[Diggers350] Craig Murray: What the London press won't tell you about this week's Assange appeal hearing
Tony Gosling
tony at cultureshop.org.uk
Tue Apr 2 11:26:48 BST 2024
Lots more anti-genocide info here, as usual ;-)
https://politicsthisweek.wordpress.com/2024/03/28/not-the-bcfm-politics-show-presented-by-tony-gosling-183/
The Assange Hearing Permission Appeal Judgment: Mad and Bad.
March 29, 2024 by Craig Murray
https://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2024/03/the-assange-hearing-permission-appeal-judgment-mad-and-bad/
The latest judgment by the High Court in the
Assange case achieved completely the objectives
of the UK and US states. Above all, Julian
remains in the hell which is Belmarsh maximum
security prison. He is now safely there alone and
incommunicado, from the authorities point of
view, for at least several more months.
Importantly, the United States has managed to
keep him detained without securing his actual
appearance in Washington. It is crucial to grasp
that the CIA, who are very much controlling the
process, do not actually want him to appear there
until after their attempt to secure the
re-election of Genocide Joe. No matter what your
opinion of Donald Trump, there is no doubt the
CIA conspired against him during his entire
Presidency, beginning with the fake Russiagate
scandal and ending with their cover-up of the
Hunter Biden laptop story. They do not want Trump back.
Biden is politically in deep trouble. Bidens
lifelong political support for Israel has been
unwavering to the point of fanaticism. In the
process he has collected millions of dollars from
the Zionist lobby. That always seemed a source of
political strength in the United States, not of weakness.
The current genocide in Gaza has changed all
those calculations. The sheer evil and
viciousness of the Israeli state, the open and
undisguised enthusiasm for racist massacre, has
achieved the seemingly impossible task of turning
much American public opinion against Israel.
That is particularly true among key elements of
the Democratic base. Young people and ethnic
minorities have been shocked that the party they
have supported is backing and supplying genocide.
The mainstream media have lost control of the
narrative, when the truth is so widely available
on mobile phones, to the point that the MSM have
actually been forced to change course and
occasionally tell truths about Israel. That also
was unthinkable a few months ago.
Precisely the same groups who are outraged by
Bidens support for genocide are going to be
alienated by the attack on a journalist and
publisher for revealing true facts about war
crimes. Assange is not currently a major public
issue in the United States, because he is not
currently in the United States. Were he to arrive
there in chains, the media coverage would be
massive and the issue unavoidable in the presidential election campaign.
The extradition proceeding has therefore had to
be managed in such a way as to keep Assange
locked in a living hell the whole time, without
actually achieving the extradition until after
the presidential election in November. As the
years of hearings have rolled by this has become
increasingly difficult for the British state to
finesse on behalf of their American masters.
In this respect, and only in this respect, Dame
Victoria Sharp and Lord Justice Johnson have done
brilliantly in their judgment.
Senior British judges do not have to be told what
to do. They are closely integrated into a small
political establishment that is socially
interlinked, defined by membership of
institutions, and highly subject to groupthink.
Dame Victoria Sharps brother Richard arranged an
£800,000 personal loan for then Prime Minister
Boris Johnson, and subsequently became chairman
of the BBC despite a complete lack of relevant
experience. Lord Justice Johnson as a lawyer
represented the intelligence services and the Ministry of Defence.
They did not have to be told what to do in this
case explicitly, although it was very plain that
they entered the two-day hearing process knowing
nothing except a briefing they had been given
that the crux of the case was the revelation of
names of US informants in the Wikileaks material.
The potential danger of an appeal, the granting
of which would achieve the United States
objective of putting the actual extradition back
beyond the election date, was that it would allow
the airing in public of a great catalogue of war
crimes and other illegal activity which had been exposed by Wikileaks.
Sharp and Johnson have obviated this danger by
adjourning the decision with the possibility of
granting an appeal, but only on extremely limited
grounds. Those grounds would explicitly gag the
defence from ever mentioning again in court
inconvenient facts, such as United States war
crimes including murder, torture and
extraordinary rendition, as well as the plans by
the United States to kidnap or assassinate Julian Assange.
All of those things are precluded by this
judgment from ever being raised again in the
extradition hearings. The politically damaging
aspect of the case in terms of the Manning
revelations and CIA behaviour has been cauterised in the UK.
There has been some confusion because the
judgment stated that three grounds of possible
appeal were open. But in fact this was really
only two. The judgment states that freedom of
expression under article 10 of the European
Convention is adequately covered by the First
Amendment protections of the US Constitution.
Therefore this point can only be argued by the
defence against extradition if the First
Amendment will not be applied in the case.
The second ground of appeal which they stated may
be allowed was discrimination by nationality, in
that the prosecution has stated that as a foreign
citizen who committed the alleged acts whilst
outside of the United States, Julian may not have
the protection of the First Amendment or indeed
of any of the rights enshrined in the US Constitution.
So the first two grounds are in fact identical.
Sharp and Johnson ruled that both would fall if
an assurance were received from the government of
the United States that Julian would not be denied
a First Amendment defence on grounds of nationality.
The other ground on which an appeal may be
allowed to go forward is the lack of an assurance
from the United States that, following additional
charges, Julian may not become subject to the death penalty.
I shall go on to analyse what happens now and the
chances of success on any of these allowed appeal
points, but I wish first to revisit the points
which have not been allowed and which are now
barred from ever being raised in these proceedings again.
The most spectacular argument in the judgment,
and one which I trust will become notorious in
British legal history, refers to the application
to bring in new evidence regarding the US
authorities illegal spying on Julian and
plotting to kidnap or assassinate him.
There are any number of things in this case over
five years which are so perverse that they have
to be witnessed to be believed, but none has
risen to this height and it would be a struggle
for anybody to come up with anything in British
legal history more brazen than this.
Judge Johnson and Judge Sharp accept that there
is evidence to the required standard that the US
authorities did plot to kidnap and consider
assassinating Julian Assange, but they reason at
para. 210 that, as extradition is now going to be
granted, there is no longer any need for the
United States to kidnap or assassinate Julian
Assange: and therefore the argument falls.
It does not seem to occur to them that a
willingness to consider extrajudicial violent
action against Julian Assange amounts to a degree
of persecution which obviously reflects on his
chances of a fair trial and treatment in the
United States. It is simply astonishing, but the
evidence of the US plot to destroy Julian
Assange, including evidence from the ongoing
criminal investigation in Spain into the private
security company involved, will never again be
allowed to be mentioned in Julians case against extradition.
Similarly, we are at the end of the line for
arguing that the treaty under which Julian is
being extradited forbids extradition for
political offences. The judgment confirms boldly
that treaty obligations entered into by the
United Kingdom are not binding in domestic law
and confer no individual rights.
Of over 150 extradition treaties entered into by
the United Kingdom, all but two ban extradition
for political offences. The judgment is
absolutely clear that those clauses are redundant
in every single one of those treaties.
Every dictatorship on Earth can now come after
political dissidents in the UK and they will not
have the protection of those clauses against
political extradition in the treaties. That is
absolutely plain on the face of this ruling.
The judgment also specifically rejects the idea
that the UK court has to consider rights under
the European Convention of Human Rights in
considering an extradition application. They
state that in the United Statesas in other
Category 2 countries in terms of the Extradition
Act 2003those rights can be presumed to be
protected at trial by the legislation of the country seeking extradition.
That argument abdicating responsibility for
application of the ECHR is one that is not likely
to be accepted if this case ever gets to
Strasbourg (but see below on the possibility of that happening).
By refusing to hear the freedom of expression
argument, the court is ruling out listening to
the war crimes exposed by the material published
and hearing that the publication of state level
crime is protected speech. That entire argument
is now blocked off in future hearings and there
will be no more mention of US war crimes.
The judges accepthook, line and sinkerthe
tendentious argument that Julian is not being
charged with the publication of all of the
material but only with those documents within the
material which reveal the name of US informants
and sources. As I reported at the time, this was
plainly the one fact with which the judges had
been briefed before the hearing.
That it is a legitimate exercise to remove
entirely from consideration the context of the
totality of what was revealed in terms of state
crimes, and to cherry pick a tiny portion of the
release, is by no means clear; but their approach
is in any event fatally flawed by a complete non sequitur:
At para. 45 they argue that none of the material
revealing criminal behaviour by the United States
is being charged, only material which reveals
names. Their argument depends upon an assumption
that the material revealing names of informants
or sources does not also reveal any criminal
behaviour by the United States. That assumption
is completely and demonstrably false.
Let us now turn to the grounds on which a right
to appeal is provisionally allowed, but may be
cancelled in the event of sufficient diplomatic
assurances being received from the United States.
To start with the death penalty, which has
understandably drawn the most headlines: it
astonishes me, as this argument has been in play
now for several months, that the United States
has not provided the simple assurance against
imposition of the death penalty which is
absolutely bog standard in many extradition proceedings.
There is no controversy about it, and it is
really quick and easy to do. It is a template:
you just fill in the details and whiz off the
diplomatic note. It takes 5 minutes.
I do not believe the Biden administration is
failing to provide the assurance against the
death penalty because they wish to execute Julian
Assange. They do not need to execute him. They
can entomb him in a tiny concrete cell, living a
totally solitary existence in a living hell.
Arguably, he is of more value alive that way as a
terrible warning to other journalists, rather than an executed martyr.
I view the failure so far to produce a guarantee
against the death penalty as the clearest
evidence that the Biden administration is trying
simply to kick this back past the election. By
not providing the assurance, already they have
achieved a delay of another few weeks which they
have been given to provide the assurance, and
then further time until the hearing on 20 May to
discuss whether assurances produced have been
adequate. Not giving the death penalty assurance
is simply a stalling tactic, and I am sure they
will go right up to the deadline given by the court and then provide it.
The second assurance requested by the court is
actually much more interesting. They have
requested an assurance that Julian Assange will
be able to plead a First Amendment defence on
freedom of expression and will not be prevented
from doing so on the grounds of his Australian nationality.
The problem which the United States faces is that
it is the federal judge who will decide whether
or not Julian is entitled to plead that his
freedom of speech is protected by the First
Amendment. Neither the Department of Justice nor
the State Department can bind the judge by an assurance.
The problem was flagged up by the US prosecutor
in this case who stated that it is open to the
prosecution to argue that a foreign national,
operating abroad as Julian did, does not have
First Amendment rights. It is extremely important
to understand why this was said.
The prisoners in Guantanamo Bay are deemed not to
have any constitutional rights, despite being
under the power of the US authorities, because
they were non-US citizens acting abroad.
A key US Supreme Court judgment in the case of
USAID versus Open Society stated unequivocally
that non-US citizens acting abroad do not have
First Amendment protection. At first sight that
decision appears to have little relevance. It
concerns foreign charities in receipt of US aid
funds which, as a condition of aid, they must
oppose sex work. They attempted to claim this was
in breach of First Amendment rights but the
Supreme Court ruled that, as foreigners acting
abroad, they did not have any such rights.
While that may appear of limited relevance,
referring to NGOs not individuals, there is a
paragraph in the Open Society judgment which
states as a rationale that were First Amendment
rights to be granted to those NGOs they would
also have to be granted to foreigners with whom
the US military and intelligence services were in
contact i.e. the Guantanamo problem.
This paragraph of the Supreme Court ruling
appears inescapable in the Assange case:
Julian was a foreign national operating abroad
when the Wikileaks material was published. So I
do not see how the United States can simply give
an assurance on this point, and indeed it seems
to me very likely that Julian would indeed be
denied First Amendment rights at trial in the United States.
The sensible solution would of course be that as
a non-US citizen publishing material outside the
United States, Julian should not be subject to US
jurisdiction at all. But that will not be adopted.
So I anticipate the United States will produce an
assurance which tries to fudge this. They will
probably give an assurance that the prosecutor
will not attempt to argue that Julian has no
First Amendment rights. But that cannot prevent
the judge from ruling that he does not,
especially as there is a Supreme Court judgement to rely on.
In May when we come to the hearing on the
permitted points of appeal, it is vital to
understand that there will be two parts to the
argument. The first part will be to consider
whether the assurances received by diplomatic
note from the United States are sufficient for
the grounds of appeal to fall completely.
However if it is decided that the assurances from
the United States are insufficient, that does not
automatically mean that the appeal succeeds. It
just means that the appeal is heard. The court
will then decide whether the death penalty or
nationality discrimination points are strong enough to stop the extradition.
The absence of the death penalty assurance should
end the extradition process. But the hearing
would see the prosecution argue that it is not
necessary, as there are no capital charges
currently and none are likely to be added. The
judges could go with this, given the undisguised
bias towards the United States throughout.
The state will again kick in with its iron
resolve to crush Julian. I dont think that the
United States will be able, for the reasons I
have given, to provide assurances on the
nationality and First Amendment rights, but I
think the court will nonetheless order extradition.
The United States will argue that it is a free
country with a fair trial system and independent
judges and that Julian will be allowed to make
the argument in court that he should have First
Amendment rights. The UK court should accept that
the US judge will come to a fair decision which
protects all human rights considerations. They
will say that it is perfectly reasonable and
normal for states to treat citizens and foreign
nationals abroad in different ways in different
contexts, including consular protection.
A justice system which is capable of ruling that
a person should be handed over to his attempted
kidnapper, because then the kidnapper does not
have to kidnap him, and ruling that the clauses
of the very treaty under which somebody is being
extradited do not apply, is capable of accepting
that the ability to argue in court for a First
Amendment defence is sufficient, even if that defence is likely to be denied.
There is, however, plenty of meat in those
questions that would allow another adjourned
hearing, another long delay for a judgment and
plenty of leeway to get past the November election for Genocide Joe.
The British establishment continues to move
inexorably towards ordering Julians extradition
at the time of its choosing. Once extradition is
ordered, Julian in theory has an opportunity to
appeal to the European Court of Human Rights.
The European Court of Human Rights can delay the
extradition until it hears the case by a section
39 order. But there are two flaws: firstly the
extradition may be carried out immediately upon
the court judgement before a section 39 order can
be obtained, which would take at least 48 hours.
Secondly the Rwanda Safety Act has provision,
though specifically in the Rwanda context, for
the government to ignore section 39 orders from the ECHR.
It cannot be ruled out that the British
government would simply extradite Julian even in
the face of an ECHR hearing. That would be
popular with the Conservative base and, given
Starmers extremely extensive and dubious role in
the Assange saga while Director of Public
Prosecutions, I certainly do not put it past him
either. It is worth noting that there have been
several occasions in recent years when the Home
Office has deported people despite British court
orders putting a stay on the deportation. There
has never been any consequence other than a
verbal rap on the knuckles for the Secretary of State from the court.
So the struggle goes on. It is a fight for
freedom of speech, it is a fight for freedom of
the press, and above all it is a fight for the
right of you and me to know the crimes that our
governments commit, in our name and with our money.
I am ever more struck by the fact that in
fighting for Julian I am fighting exactly the
same power structures and adversaries who are behind the genocide in Gaza.
I need to close with an appeal. Please do not
stop reading. You will recall that I recently
addressed the UN Human Rights Committee on
Julians case and in doing so had the opportunity
to state a few hard truths about the war crimes of the United States.
Video Player
00:00
02:58
My opportunity to do so was organised by the
Swiss NGO Justice For All International, who
submitted a shadow report (open link and click on
red icon) by their lawyers to the UN 7 year
Periodic Review of the UKs human rights record.
Justice For All also carried out a great deal of
lobbying activity in connection with this to get
me onto that stage and into meetings with key officials.
I had agreed a fee to pay Justice For All for
this legal and lobbying activity, in the
expectation that it would be met from the
substantial funds held by the bodies comprising
the US/European institutions of Julian Assange campaign.
Unfortunately the Assange campaign has refused to
meet the bill and I have been left holding it.
I have been told that I failed to follow correct
procedures to apply for the spending. I am
frankly in shock and a form of grief, because I
thought we were friends working for a common
cause, in my own case for free. I am reminded of
the brilliant perception of Eric Hoffer: Every
great cause begins as a movement and becomes a business.
I am left with this bill I cannot pay for the
work at the UN. Justice For All could not have
been nicer about the situation, but if you could
contribute to this Justice For All crowdfunder, I should be very grateful.
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