who have been
sought out and previously identified as against
the MST, to support their claims about the
movement. This move was sharply criticized by João Pedro in his testimony.
He said that in order for the CPI to have results
found more faithful to reality, it should have
taken a random sample of people that live on MST
settlements and encampments, and not pick certain groups in advance.
I want to make a statistical observation. We
have 500,000 settled families and 60,000 encamped
families, according to INCRA [National Institute
for Colonization and Agrarian Reform]. If you
take a random sample of 1%, that would be 5,000
families you would have to listen to, although
the most serious evidence is of even higher percentages.
After Deputy Salles, asked his opinion about
cases where people allegedly try to personally
benefit from the MSTs projects on settlements
and encampments, the landless leader responded by
referencing the German sociologist Karl Marx: In
a capitalist society, all classes, whether the
bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the working
class, the peasantry, the workers in general,
have a lumpen fraction. What is a lumpen? Its
that opportunist who wants to live off the work
of others, who wants to exploit the work of
others. So these lumpens exist throughout
society. Youll find them among the bourgeoisie
drug traffickers, for example, are billionaires
and are lumpens in the middle class, among
liberal professionals, among lawyers,
journalists, MPs, among workers and among peasants.
Can the right understand movement organizing?
Another major line of questioning lodged at the
landless leader was regarding the work that often
takes place in the collective areas of the MST.
The right-wing deputies, seemingly unable to
understand why people would willingly organize
collectively and distribute work to advance the
common good, attempted to accuse MST leaders of
authoritarianism and imposing forced labor on members.
In response, Stedile highlighted the
characteristics that mark the movements form of
organization, citing aspects such as the
collective awareness, the use of a
decision-making process that is always collective
rather than individual, the division of tasks,
discipline, and the educational and intellectual
training of the militants that join the movement on their own volition.
When he mentioned the organizations
characteristics, the economist sent a message to
Kim Kataguiri from the União Party and one of the
founders of the Free Brazil Movement (MBL) who is
part of the CPI. The organization has produced
different conservative and extremist youth
leaders since its creation nine years ago.
Among the organizational principles, everything
has to be collective. Everything has to be in the
form of a committee because it is the collective
that protects [us] from the opportunism of false
leaders. Dont adopt this terminology of
president, treasurer, secretary. The
organizing principles are universal. They apply
to the workers movement and they apply to Kims
movement. I hope hes taking notes. Any popular
social movement has to adopt these principles,
Stedile explained in what many have deemed a
master class on popular organization, provoking laughter from the audience.
[]
Education for all: another conquest of the MST
While explaining the actual work and functioning
of the MST, João Pedro also emphasized the
centrality of study and education in the MST.
Whether its carrying out literacy campaigns with
adults and young people for people in MST and in
communities they work with, developing popular
pedagogy for the childcare and primary schools
organized within the MST settlements and
encampments, or fighting for policies that
facilitate access to higher education for the
landless, education for all is more than a slogan.
During the CPI, João Pedro highlighted that, as a
result of this historic effort, around 250
landless workers have already studied law in the
university. He also highlighted the importance of
the National Program for Education in Agrarian
Reform (PRONERA) created in 1998 during the
Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (1994-1994),
as a result of pressure from union and social
struggles. Stedile described PRONERA as a
fantastic achievement for the movement.
I brought here the proof of the crime thats
how you use [the word], right? Ney [Strozake],
the comrades who are here, are all lawyers who
are children of [land reform] beneficiaries. Can
you believe that? If it hadnt been for PRONERA,
theyd be [working the land] or theyd have
become lumpens, Stedile joked, pointing to the
group of MST lawyers accompanying him at the
session. The mention was also made in front of a
silent plenary and a visibly embarrassed Ricardo
Salles: Ney Strozake, one of the MSTs legal
advisors, is also the lawyer of the former Environment Minister in some cases.
Agribusiness
During the hours-long testimony, the economist
heavily criticized the more conservative
agribusiness. At one point during his answers to
the CPI deputies, the leader pointed out that
this segment of the rural sector is currently
experiencing divisions in response to the PT
administration. Part of the sector is active in
the Lula government, as is the case of the
Minister of Agriculture, cattle rancher Carlos
Fávaro, who is a senator-elect for Mato Grosso
and is currently on leave from his mandate.
Agribusiness is divided. The half that has any
sense supported Lula. The other half is Aprosoja
[Brazilian Association of Soybean Producers, one
of the sectors political arms], which only
thinks about making money. Part of agribusiness
is already aware of the limits and is already
migrating to another form of agriculture, what is
now known as regenerative practices, to replace
pesticides with agroecological pesticides. Part
of agribusiness is still going to heaven,
Stedile joked. But the dumb agribusiness, which
only thinks about easy profits, has its days numbered, he added.
Occupation vs. invasion
The key political disputes between the
Bolsonaristas and MST supporters were present
throughout the landless leaders CPI testimony.
At one point during the hearing, deputy Rodolfo
Nogueira from Bolsonaros Liberal Party,
questioned Stedile about whether the leader
believes he has a license of impunity for
allegedly inciting crimes in the country. I
have never incited any crime, replied the
economist, to which he was interrupted by the
deputy, who said that land invasion is a crime.
Stedile took the opportunity to highlight the
difference between occupation and invasion,
the latter being an expression often used in
public debate by more conservative politicians to
create confusion on the subject. Land invasion
is a crime, like the farmers in Mato Grosso do
Sul invading indigenous land. What the MST is
doing is occupying land as a way of putting
pressure so that the Constitution is implemented.
Invasion of land or any public property is when
someone does it for their own benefit, and then
it is characterized as squatting and is
criminalized by the Penal Code, said Stedile.
The MST leader continued his reasoning by
highlighting the legal aspects surrounding the
issue: What our movement is doing, recognized by
jurisprudence, is not an invasion. It is
occupation, and occupation here is not squatting,
so much so that, to your despair, of the many
occupations that have taken place over the last
40 years throughout Brazil, no one has been
arrested or convicted. If you want to end the
occupations, expropriate large unproductive
properties, because then theres land for everyone, he added.
In another moment, the deputies asked about
Stediles participation in the entourage that
accompanied President Lula to China in April this
year. Deputy Salles asked him if there was any
movement in China analogous to the MST in
Brazil. No, because in 1949 they carried out
land reform. [For] those of you who want to
defeat the MST so badly, the formula is simple:
carry out agrarian reform and the next day the MST will disappear, he said.
Solidarity
Half an hour before the start of the hearing,
João Pedro Stediles arrival at the Chamber drew
the attention of everyone nearby. The landless
leader was welcomed by dozens of people who had
gathered there to show solidarity. Federal
deputies, religious leaders, trade unionists, and
members of different popular movements crowded
around and chanted slogans and songs about
agrarian reform as a way of embracing Stedile
with words of support. From there, he made his
way to the room, accompanied by a procession. We
are here in the name of the model of society that
we seek to give our support to those who help
organize the people in Brazil, said Pastor Luís Sabanay.
What drives me to be here is that I want the
land for those who plant on it. I want nature
alive because we dont eat dead nature. And what
moves me to be here is that, as well as not
letting go of anyones hand, is that it is
[important] to be together at a time like this.
It is to say that the MST moves us because it
teaches us what my religion already brings in its
daily life, which is [the idea that] we need
nature because without it there is no orixá,
said Makota Celinha, general coordinator of the
National Center for Afro-Brazilian Africanity and
Resistance (Cenarab), who received a public
greeting from Stedile at the start of the session.
Members of parliament who are not part of the CPI
also joined the procession to embrace Stedile and
wish him strength. The MST is a movement that we
all cherish, which fights for the democratization
of the land, demonstrates to the Brazilian people
that it is necessary to fight the ultra-right,
defend democracy, and share wealth. Its a
movement that lives in our hearts, thats why I
came here, on his behalf, to congratulate the
entire MST, said Congressman Rogério Correia of the Workers Party (PT).
Politicians from other levels of government also
attended the event with the same objective. This
was the case of Pernambuco state deputy Rosa
Amorim of the PT, who is the daughter of founders
of the MST in several states and grew up on an
agrarian reform settlement. We have an elected
agrarian reform caucus in several states of the
country and, at this very important moment, which
is also a battle in the institutional realm, we
have to be here to show our solidarity. Today we
are going to send a message to Brazil about what
the MST does and produces, she said.
One sighting that attracted the spotlight was
that of the governor of Ceará, Elmano de Freitas
of the PT. Having come to Brasilia to fulfill
agendas in some ministries, he went to the
Chamber of Deputies to greet Stedile at the CPI
and stayed for a couple of minutes. Speaking to
Brasil de Fato, Elmano highlighted the movements
work in the countryside of Ceará.
In Ceará, we are closely acquainted with the
landless movement, which has built an
agro-industry in the milk production chain in the
Quixeramobim region, which has developed
agro-industries in the area of [production with]
goats and sheep, in the area of honey, generating
opportunities for thousands of families who used
to live in extreme poverty and today live with
dignity, have children going to college, going to
school full time. Therefore, the landless in
Ceará, as it is throughout the country, represent
an organization of the most humble people to be
able to live with dignity, said the governor.
Various parliamentarians from the progressive
camp wore MST hats during the CPI meeting as a
way of paying tribute to Stedile and the
organization. I wear it with great pride and as
a way of recognizing the struggle for agrarian
reform in Brazil, said Fernanda Melchionna,
deputy from the Socialism and Liberty Party
(PSOL). Congressman Nilto Tatto of PT also joined
the group. Wearing the MST hat at the CPI that
wants to criminalize the movement is an act of
resistance, solidarity and gratitude for
everything the organization has done for the Brazilian people, he said.
MST evaluates CPI
Ayala Ferreira, one of the leaders of the MSTs
Human Rights Sector, said following the hearing
that Stedile had demonstrated his superiority in
terms of political capacity and knowledge of the subject.
Our evaluation is that he gave a lesson, which
we already imagined would happen. He didnt come
here to convince the agro-military, Bolsonaro
sectors of the importance of agrarian reform and
the relevance of the MST in this agenda. He came
to talk to Brazilian society, to all the people
who followed [the testimony] online, on the pages
that published [the testimony], to see everything
weve been saying: that the MST is going to
celebrate 40 years of history and struggle for
the democratization of the land, highlighting the
need for agrarian reform, said Ayala.
In a
<https://mst.org.br/2023/08/15/stedile-leva-debate-sobre-questao-agraria-para-cpi-contra-o-mst/>public
statement sent to the press shortly after the
committees session, the national leadership of
the MST expressed a positive assessment of João
Pedro Stediles participation in the committee,
but also criticized the CPIs handling of the
work. This CPI has been running for three
months, under the command of Bolsonaro
parliamentarians, in an attempt to criminalize
the MST and prevent the resumption of the
National Agrarian Reform Policy, as well as
trying to wear down the federal government.
However, the baseness and lack of legitimacy and
seriousness of the Bolsonaro deputies is leading
it to be closed earlier than expected by these
parliamentarians themselves, the text says.
With reports from Brasil de Fato.
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